安倍外交と安保 日米で対中国戦略を強化せよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun January 6, 2014
Japan, U.S. must bolster strategy for coping effectively with China
安倍外交と安保　日米で対中国戦略を強化せよ（1月6日付・読売社説）

　◆集団的自衛権の「行使」を可能に

The international situation surrounding Japan remains opaque.
　日本を取り巻く国際情勢は「視界不良」の状態が続いている。

To maintain our nation’s peace and prosperity, it is imperative to map out and implement diplomatic and security policies more actively and strategically than ever before.
自国の平和と繁栄の維持には、より能動的で戦略的な外交・安全保障政策を展開することが欠かせない。

The most important task in addressing this challenge is to beef up Japan’s alliance with the United States.
　その中核的な役割を担うのは、やはり日米同盟の強化である。

In particular, North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile development programs and China’s arms buildup and maritime advances have been destabilizing the whole Asia-Pacific region.
　北朝鮮の核・ミサイル開発や中国の軍備増強と海洋進出は、アジア太平洋地域全体を不安定化させている。

Under the circumstances, it is crucial to enhance the deterrent power of the Japan-U.S. alliance, which has been rated highly by many countries in the region as an “international public good.”
多くの域内国から「国際公共財」と評価される日米同盟の抑止力を高めることが急務だ。

Beef up defense guidelines
　◆防衛指針の改定が重要

Toward the end of last year, the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe created the Japanese version of the U.S. National Security Council and mapped out the National Security Strategy.
　安倍内閣は昨年末、国家安全保障会議（日本版ＮＳＣ）を設置し、国家安保戦略を策定した。

The Abe administration has also won approval from the Okinawa prefectural government for land reclamation required to relocate the functions of the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma Air Station in the prefecture to the Henoko district on the prefecture’s northeastern coast.
米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設に伴う埋め立て承認も沖縄県から取り付けた。

Both the establishment of the NSC and the progress on the Futenma relocation are highly conducive to solidifying the alliance.
いずれも強固な同盟関係の構築に向けて重要な意義を持つ。

As its top priority this year, the government should conduct a long-overdue review of the conventional interpretation of the Constitution regarding this country’s right to collective self-defense.
　今年、優先して取り組むべきは、長年の懸案である集団的自衛権の憲法解釈の見直しである。

Under the current interpretation, the Self-Defense Forces are not allowed to retaliate even if a nearby U.S. military vessel is attacked, having no choice but to turn a blind eye to the situation. This could cause the Japan-U.S. alliance to crumble at its foundation.
　近くで米軍艦船が攻撃されても自衛隊は反撃できず、看過するしかない。そんな事態に陥ったら同盟関係は成り立たない。

Changing the existing constitutional interpretation that this country “has the right to collective self-defense but cannot exercise it,” thereby making exercise of the right possible, would represent a major step toward rectifying the asymmetry in the bilateral alliance, in which the United States has “an obligation to defend Japan, but Japan has no obligation to defend the United States.”
　「集団的自衛権を有するが、行使できない」との憲法解釈を変更し、行使を可能にすれば、「米国は日本を守るが、日本は米国を守らない」という非対称の同盟を是正する大きな一歩となる。

It is crucial for the government to iron out differences between its views and those of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau and New Komeito, which either oppose altering the current constitutional interpretation or are wary of such a change. Abe should lead the way in calibrating these views.
　その実現には、反対・慎重論が強い内閣法制局や公明党との調整がカギだ。安倍首相は、指導力を発揮してもらいたい。

Also high on the agenda is yet another revision to the guidelines for defense cooperation between Japan and the United States scheduled for late this year.
　年末に予定される日米防衛協力の指針（ガイドライン）の再改定も、重要課題となる。

The current guidelines resulted from the revision in 1997 of earlier ones. The current guidelines primarily take into account a possible crisis on the Korean Peninsula, providing specifics about the SDF’s logistic support for U.S. forces. A law was passed in 1999 concerning SDF operations to assist U.S. military forces during an emergency in areas surrounding Japan, but as yet the government has had no occasion to recognize such an emergency as stipulated by the law.
　１９９７年に改定された現指針は、朝鮮半島有事を念頭に、自衛隊の米軍支援の具体的な内容を定めた。９９年には周辺事態法も制定されたが、その後、周辺事態の認定は一度もない。

To make it possible for the SDF to deal promptly with such crises as the seizure of a remote island in Japan’s territory by Chinese agents pretending to be fishermen, the forthcoming Japan-U.S. security guidelines should specify a new framework for close cooperation between the SDF and U.S. forces even in “gray areas” between peacetime and emergencies.
　中国の偽装漁民による離島占拠といった事態に迅速に対処するため、平時と有事の中間にある「グレーゾーンの事態」の段階から自衛隊と米軍が緊密に連携する枠組みを新指針で示すべきだ。

Another essential task is to ramp up the SDF’s patrol and surveillance capabilities as well as rapid response preparedness based on the new National Defense Program Outline drawn up toward the end of 2013.
　昨年末に策定した新防衛大綱に基づき、自衛隊の警戒監視・即応体制を増強することも大切だ。

