香港長官選法案 「高度な自治」は看板倒れか

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Was China’s offer of ‘high degree of autonomy’ for Hong Kong a facade?
香港長官選法案　「高度な自治」は看板倒れか

Will the “high degree of autonomy” China promised to Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems” formula turn out to be a mere facade?
　「一国二制度」の名の下に、中国が約束している香港の「高度な自治」は、結局、看板倒れになるのか。

An electoral reform package for the poll to choose Hong Kong’s next chief executive in 2017 has been voted down by a majority of pro-democracy lawmakers.
　２０１７年の次期香港行政長官選挙に向けた選挙制度改革法案が議会で、民主派議員の反対多数で否決された。

With this, a “normal election” in which Hong Kong’s voters directly select their leader will not go ahead. Instead, the current indirect election system — in which the leader is chosen by a committee comprised of industry group representatives and others — looks set to continue.
　有権者が直接投票する「普通選挙」は次期選挙では実施されず、業界団体代表らによる現行の間接選挙が続く見通しとなった。

Although the reform bills offered the prospect of one vote for each eligible voter, only pro-China candidates would have been allowed to run in the race. We can understand why pro-democracy lawmakers voted to oppose this proposal, which they denounced as offering a “fake direct election.”
　法案は「１人１票」の直接選挙とはいえ、親中派しか立候補できない仕組みである。「ニセの普通選挙」と抗議する民主派が反対票を投じたのは、理解できる。

Hong Kong was returned to Chinese rule in 1997, ending British control there. The Chinese government accepted that Hong Kong would retain a high degree of autonomy and set the goal of holding a normal election rooted in universal suffrage as espoused by Hong Kong’s Basic Law, which equates to its Constitution.
　１９９７年に英国から返還された香港では、中国政府が「高度な自治」を認め、憲法に当たる基本法で「普通選挙」実施を目標に掲げたのである。

In August 2014, the Chinese government decided to introduce an electoral system in which Hong Kong residents could choose their leader in a “normal election” based on the Basic Law. However, all candidates were required to secure the support of more than 50 percent of a newly formed nominating committee that was dominated by pro-Beijing members. The administration of Chinese President Xi Jinping obviously intended to block the emergence of an anti-China democratic-minded chief executive.
　昨年８月、基本法に基づき、「普通選挙」の導入を決めたのだが、親中派主体の「指名委員会」を新設し、その半数以上の支持を立候補の要件とした。習近平政権の狙いが反中的な「民主派長官」の誕生の阻止であるのは、明白だ。

For 2½ months, students and activists angered by this decision staged protests and camped in the streets. Despite this, Hong Kong’s government ignored the protesters’ demands and drew up legislation that faithfully adhered to the wishes of the Chinese government. This also became a problem.
　決定に反発する学生らが２か月半、道路占拠デモを行った。にもかかわらず、香港政府がその要求を無視し、中国の意向を忠実に踏まえた法案にしたのも問題だ。

Don’t misinterpret protests

At a regularly scheduled press conference after the bills were voted down, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman said, “That the chief executive of the special administrative region’s government should not be chosen as such in 2017 is a result we are unwilling to see.” This comment also has somewhat of a hollow ring to it.
　中国外務省報道官は定例記者会見で、法案の否決について、「１７年に香港で行政長官の『普通選挙』が行われないという結果は、目にしたくなかった」と語った。どこか空々しさもうかがえる。

Protests by students and activists ahead of this week’s vote did not reach the scale of the demonstrations held during last year’s “umbrella revolution.” This appears to be because many Hong Kong residents felt deep resentment toward the prolonged demonstrations, which created traffic congestion and economic losses.
　今回、採決を巡る学生らの抗議デモは、昨年の「雨傘革命」ほどの規模には広がらなかった。デモの長期化による交通渋滞や経済的損害に対する一般住民の嫌悪感が強かったためとみられる。

The media manipulation and propaganda of the Xi administration — which has sought to isolate the students by portraying them as disrupting Hong Kong’s social stability — has been effective in this regard.
　社会の安定を乱しているとして学生側を孤立させる習政権の世論工作も、奏功したのだろう。

It would be most unwise for the Xi administration to decide that this has quieted the voices demanding democracy in Hong Kong.
　これを、香港の民主化を求める声が小さくなったと、習政権が判断しているなら、あまりにも浅慮ではないか。

Abandoning the reform process as it stands now is unacceptable.
　改革プロセスをこのまま放棄することは認められない。

We are concerned that the more the Xi administration comes down with an iron fist, the more the backlash from pro-democracy activists and students will intensify. This deepening rift could harm Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity. In the end, China will likely pay the price for this.
　懸念されるのは、習政権が強権的手法をとればとるほど、民主派や学生の反発が先鋭化することだろう。深まる溝は香港の安定と繁栄を損ないかねない。そのツケはやがて中国にも回るはずだ。

The Xi administration must respect Hong Kong’s autonomy and push ahead with dialogue with the students and pro-democracy activists. Unless progress continues to be made toward holding genuine normal elections, the Xi administration will not gain the wide trust of the international community.
　習政権には、香港の「自治」を尊重し、民主派や学生らと対話を進めることが求められている。真の「普通選挙」実現へ、歩みを続けなければ、国際社会の幅広い信頼を得ることはできまい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, June 19, 2015)