(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012
Anxiety and inattention over Tokyo's next Big One
風知草：首都地震、不安と油断＝山田孝男
Last week, the possibility of a new political party being formed under the leadership of Tokyo Gov. Shintaro Ishihara emerged, but Tokyoites were more shocked by news indicating there was a 70 percent chance of a magnitude 7-level earthquake hitting the capital within four years.
先週、首都圏住民をギョッとさせたニュースは増税より石原新党より、「Ｍ（マグニチュード）７級の首都地震、４年以内に７０％」だった。
The news caused a stir because it was based on projections by the authoritative Earthquake Research Institute (ERI) at the University of Tokyo.
それも天下の東大地震研究所の試算だというので騒ぎになった。
I visited professor Naoshi Hirata, 57, director of the institute's Earthquake Prediction Research Center, thinking the institute's announcement daring.
But I soon learned that this figure was not an "announcement."
思い切った発表をしたものですね、と平田直（なおし）教授（５７）＝地震予知研究センター長＝に聞きに行って初めて知ったが、発表ではなかった。
The episode is very interesting.
このてんまつは興味深い－－。
An initial report on the likelihood of a major quake appeared in The Yomiuri Shimbun's Jan. 23 morning editions. 初報は読売新聞２３日朝刊だった。
In a front-page exclusive, the daily reported the news with the banner headline: "70% chance of magnitude-7 level Tokyo earthquake within 4 yrs.''
１面で「首都直下型／４年内７０％／Ｍ７級／東大地震研試算」と特報した（東京本社最終版）。
The Nikkei, The Tokyo Shimbun and the Mainichi Shimbun followed suit in their evening editions and The Asahi Shimbun and The Sankei Shimbun caught up with them in their Jan. 24 editions.
日経、東京、毎日が夕刊で追い、朝日と産経は２４日朝刊で伝えた。
All trailing dailies had almost identical headlines.
各紙とも見出しは読売と同じである。
TV stations quickly reported the news through their news departments as well as in other programs. テレビは報道部門だけでなく、各局ごとにいくつもある情報番組が一斉に反応した。
Overwhelmed by a barrage of reports by news organizations, the ERI published a special explanation online to account for the reasons behind the Yomiuri report.
オールマスコミの怒とうの攻勢に音を上げた地震研が、ホームページ上に読売報道の背景解説のための特設サイトを立ち上げたというのが実情だった。
Adding a twist to the saga was the fact that the ERI's study team had reported its predictions at an open forum last fall, and they were covered by the mass media.
しかも、地震研の研究チームのこの見解は昨秋、公開の研究発表会で報告され、報道もされている。
Looking back, the Mainichi Shimbun reported in its Sept. 17, 2011 editions that there was a 98 percent chance of a magnitude 7-level earthquake striking the metropolitan region within 30 years.
そう聞いて毎日新聞の縮刷版にあたると、はたして９月１７日朝刊３面に「首都圏直下／Ｍ７級／３０年で９８％」という記事があった。
According to Hirata, a 98 percent chance within 30 years and a 70 percent chance within four years mean the same thing.
平田によれば、「３０年以内に９８％」と「４年以内に７０％」は同じである。
But human beings, as they are, take the 30-year span lightly and are surprised by the four-year timeline.
だが、人間、３０年ならまだ先と侮り、４年と聞けば驚く。
The Yomiuri keenly restructured the publicized data and emphasized the period "within four years," causing a big public reaction and forcing other news outlets to follow suit.
読売は公表ずみのデータを鋭角的に再構成し、「４年以内」を強調したことで反響を呼び、他のマスコミも追随せざるを得なかった。
As I was looking into the circumstances surrounding the quake prediction story, the nonfiction book "The Great Kanto Earthquake," by Akira Yoshimura (1927-2006), occurred to me.
この経緯を調べて思い出したのが吉村昭（１９２７～２００６）のノンフィクション「関東大震災」である。
From the end of the Meiji era to the early Taisho period, Akitsune Imamura, an assistant professor of seismology at Tokyo Imperial University (now the University of Tokyo), predicted a Tokyo earthquake in newspaper and magazine articles.
