（社説）参院選挙改革 大きな汚点を残した

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 29
EDITORIAL: Common sense lacking in Upper House electoral reform
（社説）参院選挙改革　大きな汚点を残した

The revised Public Offices Election Law was enacted on July 28, clearing the way for the implementation of a “plus 10, minus 10” formula to reform the Upper House electoral system. Under this formula for seat redistribution, the Shimane and Tottori constituencies are being merged, as are the Tokushima and Kochi constituencies.
　鳥取と島根、徳島と高知をそれぞれ「合区」するなどして、参院の定数を「１０増１０減」する改正公職選挙法が成立した。

For the first time in the history of Upper House elections, prefectural voting districts are being merged.
都道府県単位の選挙区が統合されるのは、参院選が始まって以来初めてのことだ。

Thanks to the legal revision, Japan will at least not commit the folly of going ahead with the Upper House election next summer in disregard of the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2014 that the 2013 poll in the chamber was held “in a state of unconstitutionality” due to disparity in vote value.
　最高裁に「違憲状態」だと指摘されたまま、来年夏の参院選に突入する愚だけはかろうじて避けられた。

However, the revised law was approved in the Upper House plenary session on July 24 by a narrow margin of 131 to 103. And six Liberal Democratic Party legislators representing the four above-mentioned prefectures walked out before balloting, even though the amendment bill had been under deliberation for nearly two years.
しかし、参院本会議での採決は、賛成１３１、反対１０３という小差。合区対象となる４県選出の自民党議員６人は退席した。
　２年近くかけて議論してきたにもかかわらず、である。

It is fundamental to democratic procedures that the people’s elected representatives deliberate on issues thoroughly, coordinate conflicting opinions and reach a consensus that serves the public interest. And especially when the subject of discussion is the nation’s election system--which forms the basis of representative democracy--whatever decision that is reached must have broad, suprapartisan support.
　議論を尽くし、意見の違いを調整して、公共の利益にかなう結論を出す。それが民主主義的手続きの基本である。とりわけ代表民主制の基礎となる選挙制度は、党派を超えた幅広い合意のうえで決めるのが筋だ。

But what stood out this time was the indolence of the ruling LDP that should have been leading the deliberations. Reacting only haphazardly to developments, the party presented a “plus 6, minus 6” formula that would have resulted in a vote-disparity ratio of more than 4 to 1. The LDP waited until there was only about one year left before the next Upper House election before going along, albeit reluctantly, with the “plus 10, minus 10” formula proposed by four opposition parties, including the Japan Innovation Party.
　それなのに、際だったのは議論を主導すべき自民党の怠慢である。最大格差が４倍を上回る「６増６減」案を示すなど、場当たり的な対応を重ねたあげく、来年の参院選が約１年後に迫るなか、維新の党など野党４党が出した「１０増１０減」の「助け舟」にしぶしぶ乗った。

But even with this formula, the maximum vote-disparity ratio is 2.97 to 1. The grave question remains as to whether this really meets the constitutional requirement that all ballots be equal in value.
　それでも一票の最大格差は、２・９７倍もある。憲法が求める「投票価値の平等」にこたえ得るか、深刻な疑問符がつく。

Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, co-sponsored with the opposition Democratic Party of Japan and others a bill calling for the creation of “10 merged constituencies.” With a vote-disparity ratio of 1.95 to 1 at most, this was obviously a better choice than the “plus 10, minus 10” formula in terms of reducing the vote-disparity ratio. But even though the Komeito-DPJ formula should be used at least for the Upper House election next summer, it was hardly discussed in the Diet.
　一方、民主、公明両党などが共同提出した「１０合区」案は、最大格差が１・９５倍。一票の不平等を正すという点では自民党案よりはましである。少なくとも来年の参院選はこちらで行うべきだったが、国会ではほとんど議論されなかった。

In short, we, the sovereign people, were not even given a chance to get to know and think about this alternative. We were simply forced to accept the Diet’s decision.
主権者である国民は考える機会も材料も与えられないまま、結論だけが押しつけられた形だ。

The revised Public Offices Election Law comes with this supplementary provision: “Studies shall continue to fundamentally review the election system, and a conclusion shall be reached at all costs.” But except for the expression “at all costs,” this provision is merely a rehash of the supplementary provision that was attached to the election law revised three years ago, when the current election system was adopted under a “plus 4, minus 4” formula.
　今回、改正法の付則にはこんな一文が盛り込まれた。「選挙制度の抜本的な見直しについて引き続き検討を行い、必ず結論を得るものとする」。しかしこれは３年前、「４増４減」して現行制度に改めた時の付則に「必ず」が加わっただけだ。

Whether the merging of constituencies is the best solution is subject to debate. Assuming Japan’s population will continue to shrink and people will keep moving to the big cities, the electoral map will have to be redrawn time and again, necessitating a series of stopgap mergers.
　合区が最善かには議論の余地がある。日本の人口減少と都市への人口集中が進めば、今後も同じような小手先の数字合わせが繰り返され、ずるずる合区を重ねる事態になりかねない。

Is that really what this nation needs? To answer this question, we must discuss the fundamental question: What is the role of the Upper House?
　それでいいのか？　その答えを探るためにも、「参院の役割とは何か」を根本から議論する必要がある。

But through all these years, Upper House members have failed to answer the question every time, and merely resorted to stopgap measures. When will those legislators ever realize how much they have damaged their own credibility and the image of the Upper House as “the seat of common sense and decency”?
　ところが毎回、答えを出せないまま、弥縫（びほう）策でお茶を濁す。その繰り返しが、自らの正統性と「良識の府」の看板をどれだけ傷つけてきたか、参院議員はいつになったら気づくのか。

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人間を楽しもう ／東京

July 05, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Living life to its fullest as a human being
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人間を楽しもう　／東京

As an ice-breaker at the beginning of a seminar, I often ask my students to introduce themselves by telling the class what they'd want to be if they could be anything. Without fail, at least a few students say they would choose to be a cat, bird or fish. Some students name other animals and even plants. But the reasons they cite for these choices are all the same: they want to be "free."
　大学のゼミの始まりで緊張をほぐすためによく「何にでもなれるとしたら何がよいか」のテーマで自己紹介してもらう。すると必ず何人かは「ネコ」「トリ」「サカナ」と答える。ほかの動物や植物の名前もよくあがる。理由はいずれも「自由になりたいから」。

From my point of view, students have an abundance of freedom in their college years, but they themselves don't see it that way. They apparently live very hectic lives. They find that receiving instruction and at times reprimands in extracurricular activities and part-time jobs is stressful. Interpersonal relationships require that they be considerate. Many students commute from their parents' homes if possible, which means they may have long trips to and from school. Completely exhausted, it's no wonder that students wish they could simply lie in the sun like a cat, soar through the sky like a bird, or swim deep in the ocean like a fish.
　私から見ると大学生活など自由そのものだが、学生たちは「そうじゃない」と言う。授業に課題その他で目の回る忙しさなのだそうだ。サークル活動やアルバイトでは、先輩に指導されたり叱られたりで緊張の連続。友人とのつき合いにも何かと気をつかうという。さらに最近は「通えるなら実家から」という学生が多く、通学に長い時間がかかる。疲れきってふと、「ネコになってのんびり寝転んでいたい」「トリやサカナになって空や海でゆったりしたい」と思う学生がいても決して不思議ではない。

But it feels to me like a waste to go through life as a human being while wishing one were a cat or a bird. That's why I remind my students that the animals they've named can't read or write, or that some animals live in constant fear of being devoured by predators. But the response I get is usually some version of, "That's fine. I wouldn't mind," or "There'd be no point in resisting."
　せっかく人間に生まれたのに「ネコやサカナがよかった」というのも、なんだかもったいなく思える。そういう学生には、必ず「でも本を読んだり文章を書いたりできないよ」「天敵に食われちゃうかもしれないよ」ときいてみる。返ってくる答えもだいたい決まっていて「それでもいいです」「仕方ないので気にしません」。

Are they just aloof? Maybe. Regardless, I feel sorry for students who are willing to risk their lives in order to "be free" or take it easy. I had a patient some years ago, a high school student, who told me, "I think I've already experienced all the fun there is to be had in life. Everything from here on out will be boring." I was flabbergasted.
　あっさりしているといえばそれまでだが、人間らしさや命の危険と引き換えにしてでも「ゆっくりしたい」と思っている学生たちがなんだか気の毒になってくる。何年か前には「人生の楽しいことはだいたいすべて経験しちゃったと思います。あとはつまらないことだけ」と話す高校生に診察室で出会い、あぜんとしたこともある。

It's true. Not everything in life as a grown-up is fun. Adults usually have little free time but more responsibilities at work and at home. Adults have to deal with making mistakes at work and saying goodbye to more and more loved ones. Some days can be really tough. I, too, wonder at times what it would be like to go back to my junior high school years. But I still have moments where I feel I've achieved something significant in my career, or that I've made an important decision at a turning point in my life.
　たしかにおとなになれば、ますます時間の自由はきかなくなるし、職場や家庭での責任も重くなり、仕事でミスをしたり親しい人との別れが増えたりと、決して楽しいことばかりではない。私もときどき、「中学生くらいに戻れたらな」などと空想することもある。しかし、そんなしんどい毎日の中にも、「自分がやりたかった仕事で成果を出せた」とか「人生の岐路に立ち自分なりの答えを見つけた」とか、手ごたえを感じる瞬間もある。

To all the young people who wish they could be a cat: Your school years -- as well as the years following school -- may be difficult, but we as human beings are able to make decisions in our lives to try and make them into what we choose. So let's enjoy it.
　「ネコになりたい」などという若い人たちには、こう言いたい。「たしかに学生もたいへん、その後はもっとたいへんかもしれないけれど、自分の人生を自分で決めて切り開けるのが人間だよ。もっと人間であることを楽しもうよ」。

For this message to be convincing, however, we adults must first demonstrate that we are happy in our own lives.
そのためにも、私たちおとながもっと楽しそうな顔で暮らさなければ、とも思うのだ。（精神科医）

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2015年06月30日　地方版

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：傷つけたら謝る ／東京

July 12, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: If you've hurt someone, go ahead and apologize
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：傷つけたら謝る　／東京

Recent comments made by lawmakers and a lecturer during a study session of the Liberal Democratic Party have been brought into question, including those demeaning two newspapers in Okinawa and the Okinawan public.
　自民党の勉強会に出席した議員や講師の発言が問題になっている。沖縄の新聞や住民をおとしめるような内容と言ってよいだろう。

While those who made the comments explained that they had been "joking," and that what they had said "did not constitute suppression of speech," there is no denying the fact that these statements resulted in people feeling hurt.
発言者は「冗談だった」「言論の弾圧ではない」と釈明しているが、傷ついた人たちがいることはたしかだ。

In my view, there does not exist a single individual who does not end up hurting others in some way or another throughout the course of daily living. Even comments that were made without any malicious intent on the part of the speaker may end up making someone else feel saddened or angered.
　毎日を生きる中で、まったく人を傷つけずにいることは誰もできない、と私は考えている。悪気がない言葉でも、聞いた人によっては悲しくなったり怒りを感じたりする。

For some time after my father had passed away, for example, hearing other people my age say things like, "My father is making efforts to take care of his health, so he is really doing great," would make me wonder, "Does this mean that my own father had been neglecting his health?" which would in turn cause me to feel despondent.
たとえば私も、父親を亡くしてしばらくの間は、同世代の人が「うちの父は健康のために努力しているので元気そのもの」などと言うのを聞くと、「私の父は努力を怠ったのかな」などと落ち込んでいた。

In other words, even if we understand that someone may not have meant a particular statement in a certain way, we may still perceive it in a negative manner.
頭では「相手はそんなつもりもなく言ったのだから」とわかっていても、どうしてもマイナスに受け取ってしまうことがあるのだ。

Naturally, I assume that I too say things from time to time that end up causing painful feelings for others. The people who come to visit my office are particularly vulnerable to being hurt, since they are experiencing mental and physical difficulties. And on those occasions when I do end up saying something insensitive, rather than protesting with something like "Please don't say that!" they normally do nothing beyond managing a weak laugh. On numerous occasions, I have gone pale-faced when years later those same people have come back and told me, "What you said to me back then was really shocking."
　もちろん、私が何気ない言葉で誰かを傷つける側にまわることもあるだろう。とくに、診察の場にやって来る人たちは、心身の不調を抱えているのだからよけいに傷つきやすくなっている。しかも、その人たちはたとえ私が心ない言葉を発しても、その場では力なく笑うだけで「先生、そんなこと言わないでください」などと抗議することもない。何年もたってから「先生のあのときの言葉、とてもショックでした」と言われ、顔が青ざめたことも何度かある。

How can we address this problem, then? If we put too many restrictions on ourselves in terms of what we are permitted to say, we will end up not being able to say anything at all. At the same time, however, we must always keep in mind the fact that even our innocently expressed speech has the power to inadvertently cause pain for others -- particularly those who are in vulnerable positions or members of marginalized groups.
　では、どうすればよいのか。これもダメ、あれもいけない、と気をつかいすぎると、何も言えなくなってしまう。ただ、自分の悪気のない言葉も、思わぬ人たち、とくに弱い立場や少数者の立場にいる人を傷つける場合もある、ということは、いつも頭の片すみにとめておくべきだ。