Some argue that strengthening Japan’s defense capabilities would stir up adverse reactions from neighboring countries, thus worsening the nation’s security environment.
　防衛力の強化は周辺国の反発を招き、むしろ安全保障環境が悪化する、との主張が一部にある。

It should be noted, however, that China continued its large-scale arms buildup even as Japan’s defense expenditures shrank for 10 consecutive years.
だが、中国などは、日本の防衛予算が１０年連続で減少している間も大幅な軍備増強を続けてきた。

Diplomacy and military affairs are closely connected. Unless both are reinforced, Japan cannot defend its territory and our national interests.
　外交と軍事は車の両輪だ。双方を強化しないと、領土を守り、国益を確保することはできない。

The issue of how to face China, which has gained power militarily and economically and does not mind changing the international order by force, is a concern not only for Japan but also for the international community.
　軍事、経済面で台頭し、力による国際秩序の変更も辞さない中国とどう向き合うかは、日本だけでなく、国際社会共通の懸案だ。

Recover lost ground
　◆靖国の失点を回復せよ

There is no denying that Abe’s recent visit to Yasukuni Shrine has given China an excuse to criticize Japan and has weakened Japan's partnership with other friendly countries.
　安倍首相の靖国神社参拝が、中国に日本批判の口実を与え、国際連携を弱めたのは否めない。

Before Abe’s visit to the shrine, it was China’s self-righteous behavior, including its unilateral establishment of an air defense identification zone, that drew criticism from the international community. But Japan, too, may be held responsible for worsening the regional situation. The government should not make light of the fact that the United States, Japan’s ally, expressed “disappointment” with Abe’s visit to the shrine.
　従来は、防空識別圏の一方的な設定など、中国の独善的な振る舞いが国際社会で問題視されていたが、今後、日本にも情勢悪化の責任があるとの見方が広がりかねない。同盟国の米国による「失望」表明を軽視すべきではない。

It is important that Abe, first of all, hold close talks with the U.S. side and explain the true intention of his visit, while at the same time working out Japan’s mid- and long-term strategies toward China.
　安倍首相はまず、米国と緊密に協議し、靖国参拝の真意を説明するとともに、中長期的な対中国戦略を練ることが肝要だ。

In cooperation with South Korea, Australia and Southeast Asian countries, Japan must persistently urge China to comply with international standards and “act responsibly.”
　韓国、豪州、東南アジアとも連携し、中国に、国際規範を順守し、「責任ある行動」を取るよう粘り強く促さねばならない。

Since the government nationalized some of the Senkaku Islands in September 2012, Japan-China relations have plunged to what is said to be their worst level in postwar history, and no summit talks have been held since the nationalization. Japan must assume this situation may last for a protracted period.
　日中関係は一昨年９月の尖閣諸島の国有化以来、首脳会談が開けず、戦後最悪と言われる。この長期化も覚悟する必要がある。

Needless to say, Japan must not make any concessions whatsoever over territorial issues.
　無論、日本は領土問題で一切の譲歩をすべきではない。

But closing the door on bilateral dialogue and cooperation in such fields as economic and environmental issues would be detrimental to both countries.
ただ、経済、環境などの分野の対話や協力まで閉ざすことは、日中双方にマイナスだ。

To explore ways to cooperate on these practical issues may help both countries take a step forward toward returning to the “mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests.”
こうした実務的な連携を模索することが「戦略的互恵関係」に回帰する一歩となろう。

Foreign visits important
　◆国益重視の外国訪問を

Advocating “proactive contributions to peace,” Abe went abroad on 13 occasions last year, visiting 25 countries, including all the 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. He will visit India, Ethiopia and four other countries this month.
　「積極的平和主義」を主唱する安倍首相は昨年、１３回も外遊し、東南アジア全１０か国を含む２５か国を訪問した。今月も、インド、エチオピアなど６か国を訪れる。

Diplomacy is a hardheaded game in which a country has to do its utmost to gain more friends and expand its national interests to the maximum. Strategically building amicable relations with as many countries as possible will become an asset for Japan’s diplomacy.
　外交は、いかに仲間を増やし、自国の利益を極大化するか、という冷徹なゲームだ。より多くの国と良好な関係を戦略的に構築することが日本外交の財産となる。

In recent years, prime ministers were replaced almost annually, making it difficult for Japan to pursue head-of-state diplomacy. Visits to foreign countries by Abe, who can expect a long-term administration, can be utilized as an important diplomatic card.
　近年は、首相交代が年中行事化し、首脳外交もままならなかったが、長期政権を視野に入れた安倍首相の外国訪問は重要な外交カードとして活用できる。

It is essential for Japan to enhance its presence internationally by proactively becoming involved in crafting international security rules, such as those on maritime activities and nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, in addition to pursuing its economic diplomacy in such fields as exports of infra-structure-related technology, energy and free trade agreements.
　インフラ輸出やエネルギー、自由貿易協定など経済外交に加え、海洋活動、大量破壊兵器の拡散防止など安全保障分野の国際ルール作りにも積極的に関与し、日本の存在感を高めることが肝要だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 6, 2014)
（2014年1月6日01時31分  読売新聞）