明治の末から大正の初めにかけ、東京帝大地震学教室の今村明恒助教授は新聞・雑誌で首都地震を予言した。
But Fusakichi Omori, Japan's foremost authority on seismology and chairman of seismology at the national university, was worried about a commotion in society and tried to defuse public anxiety, resulting in a standoff with Imamura.
一方、日本の地震学の最高権威と仰がれた同教室の大森房吉主任教授は社会の動揺を懸念、火消しに努めて今村と対立した。
On Sept. 1, 1923, the magnitude-7.9 Great Kanto Earthquake devastated Tokyo and its vicinity. Omori lost face and died in frustration, while Imamura was catapulted into fame.
１９２３（大正１２）年、関東大震災（Ｍ７・９）が発生、面目丸つぶれの大森は失意の中で死に、今村の時代がくる。
But Imamura had sparked confusion when freely talking about earthquakes before eventually toning his warnings down.
今村は求められるまま奔放に発言して混乱が拡大、しだいに寡黙になっていく……。
The balance between earthquake predictions and reporting is delicate.
地震予知と報道の呼吸は微妙だ。
When I asked Hirata if the latest episode reminded him of the row between Omori and Imamura, he said with a wry smile, "It's not such a big deal."
大森・今村論争を意識したかと聞くと、平田は「そんな大それた話じゃない」と苦笑しつつ、こう言った。
"A magnitude-7 quake's energy is one thousandth of the (magnitude-9) Great East Japan Earthquake.
「マグニチュード７のエネルギーは東日本大震災（Ｍ９）の１０００分の１ですよ。
We did not predict an inland earthquake in the capital," Hirata says. "
首都直下と予測したわけでもない。
The reports tended to cause misunderstanding but were meaningful in that they sounded an alarm against inattention in the Kanto region.
誤解を招きやすい報道でしたけれども、関東地方の油断に警鐘を鳴らす意義はあった。
The chances of a big earthquake are greater than before and it is necessary to prepare."
大地震の発生確率は前より高まっており、備えは大事です」
At the outset of a news conference on Jan. 27, Tokyo Gov. Ishihara mentioned disaster-prevention steps, believing there would be questions about the University of Tokyo's predictions. However, none of the questions related to the earthquake predictions.
石原慎太郎・東京都知事は２７日の記者会見の冒頭、「どうせ質問が出るだろう」と先回りして防災を語ったが、質問はゼロ。
His 30-minute news conference solely covered questions about the new political party under consideration.
３０分の会見はすべて石原新党に費やされた。
The shocking reports about a 70 percent chance of an earthquake hitting the metropolitan area within four years didn't appear to make a dent at all at the news conference.
衝撃の「４年以内に７０％」報道とはいえ、その程度のものだった。
News reports are cues for people to become aware of inattention.
報道は油断に気づくきっかけに過ぎない。
The bottom line is how to react in an emergency situation.
いざという時、どう動くか。
Yoshimura's parents went through the Great Kanto Earthquake.
吉村昭は関東大震災を体験していないが、両親は被災した。
During U.S. air raids on Tokyo in the closing days of World War II, Yoshimura got yelled at by his father when he tried to flee with a pack on his back.
東京大空襲（４５年）でリュックを背負って逃げようとした時、その父に「手ぶらで逃げろ」と怒鳴られた。
Tales by survivors of the March 11 disasters and Yoshimura's books are filled with survival tips that cannot be found by looking to disaster-prevention goods.