And if someone then confronts us by saying, "I really wish that you wouldn't have said that," we must immediately apologize for having caused hurt with our words, rather than deflect their criticism by saying something like "I didn't mean anything negative, so what's the harm?" or "You're the one who's in the wrong for getting upset."
もし相手が「それは言ってほしくなかったな」などと言ったら、すぐに「傷つけたならごめんなさい」と謝ることも必要だろう。「悪意はなかったんだからいいじゃない」「こんなことを気にするあなたが悪い」などと開きなおるのはよくない。

Finally, while this is most definitely not an easy thing to do, we must also practice gathering the strength to say "please stop" when others bring up a topic or say something that makes us feel uncomfortable. At such times, we should not worry about disturbing the positive atmosphere. Rather, we should firmly express our own feelings -- even if it is done by speaking quietly.
　また、これはとてもむずかしいが、相手が言ってほしくない話題や言葉を話した場合、「やめてください」と伝える“練習”もしておきたい。「せっかく場が盛り上がっているから」などと気配りをしすぎず、小さな声でも、しっかりと自分の意思を伝えるのだ。

Of course, the ideal situation is one whereby we never say things that end up hurting others. Realistically speaking, however, this is something that we human beings are unable to avoid.
　傷つけあう言葉を言わないのがいちばんだが、生きている限り、それは避けられない。

At such times, then, we must apologize as soon as we realize what has occurred, and we must then make efforts to take better care the next time. This is a fundamental truth, and it is applicable in any and all types of situations.
だとしたら、気づいた段階で謝って、次からは気をつける。これがどんな場合でも基本だと思う。

（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2015年07月07日　地方版

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：やらざるをえないもの ／東京

July 26, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the heart: Things that we feel compelled to do
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：やらざるをえないもの　／東京

The Akutagawa Prize, which is awarded twice yearly, is an extremely prestigious honor among writers. The winners of the most recent competition -- the 153rd in its history -- were "Scrap and Build" by Keisuke Hada, and "Hibana" by Naoki Matayoshi.
　小説家にとってはあこがれの賞、芥川賞。選考は年に２回だが、第１５３回となる今回は羽田圭介さんの「スクラップ・アンド・ビルド」、そして又吉直樹さんの「火花」が選ばれた。

Matayoshi is one-half of the comedy duo "Peace," and he may often be seen on television. The main character in his novel is similarly a comedian, who undertakes a quest to advance to a full-fledged master of humor under a comedy mentor.
　又吉さんは、テレビでもよく見かけるお笑い芸人コンビ「ピース」のひとりだ。受賞作の主人公もやはり芸人。

The novel portrays the dedication with which the performer strives to become a star -- efforts that are so extreme, in fact, that what begins as a light story gradually becomes quite intense for the reader.
先輩格を師匠とあおぎ、人気者を目指して必死にがんばるその心もようが描かれ、楽しく読んでいるうちに主人公らのあまりの真剣さにだんだん息が苦しくなってくるような作品だ。

Author Amy Yamada, an Akutagawa Prize judge, spoke on behalf of the selection committee during a press conference -- and I found her description of Matayoshi's novel striking. "The work seems to be portraying a poignant story that the author felt compelled to tell," she commented. "While the novel does have its faults, it left me with an overall feeling that was quite strong."
　選考委員を代表して作家の山田詠美さんが記者会見で話をした。又吉さんの作品を講評しての言葉がとても印象的だった。「どうしても書かざるをえない切実なものが迫ってくる感じで、欠点も多々あるんですけど、何か強いものを感じて」

This phrase "felt compelled to..." is one that I had not heard for a very long time -- and it represents a feeling that I had long forgotten.
　「どうしてもやらざるをえない」。私は、その言葉を久しぶりに聞いた気がした。最近はそんな気持ちをすっかり忘れていた。

I leave every morning for the university or for my office, where I then give lectures or see patients. When deadlines approach, I write my columns. Although I do attempt to give my best efforts for such pursuits, I find myself feeling very relieved on my days off. And on some days, I find myself thinking, "Truthfully, I would just rather not go in to work today."
朝、時間が来れば病院や大学に出かけ、診察や授業をする。締め切りが来ると原稿を書く。もちろんどれもそれなりに真剣にやっているつもりだが、休みの日が来るとほっとする。「今日は正直言って仕事に行きたくない」と思う日もある。

In other words, the phrase "compelled to..." represents a strong feeling from which I have become alienated. Without realizing it, I suppose that I have taken on the attitude of simply doing things "because it is my job."
「どうしてもやらざるをえない」といった強い思いからは、ずいぶん遠ざかってしまっていた。知らないうちに、どこか「仕事だから」と割り切ってこなしていたのかもしれない。

As for my young students at university, they are involved with their studies, club activities, and part-time jobs. While I am sure that these are all activities they enjoy doing, it is my guess that they rarely feel so strongly about something that they are "compelled" to do it.
　大学で出会う若い学生たちは、どうなのだろう。勉強、部活、アルバイトに遊び。どれもやりたいからやっているのだろうが、「どうしてもやらざるをえない」とまで感じることは少ないのではないか。

When handing in reports, my students sometimes include their own opinions, prefaced with something like this: "I know this is not directly related to the subject at hand, but I really felt like I had to write it." It is precisely this type of feeling that I hope these students will continue to cultivate.
たまにリポートに「課題とは直接、関係ないけれど、これだけはどうしても言っておきたくて」と自分の意見を書いてくる学生もいるが、そういう気持ちを大切にしてもらいたい、と思う。

Matayoshi works as a comedian, but he additionally penned a novel because he "felt compelled" to do so -- even though it might have been more beneficial for him as a performer to have spent that time appearing on television or doing comedy shows. In order to engage in this novel-writing endeavor, I'm sure that he must have also gained the understanding of his comedy partner and others around him.
　又吉さんはお笑い芸人として活躍しているが、それでも「どうしても書かざるをえない」という気持ちに動かされるようにして小説を書いた。もしかするとそんな時間があったらテレビに出たりお笑いライブをしたりしたほうが芸人としてはプラスかもしれないが、コンビの相方や周囲の人たちも理解してくれたのだろう。

I would love to once again engage in something because I felt compelled to do so -- even if it meant pushing myself beyond my own limits in the process. And it is none other than Matayoshi's work that has inspired me with this feeling.
私ももう一度、「これだけはやらざるをえないんです」と無理してでも何かをやってみたい。そんな気持ちにさせてくれた又吉さんの受賞だった。（精神科医）

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2015年07月22日　地方版

香山リカのココロの万華鏡：介護マーク、本気で考えて ／東京

July 19, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Giving priority treatment to caregivers
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：介護マーク、本気で考えて　／東京

These days, certain considerate gestures have become fairly commonplace: things like giving up a "priority seat" to a pregnant woman or to a cane-wielding elderly person, or pushing the button to keep an elevator door open for someone in a wheelchair who is trying to get off.
　バスや電車で「おなかに赤ちゃんがいます」というマタニティーマークを身につけた女性やつえをついた高齢者が前に立ったら席をゆずる。エレベーターで車いす使用者と乗り合わせたら、降りるときに「開」ボタンを押すなどしてサポートする。こんな助け合いの行動が、完璧とは言えないまでもかなり世の中に浸透してきた。

But a woman who came to my consultation room said that, "people don't understand the stress of caregivers and won't give you their seat on a train."
　「でもね」とあるとき、診察室で女性が話してくれた。「介護疲れはまわりの人になかなかわかってもらえないし、電車で席をゆずってもらったりもできないですよね」

This woman is a single person in her 50s. She has a job and lives with her elderly parents, who both need care. During the day she uses the services of home helpers and care facilities, but at night she cares for them herself. While she believes in supporting her parents, she can feel the toll of the stress on her body and mind. When she sought medical help to reduce her stress, she was recommended counseling and came to see me. After talking with her for a while, I saw that she was close to suffering from "caregiver depression."
　彼女は独身の５０代。高齢の両親と同居しながら働いている。ふたりとも「要介護」で、日中はヘルパーやデイサービスを活用しているが、夜は彼女がひとりで世話をする。「親なので当然」とは思っているが、心身ともにくたくたになっているのを感じている。「なんとか疲れを取る方法はないか」と内科を受診したらカウンセリングを勧められ、私の診察室にやって来たのだ。話をしてみると、いわゆる「介護うつ」に近い状態であった。

The woman said that on the train to go home after finishing her day's work, she thinks about what she will need to do when she gets home, and that alone brings a wave of exhaustion upon her. If she could only sit, she could rest before arriving home, but usually it is crowded and she has to stand. She can't very well say to someone, "I'm going to be doing care work, so can you give me your seat?"
　彼女は仕事が終わって帰りの電車に乗った瞬間、「うちに着いたらあれしてこれして」とその夜にやることを考えるという。それだけでどっと疲労感が押し寄せる。そのときに座っていられたら「よし、家に着くまでひと休みしよう」と思えるが、たいていは混んでいて立ちっぱなし。まさか「すみません、これから介護が待っているので席をゆずってもらえませんか」と頼むわけにもいかない。

I suggested, half-jokingly at the time, "It might be good if there was a charm you could wear that would inform others that you're a caregiver" like the key chains given to pregnant women that encourages other passengers to give up their seats for them, but she nodded and said seriously, "You're right."
　「疲れた。誰かにやさしくしてもらいたい。でも無理」と考えているだけでストレスはどんどん高まっていくのだろう。私は「『いま介護してます』という介護マークでもあればいいかもしれませんね」と半ば冗談のつもりで言ったのだが、彼女は真剣な表情で「本当に」とうなずいた。

There are many workplaces that do not give enough consideration to pregnant and child-raising employees, but the lack of consideration for caregivers is greater still.
　妊娠や子育てにもまだ配慮の足りない職場は多いが、介護への理解不足はそれ以上。

Of course, more and more nursing care services have become available, but with the falling birth rate and fewer people getting married, it is thought that there will be more cases of people caring for their parents alone, just like this woman.
もちろん、介護保険でいろいろなサービスが使えるようになってはきたが、少子化や非婚化が進む中、この女性のように「ひとりで両親ふたりを介護」というケースも増えてくると思われる。

Some people, with no other option, leave their jobs to focus on care giving, but that is neither good for them nor society, and if they fall into "caregiver depression," it will take a long time for them to recover.
やむをえず仕事をやめる「介護離職」に踏みきる人もいるが、社会にとっても本人にとっても望ましいことではない。「介護うつ」にまでなってしまうと、回復までに長い時間がかかる。

This is why I hope that someone will seriously think about creating some kind of symbol to identify caregivers so they can receive priority seating on public transport.
　マタニティーマークならぬ介護マーク。誰か本気で考えてみてくれないだろうか。

（精神科医）
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2015年07月14日　地方版

（社説）中国ガス田 不信の連鎖に陥るな

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 24
EDITORIAL: Tokyo, Beijing must avert cycle of mutual distrust in East China Sea
（社説）中国ガス田　不信の連鎖に陥るな

China is developing gas fields in wide areas on the Chinese side of the median line between its shoreline and that of Japan in the East China Sea.
　中国が、東シナ海の日本と中国の中間線近くの中国側海域でガス田開発を進めている。

The Japanese government has released aerial photos of 16 offshore gas drilling platforms, including 12 structures that have been detected since June 2013.
日本政府は１３年６月以降に１２基の施設を確認したとして、それを含む計１６基の写真を公開した。

In June 2008, the governments of Japan and China agreed to pursue joint development of gas fields in areas around disputed waters. Although bilateral negotiations for joint gas development have been suspended because of a flare-up over the Senkaku Islands, the agreement has not been abrogated.
　日中両政府は０８年６月、ガス田の共同開発をめざすことで合意している。交渉は尖閣問題などで中断しているが、合意が破棄されたわけではない。

China’s unilateral moves to change the status quo are totally unacceptable. The Japanese government needs to demand that Beijing call off the development of gas fields and return to the negotiation table for joint gas development.
　中国の一方的な現状変更は、断じて容認できない。日本政府は中国に対し、開発の中止と共同開発に向けた交渉再開を求めていく必要がある。

Japan and China have been locked in a bitter diplomatic row over the extent of their respective exclusive economic zones in the East China Sea.
　東シナ海は、排他的経済水域の境界をめぐり日中間に争いがある。

The two countries were supposed to have agreed to develop gas fields together while avoiding provocative actions until a border demarcation accord is reached.
線引きが画定するまで互いに配慮しながら、ガス田の共同開発を進めるはずだった。

But China’s activities in the region indicate that it is trying to accumulate fait accomplis for its naval expansion as it is doing in the South China Sea, where it has been reclaiming disputed reefs.
　しかし現状は、中国が岩礁の埋め立てを進めてきた南シナ海と同様、既成事実を積み重ね、海洋進出をはかる動きにも見える。

Defense Minister Gen Nakatani pointed out the possibility that the platforms China has built in the East China Sea could be used to install military facilities like radars and heliports. China may use them “for security purposes,” he said.
中谷防衛相は東シナ海の施設について「（中国が）安全保障の観点から利用する可能性がある」と述べ、レーダーやヘリポートなど軍事目的で使用される可能性を指摘している。

There may be a political motive behind the Japanese government’s decision to publish information about Beijing’s gas development activities in the region at this time. The move may be aimed at winning greater public support for the security legislation it is seeking to enact by stressing the security threat posed by China.
　日本政府がこの時期に公表したのは、中国の脅威を強調し、安全保障関連法案への理解を求める意図もありそうだ。

But Japan should avoid taking actions that could heighten military tension in the East China Sea. The only way to solve the situation is through diplomatic efforts.
　だが、東シナ海の軍事的な緊張を高めることは避けなければならない。外交的に解決する以外に道はない。

It is difficult to understand why the Japanese government has not disclosed the information about the Chinese gas operations until now. Since China has clearly violated the bilateral agreement on gas development, Tokyo should have published the facts to broad audiences at home and abroad as soon as it became aware of them to obtain international understanding of Japan’s concerns.
　一方で、日本政府がこれまで中国側の動きを公表してこなかったのは理解に苦しむ。日中合意違反であり、把握した段階で広く内外に公表し、国際社会に理解を求めるべきだった。

What the two countries need to do most urgently is to make effective efforts to regain a certain degree of mutual trust.
　何よりも急務なのは、両国が一定の信頼を取り戻すことだ。

It is vital for their leaders to discuss the issue from a broad perspective and set basic principles for how the two nations should deal with the situation.
首脳同士が大局を見据えて話し合い、大きな方向性を打ち出すことが重要である。

In a bilateral summit held in 2008, the leaders of Japan and China at that time, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda and President Hu Jintao, signed a joint statement pledging to make the East China Sea “a sea of peace, cooperation and friendship.”
　０８年の日中首脳会談では当時の福田首相と胡錦濤（フーチンタオ）国家主席が「東シナ海を平和・協力・友好の海とする」ことを盛り込んだ日中共同声明に署名した。

Tokyo and Beijing are now considering a summit between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chinese President Xi Jinping when the Japanese leader visits China in early September.
　日中両政府は、安倍首相が９月初旬に中国を訪問し、習近平（シーチンピン）国家主席と会談することを検討している。

The two governments should make that summit happen to create a diplomatic environment in which it is possible for their leaders to confirm basic principles.
これを実現させ、両首脳が継続的に話し合える環境を整えるべきだ。

In its statement about Japan’s move to publish photos showing China’s gas development activities, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said it has not changed its policy of putting importance on taking actions in line with “shared recognitions concerning the East China Sea problem.” This passage could be interpreted as a signal that Beijing doesn’t want to close the door on cooperation with Japan.
　今回の日本の公表後、中国外務省は談話の中で「東シナ海問題での共通認識の履行を重視する立場は変わらない」とした。日本との協力に応じる余地を残したとも取れる。

Allowing the problem to trigger a cycle of mutual distrust would be detrimental to the interests of both countries.
　不信の連鎖に陥ることは日中双方の利益にならない。

Instead of doing what could cause the bilateral security confrontation to intensify, the two countries should use the situation as an opportunity to start moving toward expanded bilateral cooperation in the future.
安全保障上の対立をあおるより、今後の協力関係を発展させる糸口としなければならない。

中国ガス田開発 実態公開して自制を促したい

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan reveals truth to stop China from accelerating maritime advance
中国ガス田開発　実態公開して自制を促したい

China’s self-serving moves to develop marine resources in violation of a bilateral agreement with Japan cannot be allowed. Japan must persistently urge Beijing to refrain from such actions.
　日中間の合意に反して海洋資源を開発する中国の独善的な行為は容認できない。日本は、中国に粘り強く自制を促さねばならない。

The government announced Wednesday that China has been constructing a total of 12 new offshore platforms and related structures since June 2013 for the development of gas fields in the East China Sea, where Japan and China have yet to demarcate the boundaries.
　政府は、日中の境界が画定していない東シナ海で、中国がガス田開発のため、２０１３年６月以降、新たに１２基の海洋プラットホーム（海上施設）などを建設していると発表した。

The government also posted aerial photos of the structures and a map showing their locations on the Foreign Ministry’s website.
　施設の航空写真や地図も、外務省のホームページで公開した。

“It is extremely regrettable that China is unilaterally developing resources,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a press conference Wednesday.
　菅官房長官は記者会見で、「一方的な資源開発は極めて遺憾だ」と述べた。

It is appropriate for the government to convey the actual nature of China’s maritime advances to the international community, and try to restrain such actions.
中国の海洋進出の実態を国際社会に幅広く訴え、中国をけん制する狙いは適切である。

Suga said the government decided to release the map and the photos because the Chinese government has accelerated its development of natural resources in recent years, while refusing to resume negotiations on the implementation of an accord in which Japan and China agreed to cooperate on the development of natural resources in the East China Sea.
　公開した理由について、中国政府が日本との共同開発の交渉に応じない一方、開発を近年、加速させていることを挙げた。

Some within the government had called for caution about releasing the photos and the map, saying it would only cause China to take a tougher line. But Japan’s taking an excessively conciliatory stance would only benefit China, which is trying to secure its interests by accumulating a number of faits accomplis.
　中国が態度を硬化させるとして、政府には公開に慎重な意見があった。だが、過度の融和姿勢は既成事実を積み重ね、権益確保を狙う中国を利するだけだろう。

China’s foreign ministry responded to Japan’s criticism Wednesday by stressing that China’s development of gas fields in the East China Sea is “completely justified and legitimate.”
　中国外務省は、ガス田開発について「開発活動は完全に正当で、合法だ」と強弁した。

China’s reasoning flawed

As long as the bilateral boundaries have yet to be demarcated, the development sites are within disputed waters. It is illogical for China to try to justify its actions with the reasoning that the gas fields are on the Chinese side of the Japan-China median line.
　境界が未画定な以上、開発地点は、係争中の海域である。ガス田が日中中間線の中国側海域にあるという理由なら、筋が違う。

Japan and China agreed in 2008 that both countries will jointly develop the Shirakaba gas field located near the median line. Both countries also agreed to designate specific waters stretching over the median line as the joint development area.
　日中は０８年、中間線に隣接する白樺ガス田を共同開発し、中間線をまたぐ特定海域を共同開発区域とすることで合意した。

In 2010, China postponed treaty negotiations on the implementation of the 2008 accord, and the talks have been suspended ever since.
中国は１０年に合意実現への条約交渉を延期し、中断したままだ。

Japan needs to demand that China stop its unilateral development and call again for China to resume the talks at an early date.
　日本は、中国に開発の中止と、交渉の早期再開を改めて求める必要がある。

The possibility that China will utilize the offshore facilities for military purposes is worrying.
　懸念されるのは、海上施設の軍事利用である。

China has been conducting reclamation work on rock reefs in the South China Sea and moving ahead with making these reclaimed reefs into military strongholds.
　中国は南シナ海で岩礁を埋め立て、軍事拠点化を進めている。

Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has pointed out the possibility of Chinese forces also utilizing the offshore facilities in the East China Sea to deploy radar and serve as operational bases for reconnaissance helicopters.
　中谷防衛相は、東シナ海の海上施設についても、中国軍がレーダーを配備したり、偵察のためのヘリコプターの活動拠点として利用したりする可能性を指摘する。

China unilaterally announced in November 2013 the establishment of an air defense identification zone over the East China Sea, a zone that includes the airspace over the Senkaku Islands of Okinawa Prefecture.
　中国は１３年１１月、沖縄県の尖閣諸島上空を含む防空識別圏（ＡＤＩＺ）の設定を一方的に発表した。

Deploying radar near the median line would make it possible for China to cover areas that the radar on its mainland cannot.
中間線付近でのレーダー配備が実現すれば、中国本土のレーダーでカバーできなかった隙間を埋めることが可能になる。

Japan must heighten its vigilance by closely cooperating with the United States. It is also urgent to introduce a bilateral maritime liaison mechanism to avoid accidental clashes between aircraft or vessels of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Chinese forces.
　日本は米国と緊密に連携し、警戒を強化しなければならない。自衛隊と中国軍の航空機や艦船の偶発的な衝突を防ぐ「海上連絡メカニズム」の実現も急ぎたい。

It is likewise important for Japan to improve bilateral relations from the viewpoint of a strategically reciprocal relationship with China, while also continuing to assert its position regarding Japan’s sovereignty.
　日本の主権に関わる主張は守りつつ、戦略的互恵の観点から日中関係を改善することも大切だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 23, 2015)

（社説）防衛白書 法制を急ぐ必要はない

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 22
EDITORIAL: Defense white paper shows that security legislation can wait
（社説）防衛白書　法制を急ぐ必要はない

Where, really, was the urgency to railroad national security bills through the Lower House in the absence of public support?
　国民の納得がえられないままで、安全保障関連法案の採決を強行する切迫性があったのか。

This was the question we had to ask anew upon reading the Defense Ministry's 2015 white paper, submitted to the Cabinet on July 21.
きのう閣議報告された１５年版の防衛白書を読むと、改めてそんな疑問を禁じえない。

The annual report serves to show the direction of Japan's defense policy for both domestic and overseas readerships. Predictably, this year's main topic was Japan's relations with China.
　防衛白書は、日本の防衛政策の方向性を内外に示す役割がある。多くのページを割いたのはやはり中国との関係だ。

With regard to the activities of Chinese government vessels in waters around the disputed Senkaku Islands, the white paper stated, "There is a trend toward routinization, and it is possible that rules such as guidelines on the operation of the vessels have been set in place." The report also noted that "larger vessels are coming into use."
　尖閣諸島周辺の中国公船の活動について、白書は「ルーチン（日常業務）化の傾向が見られる。運用要領などの基準が定まった可能性も考えられる」「公船は大型化が図られている」と分析した。

According to the Defense Ministry, Chinese government vessels are entering Japanese waters at regular intervals of three times a month--early in the month, mid-month and late in the month. The usual pattern is that two or three ships would arrive in the morning, and then leave after about two hours.
　防衛省によると、中国公船が日本領海に侵入する回数は毎月３回で、上旬、中旬、下旬に１回ずつ。２、３隻が午前中に入って約２時間で出ていくパターンになっているという。

This suggests that the ships could be under Beijing's control to some degree.
　だとすれば、中国当局の一定のコントロール下にあるとの見方もできる。

The Japan Coast Guard is responsible for dealing with Chinese government vessels in Japanese waters. Given that larger vessels are coming into use, discussions of a nonmilitary nature are called for, such as with respect to prioritized allocation of the defense budget to the Japan Coast Guard.
　中国公船への対応は海上保安庁が担っている。公船の大型化に対しても、海上保安庁への予算の重点配分など軍事だけでない議論が必要だ。

As for clarifying the division of roles between the Japan Coast Guard and the Maritime Self-Defense Force, a package of maritime policing bills, sponsored by opposition parties, warrants discussion. However, there has been little progress on this to date.
　海保と自衛隊との役割分担を明確にする点では、野党提出の領域警備法案の議論も大事だが、なお生煮えのままだ。

What the nation needs most is a crisis management policy to prevent accidental military encounters. It can be appreciated that Tokyo-Beijing talks are advancing on the early opening of a communication mechanism, such as a special hotline, between officials in the naval and air forces of the two nations. In addition, creating an environment where the leaders of the two nations can talk candidly to each other is vital to the establishment of peace and stability in the region.
　最も重要なのは、偶発的な軍事衝突を回避する危機管理策であり、「日中海空連絡メカニズム」の運用開始に向けて協議が進んでいることは評価できる。さらに首脳同士が率直に語り合える環境をつくることこそ、地域の平和と安定につながる。

While China's military expansion and aggressive maritime advancement cannot be overlooked, nothing can be resolved by just harping on about the perceived threat posed by China. Diplomatic efforts to ease the tensions are urgently needed.
　中国の軍事力の拡大や強引な海洋進出は見過ごせないが、脅威をあおるだけで解決はできない。緊張を下げる外交努力を急がねばならない。

Another major security-related challenge concerns extremist Islamic State militants and other international terrorist organizations. The white paper stated: "A situation has arisen that can never be considered irrelevant to Japan."
　もうひとつ、安全保障上の大きな課題は、過激派組織「イスラム国」（ＩＳ）をはじめとする国際テロへの対応だ。白書では「わが国も無縁とは決して言えない状況が起きている」と警戒感を示した。

But it is generally agreed that there are limits to the effectiveness of military action against acts of international terrorism that are not state sponsored. In this sense, there is no denying that the nation's proposed security legislation, which leans heavily toward the use of armed force, comes across as "behind the times."
　ただ、非国家の国際テロに対しては軍事力の限界を指摘する声が一般的である。軍事に偏った安保法案は「周回遅れ」の印象がぬぐえない。

Japan is in its element when it makes nonmilitary contributions such as measures to combat poverty and contagious diseases and providing education. Japan definitely needs to hold more realistic discussions on how best to make use of its "pacifist nation" brand that has been cultivated over the last 70 years since the end of World War II.
　貧困対策や感染症対策、教育支援などテロの根を断つ非軍事の貢献こそ日本にふさわしい。戦後７０年かけて培ってきた「平和国家日本」のブランドをどう生かしていくか、現実的な議論をもっと深める必要がある。

The defense white paper is read closely by China and other neighboring nations. We would like it to become more of a vehicle for conveying constructive messages that will foster greater mutual trust with each nation.
　防衛白書は中国をはじめ近隣諸国も注目している。白書の記述を通じて、各国と信頼醸成をはかる。そんな建設的な発信ができないものか。

（社説）弁護士拘束 中国国民の権利損なう

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 19
EDITORIAL: 1.3 billion Chinese lose in Xi’s crackdown on human rights lawyers
（社説）弁護士拘束　中国国民の権利損なう

July 10 is now known as “Black Friday” by people concerned about human rights in China.
　中国の人権問題に関心を寄せる人々の間で７月１０日は「暗黒の金曜日」と呼ばれている。