３・１１を生き延びた人々の体験談や吉村の著作には、防災グッズでは得られないものが詰まっている。
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年1月30日 東京朝刊
2012/01/31
中国人民元は世界の基軸通貨となることができるのか（インタビュー)
飽きもせず、英字新聞社説を毎日読むこと数年、日本の英字新聞だったら、相当のスピードで読めるようになりました。アジアの新聞だって、昔にくらべたら、随分読めるようにはなりました。
ワシントンポスト、ニューヨークタイムズの記事は難しいけれども、通常のスピードで読み下して、理解率５０％は超えています。
ですが、タイム紙になると、これは、まったく歯がたちません＾＾。ちなみに、スーチーさんの、ビルマよりの手紙（毎日新聞掲載）はタイム紙レベルなのです。辞書なしに理解することは、難しいのです。これは使っている単語のレベルが違うということでしょうね。
今朝は、朝日新聞の電撃インタビュー記事を一息に読み下しました。
↓
中国の経済担当カウンセラーに朝日新聞記者が電撃インタビュー、
中国人民元は世界の基軸通貨となることができるのか？
インタビュー骨子：
あと30年は米ドルの天下。
米国はドルを大量（無制限に）印刷できる世界で唯一の特権を手にしているので、ドルの安定に尽力すべき。
そうしないと、大量のドルを抱え込んでいる中国だって、大迷惑を被ってしまう。
中国は香港を窓口として、世界為替市場に積極的に参加はするが、完全自由化はまだ先のこと。
現時点で、アメリカの言うなりに人民元を解放する（変動相場）ことは、あまりにも中国にとって危険である。
日本は落ち目、経済状況は米国と同じで欧州より悪い。
ヨーロッパはそれなりに伝統があるので頑張ってもらいたい。挽回してもらわないと中国経済にも悪影響が出る。
中国の人民元はやがて世界の基軸通貨となるかも知れないが、それは30年以上あとの話だ。
それに向けた対策を徐々に、段階的に切り替えて対策をとっていく。
西洋の急激なききめのある薬ではなくって、漢方薬のようにじっくりと効き目が後からついてくるような政策を展開する。
中国人民元に象徴されるアジア通貨が世界の基軸通貨となるのが理想的だが、それには時間がかかる。
アジア諸国は欧州と比べると歴史的な問題をかかえているし、政治の体系も異なっている。さらに経済の発展の度合いは国によりまちまちである。それでも、今後はアジアが経済の中心となって行くのは間違いのないところではある。アジア諸国が一致協力して、為替の安定を図り、経済的に発展していくことを願う。
（スラチャイ）
January 28, 2012
INTERVIEW/ Xia Bin: China’s senior economic advisor talks about strategy to promote renminbi
中国人民元は世界の基軸通貨となることができるのか（インタビュー)
By KEIKO YOSHIOKA / Correspondent
The global currency market is in a state of flux, as the euro is in serious trouble and international confidence in the dollar is also eroding. The outlook for the yen, which has appreciated sharply against the two leading currencies, is also murky because of Japan's mounting economic woes.
Amid this currency turmoil, China's renminbi is attracting increasing international attention as the unit of a country expected to eventually become an economic superpower rivaling or even surpassing the United States. Is Beijing maneuvering to make the renminbi a world currency that challenges the greenback for world hegemony?
In a recent interview with The Asahi Shimbun, Xia Bin, a councilor of the State Council who served as top official at the country's central bank and securities regulatory body and is now advising Premier Wen Jiabao, discussed Beijing's strategy to raise the currency's international stature. Excerpts of the interview follow.
Q: Since the global financial crisis started in 2008, the Chinese government has been calling for reform of the international currency regime. What are your complaints?
Xia Bin: The problem is the instability of the dollar. Since the dollar is the key reserve currency, the United States can borrow as much money as it wants from the rest of the world. Unlike other debt-ridden countries, the U.S. doesn't go bankrupt because it can pay back its debt by printing dollars. Since the U.S has such an exclusive privilege it has the obligation to ensure the stability of the dollar. But the country has kept running a current-account deficit (which works to depress the value of the dollar), thereby undermining the stability of the entire world economy.
As the national power of the U.S. has declined, the world is becoming increasingly multipolar, not only economically but also politically. If China's economy becomes larger in size, expanding its cross-border linkages, the renminbi will gradually gain greater influence in the international market as a natural consequence.
Q: The U.S. current-account deficit is certainly huge, but its principal cause is excessive spending. Profligate spending by American consumers has been supporting China's export-driven economic growth. On the other hand, China has also been supporting the U.S. and global economies by using the money it has earned to buy U.S. government bonds.
A: China's dollar assets, which are the fruits of hard work by Chinese people, are now in danger of falling in value. Currently, excessive production capacity in China is supporting excessive consumption in the U.S. It can be argued that China has been dragged into this situation by a wrong-headed U.S. policy. Since the 1980s, China has been under pressure to build up its foreign reserves by expanding its exports in order to alleviate a shortage of capital (needed by its industries) at home. China has also been gripped by excitement about its growing national power. Now, however, we need to rethink our policy.
Q: What kind of options are available for fixing the situation?
A: Many countries, including China, have dollar assets. We don't want to see the dollar weaken rapidly. The U.S., which is bent on protecting its privilege, is resisting necessary reforms. The dollar is drawing strength from its widespread use. For the time being, several rival currencies will compete with each other (for supremacy), and a balance of power will emerge among them as they limit each other's power. Over the next two or three decades, the dollar will remain to be the leading currency, with many others battling with each other for greater influence in the world.
Q: And do you believe the renminbi will be one of these competing currencies?
A: Yes. Experts around the world see the Chinese currency as one of the players that will create a new balance of power (in the currency market). China is trying to expand its influence within international organizations like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank so that the views and positions of emerging and developing countries will be more reflected in the process of developing international financial rules.
Q: But the Chinese government is keeping the renminbi artificially undervalued to promote the country's exports, isn't it?
A: We cannot liberalize at once flows of money that cross our borders, nor can we shift to a complete floating exchange rate system immediately. The primary lesson from the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s is the danger of making a developing country's economy fully open to international flows of capital. Huge amounts of foreign capital suddenly flew into these Asian countries and then suddenly poured out of them, causing serious confusion.
Beijing should expand the renminbi's trading band gradually. This way, it can buy time for necessary reforms at home including reform of its financial markets while ensuring the stability of the currency's exchange rates by taking advantage of the relatively high international confidence in the dollar. In addition, more people will want to hold the renminbi if the currency is generally expected to rise in the future.
Q: There are many restrictions on trading in the renminbi, including controls on cross-border transactions and regulations on Chinese financial markets. It is said that China's foreign exchange rate system is as strictly controlled as Japan's was in the 1970s. Would the Chinese currency gain international popularity even if such restrictions remain?
A: The amount of the renminbi circulating in the world is growing through Chinese companies' investments overseas using the domestic currency and the Chinese government's financial aid to developing countries. We are receiving many proposals to create a market for trading in the renminbi from various foreign financial centers including London and Singapore.
China's approach to reform can be compared to Chinese herb medicine. Progress is made gradually through a holistic process with emphasis on the harmony of the whole. We are going to ease our currency regulations in line with the progress we make in reforming the domestic economy and financial markets. With as many as 1.3 billion people to feed, we put the top policy priority on creating jobs and maintaining social stability in our country. China is still a minor financial player. We cannot introduce systems in mature, industrial nations at a stroke.
Q: China's mainland financial markets are not yet sufficiently open to foreign investors. Opening these markets would facilitate renminbi-denominated investments, wouldn't it?
A: As long as we keep financial markets in the mainland closed, we will use Hong Kong, which is an international financial center. That way, we can undertake new initiatives in financial markets in the mainland while keeping them insulated from certain risks. In Hong Kong, not only a market for renminbi-denominated deposits but also markets for renminbi-based trading in bonds and stocks are growing. When China still restricted international trade in goods, Hong Kong served as the connection point between the mainland and the rest of the world. Hong Kong will play that role again in the area of financial transactions.
The United States is pressing China to ease its financial regulations in pursuit of new business opportunities for its financial institutions. We cannot simply play ball with Washington. The internationalization of the renminbi has barely begun. It would be amazing if the share of the renminbi in the foreign reserves of countries rise to several percent, on a par with the current shares of the yen and the British pound, in 10 years. We will take steps to internationalize the renminbi in stages, starting with efforts to reform domestic markets during a period of preparation that will probably last until around 2020. We will first try to make the renminbi a leading currency in Asia, where we have strong economic ties with other countries.