On that day, police detained human rights lawyers and activists in various parts of the nation in a large-scale concerted crackdown on people working for the cause.
各地で人権派の弁護士、活動家が警察によって一斉に連行された。その後も摘発が続き、取り調べの対象者は２００人を超えた。見過ごせない暴挙である。

Chinese authorities have continued the roundup in the ensuing days, interrogating more than 200 people so far. This is an outrageous act that cannot be overlooked.
The main target of the crackdown is Fengrui, a law firm in Beijing. People linked to Fengrui are still being held in custody.
　主な標的となったのは北京の弁護士事務所で、その関係者は拘束されたままだ。

Those who were rounded up in other parts of the nation, such as Hunan province, Shanghai and Henan province, are suspected to have links to Fengrui.
ほかに湖南省、上海、河南省など各地で取り調べを受けた人々は、この事務所と関係があると見なされたようだ。

These civil-rights lawyers have been acting as defenders of the rights of ordinary people petitioning the authorities in various cases, including forced evictions from their homes.
　弁護士らは、立ち退きなど様々な問題に巻き込まれて役所に陳情する庶民に寄り添ってきた。

The lawyers play an important role for improving the human rights situation in China, and such an attack on these lawyers and activists could cause serious damage to the rights of the entire Chinese public.
中国社会の人権を巡る状況を改善していくうえで貴重な担い手である。彼らを狙い撃ちにする行為は、ひろく国民の権利全体を損なうことにつながる。

Beijing has used the state-controlled media to demonize the law firm as “a criminal organization that has disturbed social order.”
　中国政府は国営メディアを通じ、この弁護士事務所に「社会秩序を乱す犯罪集団」のレッテル貼りをしている。

The accusation refers to Fengrui’s use of the Internet to draw public attention to cases of civil rights violations concerning disputes between police and local residents.
住民と警官とのトラブルを問題としてことさらに取り上げ、ネットで広めた行為などを指している。

According to the government’s logic, all protests against the actions of authorities qualify as “anti-government” activities.
政府の主張に沿えば、異議申し立てはすべて「反政府」になってしまう。

The latest move against civil-rights lawyers came just about two months after Pu Zhiqiang, a widely known human rights lawyer, was formally indicted in May.
　５月には良心的弁護士として広く知られた浦志強氏が起訴されたばかりだ。

Nearly 1,000 human rights activists were detained in China last year, according to some reports.
昨年中国で拘束された人権活動家は１千人近くに上ると言われる。

The administration of President Xi Jinping has been suppressing, with unprecedented harshness, people working for the protection of human rights in the country.
習近平（シーチンピン）政権になってからの弾圧ぶりはかつてない厳しさだ。

Since China started reforming its economy and opening its door to the outside world, two main forces have been fighting each other for dominance.
　改革開放以後、中国では二つの力がせめぎ合っている。

One is the newfound power of citizens supported by the rising standards of living and education. While they certainly have a conservative side, Chinese citizens have grown increasingly conscious of their life-related rights and have acquired the ability to take action.
　一つは生活水準や教育水準の向上を背景とする、市民の力だ。彼らは保守的な一面を持ちながらも、生活にかかわる権利意識があり、行動する力量を備えてきている。

Pitted against the power of citizens is the Communist Party’s political power to suppress dissenting voices in order to protect its one-party rule. This political power has been asserted aggressively by the Xi administration.
　これに対するものが、一党支配を守ろうと異論を抑え込む力だ。習政権に顕著なものだ。

China’s 2004 constitutional amendments added a provision stipulating, “The state respects and preserves human rights.” The Constitution also guarantees freedom of speech, assembly and association.
　中国は０４年の憲法改正で「国家は人権を尊重し、保障する」という条項を加えた。もとより言論や集会、結社の自由も規定されている。

But there is no system in place to ensure that these constitutional provisions are enforced. As a result, they are effectively dead provisions.
だが、実効あるものにする制度はなく、空文に等しい。

Meanwhile, a sweeping new national security law that came into force on July 1 could only reinforce the government’s inclination to restrict the rights of citizens under the pretext of national security. In early July, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein expressed concern about the human rights implications of the new security law.
　逆に、今月１日に施行された国家安全法は、安全の名のもとに市民の権利を制限する傾向を助長しかねず、さきに国連人権高等弁務官も懸念を表明した。

In a key party conference held last autumn, the Xi administration pledged to promote wholeheartedly national governance based on law.
　習政権は昨年秋、共産党の会議で「法にもとづく国家統治の全面的推進」を打ち出した。

If what is happening in China is any indication, however, the law here actually means a stick to suppress citizens rather than a shield to protect them.
起きていることを見る限り、そこで言う法とは、市民の権利を守る盾ではなく、市民を抑え込むこん棒である。

We are deeply concerned about the prospect that China’s 1.3 billion people will remain trapped in a miserable human rights situation that is far from the rule of law.
１３億人が法治にほど遠い状況に置かれ続けることを深く憂慮する。

本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％

July 20, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe Cabinet approval rating plummets to 35% after security bill vote: Mainichi poll
本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％　不支持５１％

Public support for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has plunged to 35 percent, according to a Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll conducted on July 17 and 18, just after the ruling coalition rammed controversial security bills through the House of Representatives.

The figure was down 7 points from the previous survey on July 4 and 5, and was the lowest level seen since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in December 2012. The disapproval rating for the Abe Cabinet rose 8 points to 51 percent. It was also the first time that the disapproval rating for his Cabinet surpassed 50 percent.
　毎日新聞は１７、１８両日、安全保障関連法案の衆院通過を受けて緊急の全国世論調査を実施した。安倍内閣の支持率は今月４、５両日の前回調査より７ポイント減の３５％で、第２次安倍内閣発足後で最低となった。不支持率は前回より８ポイント増の５１％と初めて半数に達した。

Sixty-eight percent of respondents replied that it was a problem that the ruling coalition had forced the security bills -- which would allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense -- through the lower house last week, well above the 24 percent who said it was not a problem.
与党が１５日の衆院平和安全法制特別委員会で安保法案を強行採決したことについては「問題だ」との回答が６８％で、「問題ではない」の２４％を大きく上回った。

As public criticism of the proposed security legislation is growing, the survey results suggest that the government's steamrolling of the bills pushed down the Abe Cabinet's approval rating.
安保法案への世論の批判は強まっており、政府・与党の一連の対応が内閣支持率を押し下げたとみられる。

　◇安保強行採決「問題」６８％

Of the respondents, 62 percent expressed opposition to the security bills, 4 points more than the previous poll, while 27 percent answered they supported the bills, 2 points less than the previous survey.
　集団的自衛権の行使などを可能にする安保法案に「反対」は６２％（前回比４ポイント増）、「賛成」は２７％（同２ポイント減）で、前回より賛否の差が広がった。

Only 28 percent said they believed that enacting the security legislation would increase Japan's deterrence against possible armed attacks. On the other hand, 64 percent expressed fears that Japan would face increased risks of being dragged into war as a result of the expansion of Self-Defense Forces overseas missions.
法案成立によって日本に対する武力攻撃への「抑止力が高まる」は２８％にとどまり、自衛隊の海外での活動拡大で「戦争に巻き込まれる恐れが強まる」が６４％に上った。

Nearly 90 percent of the respondents who said they feared that Japan could be dragged into war said they were opposed to the proposed security legislation.
「戦争に巻き込まれる」と答えた層では９割近くが法案に反対した。抑止力と考えるか、戦争に巻き込まれると考えるかは、法案の賛否に密接に関連している。

The latest survey has shown that the public was also becoming increasingly critical of the government's aim of making sure that the bill becomes law during the ongoing Diet session, with 63 percent of the respondents voicing opposition, up 2 points from the previous poll, and 25 percent in favor, a 3-point decline.
　安保法案を９月２７日までの今国会で成立させる政府・与党の方針には「反対」が６３％（前回比２ポイント増）を占め、「賛成」は２５％（同３ポイント減）だった。

An overwhelming majority of the pollees, 82 percent, said the government's explanation of the bills was insufficient, despite top government officials' claim that legislators had thorough discussions on the bills in the lower chamber.
政府・与党は衆院での議論は尽くされたと主張したが、国民への説明が「不十分だ」は８２％となお高率だ。

Even supporters of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) were split almost evenly over whether the governing bloc's railroading of the security bills were proper, with 43 percent saying it was a problem and 47 percent answering it was not a problem.
こうした中での強行採決には自民支持層でも「問題だ」（４３％）と「問題ではない」（４７％）が拮抗（きっこう）した。

Regarding what the respondents wanted opposition parties to do in deliberating the bills in the House of Councillors, 38 percent said opposition parties should demand that the bills be scrapped outright. Thirty-two percent, meanwhile, answered the parties should demand the bills be modified, while 20 percent replied they should cooperate in deliberations on the bills.
　今後始まる参院審議で野党に望む対応は、「法案の撤回を求める」３８％▽「法案の修正を求める」３２％▽「法案の審議に協力する」２０％−−と分かれた。

Many of those who backed opposition parties called for scrapping the bills, but the largest percentage, or 40 percent, of backers of the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) called for modification of the bills.
野党支持層では「撤回」が目立って多いが、維新支持層では「修正」が４割で最多だった。

The approval rating for the LDP was 28 percent and that for the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan came to 10 percent. The figures for the JIP and the LDP's junior coalition partner Komeito and the Japanese Communist Party stood at 6 percent, 4 percent and 5 percent, respectively.
　政党支持率は、自民２８％▽民主１０％▽維新６％▽公明４％▽共産５％−−など。

(以下英訳部分がありません＾＾）

「支持政党はない」と答えた無党派は３９％だった。【今村茜】

　調査の方法　７月１７、１８日の２日間、コンピューターで無作為に数字を組み合わせて作った電話番号に、調査員が電話をかけるＲＤＳ法で調査した。福島第１原発事故で帰還困難区域などに指定されている市町村の電話番号は除いた。有権者のいる１７６０世帯から、１０４８人の回答を得た。回答率は６０％。

毎日新聞　2015年07月19日　09時00分（最終更新　07月19日　09時33分）

ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に

The Yomiuri Shimbun
New emission reduction goal should speed up energy-saving measures
ＣＯ２削減目標　省エネを加速させる契機に

It will not be easy to achieve the new reduction target for greenhouse gases adopted by the government, though it was made with an emphasis on its feasibility. To accomplish the target, both the public and private sectors will be required to work together for energy saving.
　実現可能性を重視したとはいえ、目標の達成は決して容易ではない。
　官民挙げて、省エネルギーに取り組むことが求められる。

The government officially decided and submitted to the United Nations an emissions-reduction target for greenhouse gases to reduce them by 26 percent by fiscal 2030 in comparison to fiscal 2013 emissions.
　政府が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を正式決定し、国連に提出した。２０３０年度までに１３年度比で２６％削減する。

The target was made based on Japan’s estimated composition of power sources in 2030.
　ベースになっているのが、３０年時点の日本の電源構成だ。

According to that estimate, Japan will use less thermal power generation that depends on imported fuel and continue nuclear power generation. The ratio of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power will be increased, too. Under such an energy policy, the highest reduction rate possible was calculated.
　燃料を輸入に頼る火力発電を減らし、原発を引き続き利用する。太陽光、風力などの再生可能エネルギーの比率も増やす。こうしたエネルギー政策の下で、可能な限り高い削減率をはじき出した。

Use of nuclear power generation, which does not emit carbon dioxide (CO2), has a very significant meaning as a measure against global warming. Reduction of power generation costs and other issues will pose challenges in generating electricity with renewable energy.
　二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出しない原発の活用は、温暖化対策上、極めて重要である。再生エネについては、発電コストの軽減などが大きな課題となろう。

Greenhouse gas emissions have sharply increased from business facilities such as department stores, supermarkets and office buildings. According to the new target, their emissions will be cut by 40 percent. To achieve it, energy-saving lighting equipment and office machines must be introduced.
　排出量の増加が著しいのは、デパートやスーパー、オフィスビルなどの業務部門だ。目標では、４割の削減を目指している。省エネ型の照明やＯＡ機器などの導入が欠かせない。

Currently, member countries are working on their own reduction targets toward the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) to be held in Paris at the end of this year.
　年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）に向け、各国は削減目標の策定を進めている。

Some of the members — including the United States, China and the European Union — have already submitted their targets to the United Nations.
米国や中国、欧州連合などは、既に国連に提出した。

Onus to cut emissions

If an agreement is made at COP21 on a new framework of measures against global warming from 2020, the members will start working to achieve the goals they have presented.
　ＣＯＰ２１で２０年以降の温暖化対策の新たな枠組みが合意されれば、各国は、自らが示した目標の達成に取り組むことになる。

It will be significant in the new framework to impose obligations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on every signatory, learning a lesson from the mistake of the Kyoto Protocol that imposed such obligations only on developed countries. We expect Japan to play a leading role in making an equal and fair framework since it has presented a reduction target that stands up to those submitted by the United States and Europe.
　新たな枠組みで大切なのは、先進国だけに排出削減義務を負わせた京都議定書の失敗を教訓に、全締約国に対象を広げることだ。米欧と比べても見劣りしない目標を掲げた日本は、公平・公正な枠組み作りを主導してもらいたい。

Also, a mechanism should be built in the framework to make signatories observe their own goals. Only laying out goals will not stop the progression of global warming.
　各国に目標を順守させる仕組みも不可欠だ。目標を掲げるだけでは温暖化の進行を防げない。