Q: Then will it be a key global currency?
A: It will depend on what kind of economic growth China will maintain in coming years. In addition, this is not a purely economic challenge. Even if a period of competing currencies will continue for the time being, it is possible for China to make the renminbi a major currency in the world through mutual cooperation with other countries without getting embroiled in international conflict.
A country's currency is an indicator of its power. The Chinese economy is expected to become the world's largest in the mid-21st century. But the difficulty of understanding China's policy positions and goals is creating anxiety among other countries. China needs to clearly explain its financial and currency policies to the world and make it clear it is trying to achieve economic growth together with other countries.
Q: In China, we often hear policymakers talk about lessons from the 1985 Plaza Accord, an agreement among the five leading economic powers at that time to devalue the dollar. They argue that the accord is the cause of Japan's economic problems. By succumbing to U.S. pressure and accepting the yen's appreciation, they say, Japan allowed its businesses to lose international competitiveness, its economy to lose steam and financial market bubbles to form and then burst.
A: I don't think Chinese bureaucrats involved in policymaking believe such a simplified theory. Back then, the era of Japan's rapid, emerging country-type economic growth was already over as the number of young workers was decreasing. After many years of double-digit economic growth, China will also see its economy slow gradually in coming years. A nation cannot maintain its economic growth without carrying out necessary economic and social reforms in response to its development. The yen's appreciation was not the only challenge facing Japan. This is the biggest lesson we should learn from Japan's experiences during that period.
Q: Japan and China have reached an agreement on financial cooperation featuring measures to promote trade settlements using the yen and the renminbi, to develop a Chinese bond market for Japanese investors and cross-holdings of government bonds. It was first proposed by Japan, wasn't it?
A: From China's strategic viewpoint, dealing with Japan, which was the first country to become a major economic power in Asia and has an international currency, is a delicate matter. It is uncomfortable for China to seek Japan's cooperation for efforts to internationalize the renminbi. It would be embarrassing for China to make such a proposal only to be rejected by Japan. If Japan makes such a proposal that is in line with China's policy direction, however, there is no reason for China to decline it.
The internationalization of the renminbi will only accelerate irrespective of Japan's will. The Japanese government probably realized that the yen could be marginalized or Japanese companies could miss out on important business opportunities unless it expanded such financial cooperation with China.
Q: So this is a mutually beneficial deal?
A: Both countries can reduce foreign exchange risks and costs by using their own currencies for trade instead of using the dollar. The development of a market for trading in bonds denominated in Asian currencies would make it easier to invest money earned through trade within the region. It would also make it unnecessary for both countries to hold a huge amount of dollars as part of their foreign reserves. This is definitely beneficial for both sides.
If this cooperation between Japan and China works out well, it would lay a foundation for regional financial cooperation. If China wins the trust of its neighbors by providing solid support to the efforts, it could also gain regional confidence in the renminbi and improve the environment for its currency's rise to the status as a major regional currency.
Q: The world is paying a lot of attention to whether China will help solve the sovereign debt crisis in Europe.
A: Since it is benefiting from the world economy, China is really hoping that Europe will regain financial stability quickly. Having said that, I would also say that whether or not China will help Europe with this problem is not an issue. Many European countries are in better fiscal health than Japan or the U.S. They are rich countries with per-capita gross domestic product far larger than China's. Europe has clearly the wherewithal to sort out the situation. In particular, the principal question is what Germany, which has been benefiting greatly from the euro's weakness, will do.
In case the Chinese government considers using part of its foreign reserves to make an investment in Europe, it will assess carefully whether the investment will yield a satisfactory return.
Q: What is your assessment of the probability of a common Asian currency?
A: It may be an ideal, but I don't see any possibility of such a currency becoming reality in the near future. In contrast with Europe, there are some historical problems among Asian countries, and the political systems and the levels of economic development greatly differ from country to country. But Asia is now at the center of global economic growth. There are many challenges Asian countries should tackle together in order to ensure stability in exchange rates and promote the development of financial markets in the region.