On the other hand, rigidly obliging the parties to achieve the targets, there would then arise the danger of repeating the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, which was hamstrung because of the non-participation of the United States.
　一方で、目標の達成を厳格に義務付ければ、米国の離脱で骨抜きになった京都議定書の二の舞いになりかねない。

From the standpoint of how to accomplish the aim of slashing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions globally, a framework having actual effectiveness must be formulated. What should be done is, for one thing, to oblige each country to report on the progress of its emission reduction measures at regular intervals. It will also be necessary to make signatories check the emission reduction efforts with each other, while prodding each other to raise the targets if possible. In addition, a ban should be placed on all signatories from allowing their respective targets to be lowered.
　各国に対策の進捗しんちょく状況の定期報告を義務付ける。相互に検証し、目標の引き上げを促す。目標を後退させることを禁じる――。いかに世界全体の排出量を削減するかという観点で、実効性のある枠組みを作り上げねばならない。

China, which has been under no obligation to cut back emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for one-fourth of the world’s total. How Beijing addresses the challenge of cutting back on emissions is a key to whether the emission reduction efforts of the world can prove successful.
　京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない中国は、世界の排出量の４分の１を占める最大排出国だ。中国の取り組みが、温暖化対策のカギを握っている。

Japan, in cooperation with the United States, European countries and others, must urge China to proactively make endeavors for reducing its emissions.
　日本は米欧などと協調し、中国に対して積極的な排出削減を促していく必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2015)

（社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 18
EDITORIAL: Stadium snafu shows failure of Abe’s strong-arm politics
（社説）新国立競技場問題　強行政治の行き詰まりだ

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s words sounded hollow when he announced his decision July 17 to scrap the much-criticized design of the new National Stadium, the main venue for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.
Abe said he made the decision after “giving careful attention to the voices of the people.”
“We want to ensure that the sports events will be praised by the people of the world,” he added.
　安倍首相の言葉が空々しい。
　「国民の声に耳を傾けて」「世界から称賛される大会に」
　２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックの主会場となる新国立競技場の計画見直しに、首相がやっと重い腰を上げた。

Just one week ago, Abe, speaking in the Diet, rejected the idea of changing the costly design on grounds that construction would not be completed in time for the Olympics if it was altered.
　わずか１週間前、国会で「時間的に間に合わない」と否定したのは、首相自身だった。

His sudden reversal coincides with the ruling camp’s move to force controversial security legislation through the Lower House, despite growing objections to the package even as Diet deliberations on the bills progressed.
　急な心変わりは、審議を重ねるほど異論が高まった安全保障関連法案を、衆院で強引に採決したタイミングと重なり合う。

Abe’s about-face seems to be a ploy to stop the slide in public support for his Cabinet by acting like a leader who is willing to respond to the people’s opinion, at least on the stadium issue.
　せめて競技場の問題では、民意にこたえる指導者像を演じることで内閣支持率の低落傾向に歯止めをかけたい。そんな戦術と勘ぐられても仕方ない。

The foolish construction plan would have forced spending of a recklessly large amount of taxpayer money amid an unprecedented fiscal squeeze that is facing the nation.
　空前の財政難のなか、競技場に無謀な巨費を投じる愚策だった。

The blueprint fell far short of the standards for public works projects, which should be supported by detailed explanations and serious consensus-building efforts, as well as a convincing long-term financing plan for the use of the facility after the completion.
丁寧な説明と合意づくり、完成後もにらんだ長期の収支計画など、公共事業に求められる水準にほど遠い代物だった。

“I have decided to take the current plan back to the drawing board and re-examine (the project) from scratch,” Abe told reporters at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo in announcing his inevitable change of policy.
　「白紙に戻し、ゼロベースで見直す」（首相）との方針転換は至極当たり前の決定である。

It goes without saying that the Abe administration, the Tokyo metropolitan government, the Olympic organizing committee and other parties involved should now craft a down-to-earth construction plan for the stadium that contributes to promoting grass-roots sports in the future.
They should also fulfill their international responsibility to organize a successful Olympics and Paralympics in 2020.
　政府と東京都、大会組織委員会など各関係組織は、五輪・パラリンピックを成功させる国際責任を果たすとともに、後世の国民スポーツの底上げに資する堅実な計画を練り直すべきなのは言うまでもない。

FUZZY RESPONSIBILITY
　■あいまいな責任所在

However, the key question is why this obvious decision had been delayed for so long. Why was the plan kept unchanged until now, despite being so clearly and seriously flawed?
　問題の核心はむしろ、なぜ、この土壇場まで決断ができなかったのか、である。誰の目にも明らかな問題案件であり続けたにもかかわらず、なぜ止められずにここまできたのか。

This prolonged delay in tackling the problem points to one of the deep-rooted problems with the nation’s ailing governing system: a fuzziness about who is responsible for what.
　そこには、日本の病んだ統治システムの姿が浮かび上がる。すなわち、責任の所在のあいまいさである。

Hakubun Shimomura, the sports minister, tried to avoid taking the blame by saying he did not receive related information in a timely manner, while the Japan Sports Council, the operator of the stadium project, said the sports ministry is responsible for making the decision to change the plan.
　下村文科相は情報が上がってくるのが遅れたと逃げ、事業主体の日本スポーツ振興センターは、計画変更の判断は文科省に責任があると押しつけあった。

Yoshiro Mori, the former prime minister and president of the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, who previously called for the construction of a grand stadium even if it cost 300 billion yen or 400 billion yen ($2.4 billion or $3.2 billion), had the effrontery to say on July 17, “I didn’t like the design of the stadium from the beginning. Nobody is responsible (for the fiasco).”
　３千億円でも４千億円でも立派なものをと主張してきた大会組織委の森喜朗会長はきのう、「僕は元々、あのスタジアムは嫌だった」「誰も責任はない」と言い放った。

The government’s explanation about the construction plan raised a raft of questions. One was how it intended to finance the project--estimated construction costs have almost doubled from the original budget to 252 billion yen--and cover the running costs after completion. But the government just kept waffling.
　当初予算からほぼ倍増した建設費と、完成後の維持費をどう工面するのか。政府の説明にはいくつも疑問が突きつけられ、あやふやに終始した。

After Abe’s announcement of the change of course, Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe angrily said, “Who will take the responsibility?”
That’s a reasonable question. But it is still unclear who of all the people involved, including the capital’s governor, is ultimately responsible for the project.
　「誰が責任をとるのか」。舛添要一・都知事が漏らした怒りの声はもっともだったが、その知事も含めて今に至るも、誰が最終責任者なのかが見えない。

According to an Asahi Shimbun report, one Diet member made surprising remarks about the issue.
“Nobody dares to hang a bell to the cat’s neck as the ultimate responsibility (for the project) has to fall on the two prime ministers of Abe and Mori,” the lawmaker was quoted as saying.
　本紙が報じた国会議員の発言は驚くほかなかった。「責任の行き着く先は、安倍晋三と森喜朗という２人の首相になるから誰も鈴を付ける人がいない」

People in power get their own way by using their clout. That’s the reality of the Japanese political community that has been highlighted by this stadium snafu. In this domain, it seems, the prime minister and other political heavyweights act like absolute monarchs, and even members of the same party cannot challenge their opinions and decisions.
　権力を握った者がにらみをきかせれば、無理が通る――。露呈したのは、首相や有力政治家が絶対君主のようにふるまい、たとえ同じ政党のメンバーでも異論を言えない。そんな日本の政界の有り様である。

PUBLIC OPINION CONSTANTLY IGNORED
　■民意軽視が常態化

Made under growing pressure from public opinion, Abe’s decision to change the stadium design also speaks volumes about how his style of politics has ceased to work.
　世論に押された末の今回の決定は、安倍流政治の行き詰まりも物語っている。

Even as the stadium project went adrift, the Abe administration consistently refused to pay attention to dissenting voices. It has become the norm for responsible policymakers in the government to ignore public opinion. This is a serious problem.
　競技場問題が迷走した過程で一貫していたのは、異論を遠ざける姿勢だった。政策決定の責任者たちが、国民の声に耳をふさぐことが常態化している問題は深刻だ。

The stadium’s design, chosen through an international competition, has been roundly criticized by architects and civic organizations from the start. Critics have said the design does not blend with the surrounding landscape. They have also argued it will be too gigantic and construction costs could snowball.
　「デザインが景観にそぐわない」「巨大すぎる」「工費が膨れあがりかねない」。国際コンペで採用されたデザインについては当初から、建築界や市民団体から異論が噴出していた。

There have been many opportunities for the government to reconsider the plan, including the time when the basic design blueprint was approved in May last year. Shimomura pointed out that the design was determined when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power, in what sounded like an attempt to shuffle off responsibility onto the opposition party.
　昨年５月に基本設計案を了承した時も含め、見直す機会は何度もあった。デザインが決まったのは「民主党政権のときだ」と下村文科相は責任転嫁めいた釈明もした。

But the Abe administration should do serious soul-searching about the fact that it has missed out on all the opportunities to rethink the plan.
　だが、ことごとく引き返すチャンスを逃してきたのは安倍政権だったことを猛省すべきだ。

SAME MIND-SET FOR OTHER KEY ISSUES
　■安保と原発にも通底

The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to ignore public opinion, avoid its responsibility to explain its actions, and go ahead with policy decisions for the nation’s future that are not based on solid ground.
　民意を顧みず、説明責任を避け、根拠薄弱なまま将来にわたる国策の決定を強行する――。

The stadium issue is not the only example that attests to this tendency of the administration. The same mind-set has also been behind the way the administration has handled the package of security bills and moved to restart offline nuclear reactors, which are issues of grave concern for the public.
　それは競技場問題に限った話ではない。国民が重大な関心を寄せる安保関連法案や、原発関連行政にも通底する特徴だ。

During the Diet debate on the security legislation, the prime minister and other members of the Cabinet made many unintelligible remarks while failing to answer people’s doubts and questions.
　首相や閣僚らが意味不明な国会答弁を重ね、国民の疑問は置き去りにされている安保法案。

The administration is forging ahead with plans to bring idle reactors back online without making clear who takes the ultimate responsibility for the safety of the people.
国民の安全に関する最終責任がどこにあるのか見えないまま、再稼働に突き進もうとしている原発の問題。

Many Japanese have voiced clear and strong concerns about these two initiatives.
　そのいずれでも国民の多数がはっきりと強い懸念を示している。

Abe has been trying to push them through by using the ruling camp’s majority in the Diet while paying little respect to dissenting opinions even though these initiatives have a direct bearing on people’s lives and safety.
国民の命と安全に直結する問題だというのに、首相は国会での数の力で押し通し、異論に敬意を払おうとしない。

Since those in power pay no heed to what the people say, it is not surprising that scholars and citizens are becoming increasingly vocal in expressing objections to his policies.
　政治権力者が民意に耳をふさぐなら、学者や市民の異議申し立てが熱を帯びるのは当然だ。

The administration should not alienate people from politics any further.
これ以上、政治と国民の距離を広げてはならない。

In explaining the reasons for his sudden decision to rethink the stadium plan, Abe said, “Each Japanese and each athlete has to play a leading role.”
　急に競技場計画を見直す理由として、首相は「主役は国民一人ひとり、アスリートの皆さんです」と語った。

If that is how he truly feels, Abe should realize that each individual member of the public should play a leading role in making decisions on all policy issues, including security and nuclear power issues.
ならば安保も原発も、あらゆる政治課題でも、主役は国民一人ひとりであることを悟るべきだ。

The stadium debacle offers a wide range of important lessons for the administration to glean.
　今回の競技場問題から、くむべき教訓は広く、重い。

（社説）法案、参院へ 怒りと疑問にこたえよ

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 17
EDITORIAL: Upper House should respond to public anger, doubts about security bills
（社説）法案、参院へ　怒りと疑問にこたえよ

Every day, thundering, layered chants by people of all generations and political stripes echo around the Diet building.
“Don’t decide by yourself,” they vociferate in protest against the security legislation now moving through the Diet. “Don’t make light of the people.”
　「勝手に決めるな」
　「国民なめるな」
　世代や党派を超えた重層的な抗議のコールが連日、国会周辺の空気を震わせている。

With these cries, they are asking, “Is this really democracy?” and expressing anger about not being respected as “the people with whom sovereign power resides.”
　「これが民主主義か」という疑問。「主権者は私たちだ」という怒り。

Arrogantly brushing aside the questions and anger raised by the legislation, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito on July 16 forced the package of national security bills through the Lower House.
それらを大いに喚起しつつ傲然（ごうぜん）と振り払い、自民、公明の与党はきのう、安全保障関連法案を衆院通過させた。

The administration of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appears to assume that the people will eventually forget the way the legislation was rammed through the house. But the people who have sovereign power will never forget the Abe administration’s contempt for them.
強行しても「国民は忘れる」。安倍政権のこの侮りを、主権者は決して忘れないだろう。

Now, it is the Upper House’s turn to debate the legislation.
　論戦の舞台は参院に移る。

The Upper House has been described, correctly or not, as “the seat of common sense” and “the chamber for reconsideration.”
　「良識の府」「再考の府」。参院はまがりなりにもそう称されてきた。

In contrast to “politics of numbers” practiced at the Lower House, the Upper House is said to be the arena for “politics of reason.”
衆院の「数の政治」に対して「理の政治」。

The Upper House’s original mission is to ensure cautious and thoughtful debate at the Diet.
国会をより慎重に動かす。そんな役割を本来は担っている。

The Upper House cannot be dissolved for a snap election, and its members don’t lose their seats during their six-year terms, two years longer than those for Lower House lawmakers, who could lose their jobs before completing their terms.
This is because the Upper House is supposed to consider bills and issues from a longer and different perspective than the Lower House and adopt a multifaceted approach to dealing with them.
　解散がなく、６年という長い任期が保障されているのも、衆院議員とは異なる目線と射程の長さで、ものごとを多元的に検討することが企図されている。

The system is based on the notion that conclusions and decisions reached through clashes over differing values and opinions are less likely to be misguided ones.
様々な価値観や異なる意見のせめぎ合いから導かれた結論の方が、間違いが少ないからだ。

But this important principle of pluralism has been under crushing political pressure from the Abe administration.
　ところが安倍政権下、まさにその多元性が押しつぶされそうになっている。

The administration has imposed its view about the issue of Japan’s right to collective self-defense on the Cabinet Legislation Bureau, which traditionally said Japan is not allowed to exercise that right, by replacing its chief.
　集団的自衛権は行使できないとしてきた内閣法制局を、人事を通じて我がものとする。

A group of the prime minister’s personal advisers, who are all his friends and allies, issued a report endorsing Japan’s exercise of its right to collective self-defense. The LDP has also made a series of moves to intimidate news media.
首相の「お仲間」で固めた私的懇談会が「行使容認」の報告書を出す。メディアを威圧しようとする自民党の動きも続く。

Simply playing ball with the Abe administration’s “politics of numbers” would be tantamount to political suicide for the Upper House because one reason for the chamber’s existence is the importance of political pluralism. Playing ball would only reinforce the lingering argument for abolishing the Upper House.
　多元性の確保が存在意義のひとつである参院であればこそ、安倍政権の「数の政治」に追従すれば、自殺行為になる。くすぶる不要論にまた根拠が加わるだろう。

A long list of topics related to the security legislation need to be discussed at the Upper House.
　議論すべきことは山ほどある。

For one, the government has failed to offer any convincing reply to the arguments of most constitutional scholars that the legislation is unconstitutional.
大多数の憲法学者の「違憲」の指摘に、政府は全く反論できていない。

The government has also failed to make clear in what situations Japan can engage in collective self-defense. Abe has only repeated that the decision will be based on a “comprehensive judgment.”
The administration’s attitude has only raised deep concerns among the public, leaving many people wondering whether Abe’s words mean the government should be given carte blanche to make such decisions.
どんな場合に集団的自衛権を行使できるのか、安倍首相は「総合的判断」と繰り返すばかりで、要は時の政権に白紙委任しろということかと、不安は高まる一方だ。

A wave of protests against this legislation has spread to a wide range of people, including academics, students, legal experts and independent citizens, across the nation.
Driving this growing wave of protest is a sense of urgency about the crisis that is threatening to destroy this nation’s democracy and constitutionalism. This concern is shared widely by both proponents and opponents of the legislation.
　学者、学生、法曹界、無党派市民。各界各層、各地に抗議の動きが広がり続ける背景には、安保法案への賛否を超えて、この国の民主主義、立憲主義がこのままでは壊されてしまうとの危機感がある。

The members of the Diet who are discussing this legislation are lawmakers chosen through an electoral system that was declared to be in “a state of unconstitutionality” by the Supreme Court and who have been dragging their feet on rectifying the situation.
　そもそも、この違憲の可能性が極めて高い法案を審議するのは、最高裁に「違憲状態」と指摘された選挙制度によって選ばれ、その是正にすらまごついている人たちなのだ。

Whom do they represent? If they want to answer this question, Upper House members should demonstrate their commitment to “politics of reason.”
　あなたたちは何を代表しているのか？　この問いに少しでも答えたいなら「理の政治」を打ち立てるしかない。

They should remember that the people who hold the sovereign power will be watching their actions with a watchful and suspicious eye.
主権者は注意深く、疑いの目で見ている。

（社説）安保法案の採決強行 戦後の歩み覆す暴挙

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 16
EDITORIAL: Japan’s postwar progress outrageously reversed
（社説）安保法案の採決強行　戦後の歩み覆す暴挙

The ruling coalition led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe railroaded a package of controversial security bills through a Lower House special committee on July 15.
　安倍政権が、衆院の特別委員会で安全保障関連法案の採決を強行した。

For Abe, getting the bills passed by the committee represents a step forward toward in delivering on his promise to enact the legislation by this summer. He made the pledge during his April 29 address to a joint meeting of the U.S. House and Senate.
　安倍首相にとっては、米議会で約束した法整備の「夏までの成就」に近づいたことになる。

Even now, however, it cannot be said that the package of bills is widely understood by the Japanese public.
　だが、ここに至ってもなお、法案に対する国民の納得は広がっていない。

That’s hardly surprising. As the Diet spent more time on debating them, more contradictions in the legislation came to light, raising fresh doubts.
　それはそうだろう。審議を重ねれば重ねるほど法案の矛盾があらわになり、疑問が膨らむ。

The situation was so miserable that even Abe himself had to admit, shortly before the vote, that public understanding of the legislation has not advanced much.
首相自身が採決直前になっても「国民の理解が進んでいる状況ではない」と認めざるを得ないほどの惨状である。

CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY
　■民主主義への挑戦

Yet, the Abe administration plowed on regardless. The ruling camp used its parliamentary majority to get its way, even though the bills have been judged to be “unconstitutional” by many members of the public, constitutional scholars, former chiefs of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau and a wide range of other experts.
This is an outrageous action that takes a majority force’s arrogance and irresponsibility to the extreme.
　政権はそれでも採決を押し切った。多くの国民、憲法学者や弁護士、内閣法制局長官ＯＢ、幅広い分野の有識者らが「憲法違反」と認める法案を数の力で押し通す。多数のおごりと無責任が極まった暴挙である。

This move is not just a rebellion against constitutionalism, which in essence means that the government’s power is defined and limited by the Constitution. It is also a serious challenge to the value of the democratic system Japan has been building up during the 70 years since the end of World War II.
　それは憲法が権力を縛る立憲主義への反逆にとどまらない。戦後日本が７０年かけて積み上げてきた民主主義の価値に対する、重大な挑戦ではないか。

Let us keep in our memory a statement Abe repeated in the process of the deliberations on the proposed legislation.
　審議の過程で、首相が繰り返した言葉を記憶にとどめたい。

“After mature and exhaustive debate, the decision should be made when the time is ripe for the decision. That is the proper way of parliamentary democracy.”
　「熟議を尽くしたうえで、決める時には決める。これは議会制民主主義の王道であろう」

But we must say that if Diet deliberations are not intended as a serious effort to build a consensus with the public and are evaluated only by the amount of time spent, they cannot qualify as “mature debate.”
　だが、国民との合意形成に意を尽くそうとせず、ただ時間の長さだけで測る国会審議を「熟議」とは呼べない。

Even though it won a parliamentary majority in the last election, the ruling camp has no right to contravene the basic principles of the Constitution like pacifism and challenge the fundamental values of democracy by making such a vital security policy decision on the basis of “a majority vote without mature debate.”
　選挙で多数を得たからと言って、「熟議なき多数決」によって、平和主義をはじめとする憲法の理念、民主主義の価値をひっくり返す。

If that is the Abe administration’s approach to democracy, we can never support it.
　それが安倍政権の民主主義だというなら、決してくみすることはできない。

Let us look back on the Abe administration’s track record to date.
　これまでの安倍政権の歩みを振り返ってみよう。

Prior to the Cabinet decision last summer to allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense, the administration established its own National Security Council, which makes it possible for a small number of ministers to make security policy decisions. At the same time, the administration went ahead with the controversial state secrets protection law.
　集団的自衛権の行使を認める昨夏の閣議決定に先立ち、少人数の閣僚だけで安全保障上の意思決定ができるようにする国家安全保障会議（ＮＳＣ）を発足させた。あわせて成立させたのが特定秘密保護法だ。

If the national security legislation is enacted, the government will be able to make decisions on the use of weapons by the Self-Defense Forces anywhere on the earth, even if Japan is not under attack. And the decisions can be made in a process that is not subject to public or parliamentary scrutiny.
　法案が成立すれば、国民や国会の目が届かない場で、日本に対する攻撃がなくても、地球のどこでも自衛隊による武力行使に踏み込む判断ができる。

Such decisions will be based merely on a “comprehensive judgment” by the prime minister and a small number of other Cabinet members.
　よりどころとなるのは首相や一握りの閣僚らによる「総合的な判断」である。

While the government will have broad discretion in making security policy decisions, there will be no legal guarantee of sufficient involvement in the decision-making process even by the Diet.
政権に幅広い裁量がゆだねられ、国民の代表である国会の関与すら十分に担保されていない。

There have been other episodes that help illustrate the Abe administration’s views about democracy, which clearly put the state before the people and public interest before individual interest.
　国民より国家。個人より公。
　そんな安倍政権の民主主義観がうかがえる出来事はほかにもある。

In one such episode that is still fresh in our memory, the Liberal Democratic Party made a series of intimidating remarks that raised concerns about freedom of expression. One ruling party lawmaker called for “punishing” the news media and said, “advertisers should voluntarily boycott media that are misleading Japan.”
　記憶に新しいのは「マスコミを懲らしめる」「国を過（あやま）てるような報道をするマスコミには広告を自粛すべきだ」など、表現の自由にかかわる自民党議員の一連の報道威圧発言だ。

GROWING THREATS TO FREEDOM
　■相次ぐ自由への威圧

The LDP also called into question the appropriateness of specific programs aired by Japan Broadcasting Corp. (NHK) and TV Asahi, and summoned executives of these broadcasters for questioning. Prior to last year’s Lower House election, the party sent letters to TV broadcasters urging them to ensure “fair and neutral” reporting on the election.
　ＮＨＫやテレビ朝日の特定番組を問題視し、事情聴取に呼びつける。衆院選の際には各局に「公平中立、公正の確保」を求める文書を送りつける。

This is not an issue for news organizations alone. Regulating freedom of expression and freedom of speech could lead to restrictions on the people’s right to know. That would be tantamount to trampling on the rights of the people as a whole.
　報道機関だけの問題ではない。表現の自由、言論の自由を規制することは、国民の「知る権利」の制限につながる。国民全体に対する権利の侵害にほかならないのだ。

The education minister has urged national universities to make sure that the national flag is hoisted and the anthem sung during ceremonies. The LDP has also turned up the heat on teachers in response to the scheduled lowering of the voting age to 18. The party has put strong pressure on teachers to maintain “political neutrality” with the threat of punishment.
　国立大学の式典での国旗掲揚や国歌斉唱を文部科学相が要請した。１８歳選挙権に向けて若者への主権者教育に取り組もうという教師たちに、罰則をちらつかせて「政治的な中立性」を求める自民党の動きもあった。

Freedom of expression and academic freedom mean that activities like news reporting, academic research and education can be pursued freely without any restriction or intervention by the government.
These freedoms, which are the foundations of healthy democracy, are now threatened by people who control permit and license rights as well as public funds.
　権力に縛られることなく自由に報道し、研究し、教育する。健全な民主主義をはぐくむ基盤である表現や学問の自由に対し、許認可権やカネを背景に威圧する事態が進んでいる。

Ruling party heavyweight Shigeru Ishiba, minister in charge of revitalizing local economies, recently stated that the LDP will "face a crisis when people increasingly begin to feel that there is something obnoxious (about the party)."
But it is the people’s freedom and rights that are facing a crisis.
　石破地方創生相は「『なんか感じ悪いよね』という国民の意識が高まった時に、自民党は危機を迎える」と語ったが、危機を迎えているのは国民の自由や権利の方ではないか。

The draft proposal to rewrite the Constitution that the LDP decided on three years ago, when it was in opposition, contains an element that symbolically suggests the party’s basic stance toward these democratic values.
　自民党が野党だった３年前に決めた憲法改正草案に、その底流が象徴的に表れている。

The draft would set certain conditions for freedom of expression that is completely and unconditionally guaranteed by the Constitution. It says, “Activities aimed at harming public interest and public order” shall not be allowed.
　草案は、一切の表現の自由を保障した現憲法に「公益及び公の秩序を害することを目的とした活動」は認められない、とした例外を付け加えている。

GAME NOT OVER YET
　■決着はついていない

As Abe and other top policymakers in the ruling camp say, some significant changes have occurred in the international environment surrounding Japan. This includes China’s rise as a major power.
　中国の台頭をはじめ、国際環境が変化しているのは首相らが言う通りだ。

And, quite rightly, political leaders are responsible for considering new security policy responses to such changes.
それに応じた安全保障政策を検討することも、確かに「政治の責任」だ。

If, as a result of such a policy review, policymakers believe Japan needs to be allowed to exercise the right to collective self-defense or to provide logistic support to the forces of other countries as part of its international contribution, political leaders should first explain their views to the public and then seek to amend the Constitution through formal procedures, which would entail holding a national referendum on the issue.
That is how this radical shift in security policy should be carried out in our democracy.
　ただ、その結果として集団的自衛権の行使が必要なら、あるいは国際貢献策として他国軍への後方支援が必要と考えるなら、まず国民に説明し、国民投票を含む憲法改正の手続きを踏むことが、民主主義国として避けて通れぬ筋道である。

Ignoring this rule seriously undermines the very foundation for Japan’s identity as a country under the rule of law.
　これを無視しては、法治国家としての基盤が崩れる。

We cannot accept the Abe administration’s mistaken views about democracy, which seems to assume that the majority force can do whatever it likes.
　法案をこのまま成立させ、「多数派が絶対」という安倍政権の誤った民主主義観を追認することはできない。

The battle is not over yet. We call on the Abe administration to pay serious attention to the voices of the people with whom sovereign power resides instead of paying lip service to the importance of “mature debate.”
　まだ決着したわけではない。口先だけの「熟議」ではなく、主権者である国民の声を聞くことを安倍政権に求める。

ギリシャ合意 危機回避へまだ楽観できない

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Agreement on Greek debt warrants no optimism that crisis has ended
ギリシャ合意　危機回避へまだ楽観できない

At a summit meeting, 19 eurozone countries within the European Union agreed in principle to resume support for Greece.
　欧州連合（ＥＵ）のユーロ圏１９か国の首脳会議が、ギリシャ支援の再開で原則合意した。

The key accord is to provide support of up to €86 billion (about ¥11.7 trillion) over a three-year period.
　今後３年間に最大８６０億ユーロ（１１・７兆円）の支援を実施することが柱だ。

It is laudable that after marathon negotiations lasting 17 hours they avoided a rupture that could have led to Greece’s financial collapse and its exit from the eurozone for the moment.
　１７時間に及ぶ「マラソン協議」の末、決裂によるギリシャの財政破綻やユーロ圏離脱を、ひとまず回避したことは評価できる。

However, as a condition for extending this support, Greece is required to legislate by Wednesday structural reforms to reduce pensions, raise taxes and other measures. There is no reason to be optimistic.
　ただし、支援の実施は、ギリシャが１５日までに年金削減や増税などの構造改革を法制化することが条件だ。楽観は禁物だろう。

The administration of Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras must make every possible effort for the legislation within the time limit so as not to rekindle the crisis.
　チプラス政権は、危機を再燃させないため、期限内の法制化に全力を挙げなければならない。

The main cause of the tortuous negotiations lies in Tsipras’ insincere and irresponsible attitude toward them.
　協議が迷走した最大の原因は、チプラス首相の不誠実かつ無責任な交渉姿勢にある。

In addition to continually putting off submission of draft proposals for reforms that the EU sought, Tsipras abruptly decided to hold a national referendum on whether to accept fiscal austerity. He called on the Greek public to vote “no” so he could be in a better position in negotiations.
　ＥＵ側が求めた改革案の提示を先送りし続けた揚げ句、唐突に緊縮財政の是非を問う国民投票に踏み切った。チプラス氏は、交渉を有利にできるとして、国民に「反対」を呼び掛けた。

Although more people voted “no” in the referendum than otherwise, the agreement this time has imposed stricter conditions on Greece, including the sale of state-owned assets worth €50 billion.
　投票の結果、反対派が勝利したものの、今回の合意では５００億ユーロ相当の国有財産売却など、一段と厳しい条件をつけられた。

It is the price that Greece has to pay for being too clever by half, resulting in increasing distrust from Germany and other countries.
　場当たり的に様々な策を弄し、ドイツをはじめ各国の不信感を増幅させたツケである。

Challenge for Tsipras

The referendum left Tsipras facing a heavy challenge domestically — how to explain an agreement containing austerity measures to people who opposed such measures, and then how to obtain their understanding.
　「反緊縮」の民意を示した国民に、緊縮策の受け入れを前提とした合意をどう説明し、理解を得るのか。国民投票は、ギリシャの内政にも重い課題を残した。

Even within the ruling party, there is a force that opposes the austerity measures. There is concern that Tsipras’ political foundation could be undermined and the government may not be able to implement the agreed fiscal reconstruction measures.
　与党内からも、緊縮策の受け入れに異を唱える造反勢力が現れている。チプラス氏の政権基盤が揺らぎ、合意した財政再建策を実行できなくなる懸念もあろう。

Due to three rounds of financial support from 2010, the debt incurred by Greece will exceed €300 billion. Unless Greece rebuilds its flagging economy, it will not be able to continue to repay its debts. The country must rapidly reform its ineffective industrial structure and achieve economic independence.
　２０１０年から今回まで３次にわたる金融支援で、ギリシャが負った債務は総額３０００億ユーロを超える。低迷する経済を立て直さないと、返済は継続できまい。非効率な産業構造を改革し、経済の自立を急がねばならない。

The Greek issue again shows in bold relief the contradiction of the euro system.
　ギリシャ問題は、ユーロ体制の矛盾も改めて浮き彫りにした。

Eurozone countries have adopted a concerted financial policy under the common euro, but engage in fiscal management independently. Therefore, they suffer from a structural problem — they cannot reduce the economic gap among member nations through fiscal policies, thereby widening the disparity.
　共通通貨の下、金融政策は一つだが、財政は各国が独自に運営している。このため、各国間の経済格差を財政政策で調整できず、さらに格差が広がるという、構造的な問題を抱えている。

Germany and northern European countries, which are healthy economically and fiscally, asked Greece for stern fiscal discipline, while France and southern European countries, such as Italy, which are economically and fiscally uncertain, showed a sympathetic attitude toward Greece.
　経済と財政の健全なドイツや北欧の国が、ギリシャに厳しい財政規律を求めたのに対し、自国も景気や財政に不安のあるフランスやイタリアなどの南欧諸国は、ギリシャに同情的だった。

To maintain eurozone unity, it is important not to exacerbate this “north-south problem.”
　ユーロ圏の結束を維持するには、この「南北問題」を先鋭化させないことが重要である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 15, 2015)

安保法案公聴会 国際秩序の危機を直視したい

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Look squarely at international threats when debating security legislation
安保法案公聴会　国際秩序の危機を直視したい

Amid the increasing security threats Japan faces, enhancing deterrence and buttressing the Japan-U.S. alliance must be tackled urgently. This insight and the alarm felt by experts on international politics must be taken seriously.
　日本の安全保障上の脅威が増大する中、抑止力の向上と日米同盟の強化が急務だ――。国際政治の専門家の知見と危機感を重く受け止めたい。

Testifying during a public hearing held Monday at the House of Representatives special committee on security-related legislation, former diplomat Yukio Okamoto, who was recommended for testimony by the ruling parties, said, “It’s impossible for Japan to protect the lives of Japanese people and vessels single-handedly.” Okamoto was commenting on the sea-lanes between the Middle East and Japan. As reasons for his position, he cited destabilization in the Middle East, rampant activities of radical militant organizations and pirates, and China’s expanded maritime presence.
　衆院平和安全法制特別委員会が中央公聴会を開いた。
　与党推薦の元外交官の岡本行夫氏は、中東から日本への海上交通路に関して「日本人の生命と船舶を守るのは日本単独では無理だ」と主張した。中東の不安定化、過激派組織や海賊の横行、中国の海洋進出などを理由に挙げた。

Referring to the significance of the security legislation, Okamoto said it would benefit Japan to “take part in a community to protect itself from the violence of a foreign enemy.”
　安全保障関連法案の意義について、「外敵の暴力から身を守り合うコミュニティー（共同体）に参加することだ」とも強調した。

With the progress of military technology and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, no country can today keep peace single-handedly.
　軍事技術の進展や大量破壊兵器の拡散などで、もはやどの国も一国のみでは平和は保てない。

Japan, which relies on trade for its survival, enjoys the benefits of international peace. So it is natural for it to contribute proactively to world stability, which also leads to ensuring security for the country.
　貿易立国の日本は国際平和の恩恵を享受する。世界の安定に積極的に貢献するのは当然だ。それが日本の安全確保にもつながる。

Doshisha University President Koji Murata stressed the need for bolstering the Japan-U.S. alliance by referring to a change in the world’s power balance caused by the emergence of China and the decline of U.S. influence.
　村田晃嗣・同志社大学長は、中国の台頭と米国の影響力低下というパワーバランスの変化を踏まえて、日米同盟の強化を訴えた。

In connection with the fact that many constitutional scholars have concluded the government-proposed security bills are unconstitutional, Murata said: “Many experts on security issues will affirmatively respond to the bills. Constitutional scholars do not represent all scholars.”
　憲法学者が法案を「違憲」と決めつけていることを念頭に、「多くの安全保障専門家は肯定的回答をするのではないか。学者は憲法学者だけでない」と指摘した。

Discretion for government

Given the fluidity of international affairs, Murata said it was unavoidable for the definition of a “survival threatening situation” — a condition allowing for a limited exercise of the right of collective self-defense — to remain ambiguous.
　国際情勢の流動化に伴い、集団的自衛権を限定行使する「存立危機事態」の定義に曖昧さが残るのはやむを得ない、とも語った。

Determination of such situations is something that should be made by a sitting government while making an overall assessment of the circumstances at sites of conflict and the state of international affairs. Self-Defense Forces cannot be mobilized effectively unless a government is granted a certain degree of discretionary power.
　事態の認定は、時の政権が現場の状況や国際情勢などを総合的に勘案し、判断すべきものだ。政権に一定の裁量権がなければ、効果的な自衛隊の運用はできない。

Ryuichi Ozawa, professor at the Jikei University School of Medicine, who was recommended by the opposition camp, called for abandoning the bills, saying they are “unconstitutional.” Commenting on the right of collective self-defense, Sota Kimura, associate professor at Tokyo Metropolitan University, said, “Use of military force when an armed attack on Japan has not been launched is by definition unconstitutional.”
　野党推薦の小沢隆一・東京慈恵会医科大教授は、「違憲性がある」として安保法案の廃案を求めた。木村草太・首都大学東京准教授は集団的自衛権に関し、「日本への武力攻撃の着手がない段階での武力行使は違憲だ」と述べた。

But as for the exercise of the right of collective self-defense, strict criteria have been set, including threats that would undermine the people’s rights. Approving the exercise of the right is in line with judicial judgments and government interpretations that approve of self-defense measures to ensure the country’s survival. So it is not correct to assert the use of the right is unconstitutional.
　だが、集団的自衛権の行使には、国民の権利が覆されるなどの厳格な要件が定められている。自国の存立を全うする自衛措置を容認した司法判断や政府見解に沿っており、違憲の主張は当たらない。

Prof. Jiro Yamaguchi of Hosei University dismissed the security legislation as deviating from what is allowed under the principle of “an exclusively defensive security policy.” But use of military force in situations threatening Japan’s survival is assumed to be in line with the exclusively defensive security policy.
　山口二郎・法政大教授は、安保法案が「専守防衛を逸脱する」と断じたが、日本の存立が脅かされる事態での武力行使は、専守防衛の範囲内のはずだ。

About 110 hours have been spent on deliberations on security legislation. In a wide-ranging debate, it seems that all questionable points have been presented for discussion.
　安保法案の審議は約１１０時間に達した。広範な論点が提起され、質問は出尽くした感がある。

Now that the public hearing, a prerequisite for a vote on the bills, has ended, it can be said that lower house deliberations on the matter are entering a final stage.
　法案採決の前提となる中央公聴会を終えたことで、衆院審議は大詰めを迎えたと言えよう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 14, 2015)

核燃料サイクル 政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Get nuclear fuel cycle program on track for government initiative
核燃料サイクル　政府の責任で軌道に乗せよ

The nuclear fuel cycle project — which aims to reuse spent nuclear fuel to generate power — is undoubtedly an important undertaking for Japan, a country that lacks sufficient energy resources.
　エネルギー資源に乏しい日本にとって、原子力発電所から出る使用済み核燃料を再利用する「核燃料サイクル」は、重要な事業である。

A solid framework must be constructed to ensure that the plan is carried out.
　着実に進展させる体制を構築せねばならない。

An expert panel of the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry is poised to establish a working group that will study the future management structure of Japan Nuclear Fuel Ltd. (JNFL), the company at the heart of the project.
　事業の中核企業である「日本原燃」の今後の経営形態について、経済産業省の有識者会議が、作業部会を設けて検討を始める。

One issue of key importance is whether the government should become more deeply involved in the firm’s operations.
　焦点は、日本原燃の経営に政府がどこまで関与を深めるかだ。

Japan’s nuclear energy programs have been implemented on a “government-led, privately operated” basis, whereby utilities address the task of materializing specific projects based on government policy.
　日本の原子力事業は、政府が立案した政策に基づき、電力会社が具体化に取り組む「国策民営」方式で進められてきた。

The JNFL has been overseeing the planned reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, in which uranium and plutonium will be recovered to produce a new type of nuclear fuel. In terms of personnel and funding, the company has been fully supported by electric power companies.
　日本原燃は、使用済み核燃料を再処理してウランやプルトニウムを取り出し、新たな核燃料に加工する事業を担う。電力各社が人材と資金面で、日本原燃を全面的に支えてきた。

But the current situation is serious. Though the construction of the firm’s spent nuclear fuel reprocessing complex in the village of Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture, is now in its final stages, the project has fallen nearly 20 years behind schedule.
　だが、現状は深刻である。青森県六ヶ所村で進む再処理工場の建設は最終段階にあるものの、予定より２０年近く遅れている。

Once the Nuclear Regulation Authority completes its evaluation of the Rokkasho project, the start of the reprocessing plant’s operations will be in sight. Now is a critical time for getting the envisioned nuclear fuel cycle program on track. The government must act responsibly in tackling the funding and managerial challenges facing the JNFL.
　原子力規制委員会の審査が完了すれば、ようやく操業開始が見えてくる。核燃料サイクルを軌道に乗せるうえで大切な時期だ。政府が責任を持って、資金や経営の課題に対処すべきだ。

Utilities must pull own weight

The idea of converting the JNFL into a government-authorized corporation has been circulating within the government. The proposed transformation, which is aimed mainly at strengthening the government’s supervisory power, would allow the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry to have a say in the appointment of the corporation’s executives and related matters.
　政府内では、日本原燃を認可法人とする案が浮上している。監督権限を強めることが、主な狙いだ。役員選任などの際に、経産省が関与できるようになる。

However, some believe that the move could deprive its operations of flexibility. Concerns are also being voiced in Aomori Prefecture, which is hosting the facility, that the transformation plan could have an adverse impact on employment and the regional economy by reducing the chances of local residents being hired.
　一方で、認可法人化は、経営の柔軟性を奪いかねないとの指摘がある。青森県では、地元採用の減少など、雇用や地域経済への悪影響を懸念する声もある。

The ministry panel’s working group of experts must hold in-depth discussions on the pros and cons of giving the JNFL the status of a government-authorized entity.
　有識者会議の作業部会では、認可法人化の是非について、踏み込んだ議論が求められる。

The prolongation of the NRA’s safety screening process has left every utility in difficulty. If the retail electricity market is fully liberalized next spring as scheduled, industry competition is certain to intensify, making the business climate even more stringent. The negative repercussions of liberalization could even affect the JNFL, which has been heavily dependent on power firms for its own revenues.
　規制委による原発の安全審査の長期化で、電力各社は苦境に陥っている。電力の小売りが来春から全面自由化されれば、競争が激化し、経営は一層厳しくなろう。影響は、電力各社に収益を依存する日本原燃にも及ぶ恐れがある。

The estimated total cost of building the reprocessing complex is about ¥11 trillion. To finance its construction, the JNFL plans to have the reprocessing plant operate for 40 years.
　再処理工場の総事業費は、約１１兆円と見積もられている。日本原燃は、工場を４０年間稼働させ、資金を回収する方針だ。

Should the business of the JNFL come to a standstill, it would likely become difficult to continue the nuclear fuel cycle program. In such an event, there would be nowhere to dispose of spent nuclear fuel, which would thereby jeopardize the stable operations of nuclear power plants.
　事業を手がける日本原燃の経営が行き詰まれば、核燃料サイクルの継続は難しくなる。各地の原発から出る使用済み核燃料の行き場がなくなり、原発の安定的な稼働に支障が生じる。

To establish a sustainable nuclear fuel cycle, it is imperative that each utility uphold its share of the burden in backing the JNFL, even after the electricity market is fully liberalized.
　持続可能な核燃料サイクルを確立するためには、電力各社が、電力の全面自由化後も、応分の負担を続けることが欠かせない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 12, 2015)

参院選制度改革 「合区」の導入もやむを得ない

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Merged constituencies unavoidable for upper house electoral reform
参院選制度改革　「合区」の導入もやむを得ない

Planned electoral reforms for the House of Councillors represent a major institutional change, as they reexamine the prefecture-based electoral system that the public has been widely familiar with for many years.
　長年、国民に広く定着している都道府県単位の選挙区を見直す、大きな制度変更である。

The Liberal Democratic Party has decided on a reform plan for the upper house electoral system that centers on merging thinly populated prefectures with neighboring prefectures to create new constituencies. The ruling party plans to submit a bill to the current Diet session to revise the Public Offices Election Law, and aims to apply the new system from an upper house election next summer.
　自民党は、人口の少ない県と隣接県を１選挙区に統合する「合区」の導入を柱とする参院選挙制度改革案を決めた。今国会に公職選挙法改正案を提出し、成立を図る。来夏の参院選からの適用を目指す。

The LDP’s reform plan is exactly what has been called for by the Japan Innovation Party and three other opposition parties, and seeks to create new electoral districts by combining Tottori and Shimane prefectural constituencies and Tokushima and Kochi prefectural constituencies.
　改革案は、維新の党など野党４党が主張していたもので、鳥取と島根、徳島と高知を「合区」とする。

It will also change the number of seats allocated to some electoral districts.
選挙区定数の配分も変更し、

As a result, a total of 10 seats will be added to some electoral districts and a total of 10 seats will be cut in other districts, while the total number of seats is maintained at 242 as today.
全体では「１０増１０減」となる。定数２４２は維持する。

As a result, the maximum vote-value disparity of 4.77:1 in the 2013 upper house election is expected to be reduced to 2.97:1.
　これにより、「１票の格差」は２０１３年参院選の最大４・７７倍から２・９７倍に縮まるという。

There is a limit to what can be done to correct the gap if that goal is pursued while maintaining the framework of the current electoral system, which combines elections in constituencies and the national proportional representation district. To resolve the vote-value disparity that the Supreme Court ruled to be “in a state of unconstitutionality,” it is unavoidable to merge electoral districts on a limited scale.
　選挙区選と全国比例選を組み合わせた現行制度の骨格を維持したままでの格差是正には、限界がある。最高裁が認定した「違憲状態」の解消には、限定的に合区を導入することはやむを得まい。

Discussions on reform of the electoral system by parliamentary groups in the upper house have been in limbo since they were started in 2013. This is because the LDP, the biggest Diet group, has been persistently passive about pressing for drastic reform.
　１３年に始まった参院各会派の制度改革論議は、迷走が続いた。最大会派の自民党が、一貫して抜本改革に消極的だったためだ。

The opposition parties have vehemently criticized this stance of the LDP. Even its coalition partner, Komeito, reached an agreement with the Democratic Party of Japan to integrate 20 prefectural constituencies into 10.
　野党は強く反発した。与党の公明党さえ民主党と２０県を１０選挙区に統合する合区案で合意した。

Long-term perspective vital

The LDP has finally agreed to accept the combination of constituencies, despite opposition from within the party, probably because it could not overcome the pressure from other parties.
　孤立した自民党が党内に不満を抱えながらも合区を容認したのは、こうした各党の圧力に抗し切れなかったからだろう。

Once an accord is reached on combining constituencies as a means of rectifying the vote disparity, it is highly likely that future reforms will also seek to expand the number of merged constituencies. This may make it difficult to return to discussions on introducing a proportional representation bloc election system, as proposed by former upper house President Takeo Nishioka, and a large bloc constituency system.
　いったん合区で格差を是正すると、今後の改革も合区の拡大になる可能性が大きい。西岡武夫・元参院議長が提唱したブロック比例案やブロック大選挙区案の議論に後戻りできなくなりかねない。

It is notable that the combined electoral district system has not a few adverse effects.
　注意すべきは、合区には弊害が少なくないことだ。

There are fears that the system creates the possibility that no one from underpopulated prefectures can be represented in the upper house. It will make it unavoidable for the LDP and the DPJ to make such adjustments as fielding candidates alternately from adjacent constituencies, and fielding one of the two candidates in a proportional representation election.
　人口の少ない方の県から参院に代表を出せなくなる恐れがある。自民党や民主党は、隣接する両県から交互に候補者を擁立したり、もう一方を比例選で処遇したりするなどの調整が欠かせない。

If prefectural administrative units with unique historical and cultural characteristics are shaken up by the adoption of the combined electoral district system, it will weaken the element that lawmakers elected from constituencies represent regional areas.
　合区により、固有の歴史や文化を持つ各都道府県の行政単位が揺らげば、選挙区選出議員の地域代表としての側面が弱まろう。

Amid the growing population gap between urban and rural areas, there are concerns that too much emphasis on securing equality in vote values will make it difficult for regional voices to be reflected in national politics.
　都市部と地方の人口格差が広がる中、投票価値の平等に固執し過ぎると、地方の声が国政に反映しにくくなるという懸念がある。

Discussions on the electoral system reform must be held from a long-range perspective.
　選挙制度改革では、長期的な視点に立った議論も進めたい。

In an effort to promote differentiation of the upper house from the House of Representatives, and on the premise that the Constitution is revised, it is worth studying the introduction of a system in which personnel with professional expertise and experience will be recommended or appointed as upper house members without going through elections.
　衆院と差別化を図るため、憲法改正を前提に、専門的知識・経験を持つ人材を選挙を経ずに、推薦・任命する制度の導入なども検討に値するのではないか。

Discussion should also be deepened on the roles and functions required of the upper house.
　参院に求められる役割・機能についても論議を深めるべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 10, 2015)

ＢＲＩＣＳ会議 中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ

The Yomiuri Shimbun
China, Russia pose blatant challenge to economy, security of world order
ＢＲＩＣＳ会議　中露の国際秩序挑戦が露骨だ

China and Russia have evidently bolstered their ties to challenge both the economic and security dimensions of the current international order led by the United States and Europe.
　中国とロシアが一段と共闘し、米欧主導の国際秩序に、経済、安全保障の両面で挑戦する構図が鮮明になった。

The BRICS group — which comprises the five emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa — has put forth a policy of strengthened cooperation after holding a summit meeting in the central Russian city of Ufa.
　中露とインド、ブラジル、南アフリカで構成する新興５か国（ＢＲＩＣＳ）が、ロシア中部ウファで首脳会議を開き、協力強化を打ち出した。

Russian President Vladimir Putin, who chaired the meeting, called for the authority of BRICS to be enhanced to boost its influence on the world economy. Chinese President Xi Jinping echoed his view, saying international economic rules must be changed to meet the evolving state of global affairs.
　議長役のプーチン露大統領は、ＢＲＩＣＳについて「権威を高め、世界経済への影響力を強める」と強調した。中国の習近平国家主席も、「世界情勢の変化に適応するよう、国際経済のルールを改めなければならない」と応じた。

Their remarks can be said to have plainly revealed China and Russia’s ambitions to change the international financial system revolving around the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund and centering on Japan, Europe and the United States.
　世界銀行や国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）など日米欧中心の国際金融システムの変更を目指す中露の野心を、露骨に示したと言えよう。

Launched by the BRICS nations, the New Development Bank is scheduled to start operation as early as December. Along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, it apparently serves as a means for China and Russia to promote infrastructure development in emerging and developing countries, thereby increasing their influence over them.
　年末にも運営を開始するＢＲＩＣＳの「新開発銀行」を、アジアインフラ投資銀行（ＡＩＩＢ）とともに駆使して、新興国や途上国の社会資本整備を進め、影響力を一層強めたいのだろう。

It is not acceptable that the joint declaration issued after the summit stated, “We condemn unilateral military interventions and economic sanctions in violation of international law.”
　容認できないのは、首脳会議の共同宣言が、「国際法に違反する一方的な軍事介入や制裁を非難する」と明記したことである。

Russia has persistently engaged in military interventions by supporting pro-Russia separatist militants in eastern Ukraine. Such being the case, Russia is hardly qualified to condemn sanctions imposed on it by the United States and Europe.
　ウクライナ東部で親露派武装集団を支援し、「軍事介入」を続けているのはロシア自身だ。そのロシアに、米欧の対露制裁を非難する資格はあるまい。

Conflicting interests

The joint declaration also stated, “We express our commitment to resolutely reject the continued attempts to misrepresent the results of World War II.” This strongly reflected China’s intention to check Japan over the issue of historical perceptions ahead of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s statement to mark the 70th anniversary of the war’s end.
　共同宣言はまた、「第２次世界大戦の結果を改ざんする試みは認めない」と表明した。安倍首相の戦後７０年談話を念頭に、歴史問題で日本を牽制けんせいしたい中国の思惑を色濃く反映したものだ。

China has been executing a plan to build military facilities on reclaimed land over reefs in the South China Sea, a move bound to destabilize the postwar security order. Unless China and Russia alter such hard-line policies, the international community will not cease its criticism of the two countries.
　中国は南シナ海で埋め立てた岩礁の軍事基地化を進め、戦後の安全保障体制を不安定化させている。中露がこうした強硬路線を改めない限り、国際社会の批判が収まることはない。

Following the BRICS meeting, a summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was held in the same Russian city. The group comprises China, Russia and four Central Asian countries, including Kazakhstan.
　ＢＲＩＣＳに続き、中露とカザフスタンなど中央アジア４か国でつくる上海協力機構（ＳＣＯ）も首脳会議を開いた。

China is believed to be utilizing the SCO framework to smoothly realize its “Silk Road” initiative, which calls for a huge economic zone to be built along what was once the Silk Road.
　中国には、かつてのシルクロード沿いに巨大経済圏を構築する「シルクロード構想」を円滑に推進するため、ＳＣＯの枠組みを利用する狙いがあるとみられる。

But in Central Asia, China’s interests conflict with those of Russia, which leads the Eurasian Economic Union. Putin and Xi affirmed that the two countries would promote cooperation by integrating the two economic-zone plans. But the fact remains that the presence of China, as the world’s No. 2 economic power, overwhelms that of Russia.
　ただ、中央アジアで「ユーラシア経済同盟」を主導するロシアとは、利害が衝突する。中露首脳は両経済圏構想を統合し、協力を進めることを確認したが、世界第２の経済力を背景に、中国の存在感はロシアを圧倒している。

Amid mutual distrust, China and Russia have emphasized the importance of working together. In cooperation with the United States and other nations, Japan needs to closely watch the moves of these two countries.
　互いに不信感を抱えつつも、協調関係をアピールする中露の動向を、日本は米国などと連携し、注視する必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 11, 2015)