***
Xia Bin: Born in 1951, Xia Bin is currently counselor of China's State Council and honorary director of the Financial Research Institute of the State Council's Development Research Center. He is also a member of the People's Bank of China's Monetary Policy Committee. He graduated from the Graduate School of the People's Bank of China.
By KEIKO YOSHIOKA / Correspondent
ワシントンポスト、ニューヨークタイムズの記事は難しいけれども、通常のスピードで読み下して、理解率５０％は超えています。
ですが、タイム紙になると、これは、まったく歯がたちません＾＾。ちなみに、スーチーさんの、ビルマよりの手紙（毎日新聞掲載）はタイム紙レベルなのです。辞書なしに理解することは、難しいのです。これは使っている単語のレベルが違うということでしょうね。
今朝は、朝日新聞の電撃インタビュー記事を一息に読み下しました。
↓
中国の経済担当カウンセラーに朝日新聞記者が電撃インタビュー、
中国人民元は世界の基軸通貨となることができるのか？
インタビュー骨子：
あと30年は米ドルの天下。
米国はドルを大量（無制限に）印刷できる世界で唯一の特権を手にしているので、ドルの安定に尽力すべき。
そうしないと、大量のドルを抱え込んでいる中国だって、大迷惑を被ってしまう。
中国は香港を窓口として、世界為替市場に積極的に参加はするが、完全自由化はまだ先のこと。
現時点で、アメリカの言うなりに人民元を解放する（変動相場）ことは、あまりにも中国にとって危険である。
日本は落ち目、経済状況は米国と同じで欧州より悪い。
ヨーロッパはそれなりに伝統があるので頑張ってもらいたい。挽回してもらわないと中国経済にも悪影響が出る。
中国の人民元はやがて世界の基軸通貨となるかも知れないが、それは30年以上あとの話だ。
それに向けた対策を徐々に、段階的に切り替えて対策をとっていく。
西洋の急激なききめのある薬ではなくって、漢方薬のようにじっくりと効き目が後からついてくるような政策を展開する。
中国人民元に象徴されるアジア通貨が世界の基軸通貨となるのが理想的だが、それには時間がかかる。
アジア諸国は欧州と比べると歴史的な問題をかかえているし、政治の体系も異なっている。さらに経済の発展の度合いは国によりまちまちである。それでも、今後はアジアが経済の中心となって行くのは間違いのないところではある。アジア諸国が一致協力して、為替の安定を図り、経済的に発展していくことを願う。
（スラチャイ）
January 28, 2012
INTERVIEW/ Xia Bin: China’s senior economic advisor talks about strategy to promote renminbi
中国人民元は世界の基軸通貨となることができるのか（インタビュー)
By KEIKO YOSHIOKA / Correspondent
The global currency market is in a state of flux, as the euro is in serious trouble and international confidence in the dollar is also eroding. The outlook for the yen, which has appreciated sharply against the two leading currencies, is also murky because of Japan's mounting economic woes.
Amid this currency turmoil, China's renminbi is attracting increasing international attention as the unit of a country expected to eventually become an economic superpower rivaling or even surpassing the United States. Is Beijing maneuvering to make the renminbi a world currency that challenges the greenback for world hegemony?
In a recent interview with The Asahi Shimbun, Xia Bin, a councilor of the State Council who served as top official at the country's central bank and securities regulatory body and is now advising Premier Wen Jiabao, discussed Beijing's strategy to raise the currency's international stature. Excerpts of the interview follow.
Q: Since the global financial crisis started in 2008, the Chinese government has been calling for reform of the international currency regime. What are your complaints?
Xia Bin: The problem is the instability of the dollar. Since the dollar is the key reserve currency, the United States can borrow as much money as it wants from the rest of the world. Unlike other debt-ridden countries, the U.S. doesn't go bankrupt because it can pay back its debt by printing dollars. Since the U.S has such an exclusive privilege it has the obligation to ensure the stability of the dollar. But the country has kept running a current-account deficit (which works to depress the value of the dollar), thereby undermining the stability of the entire world economy.
As the national power of the U.S. has declined, the world is becoming increasingly multipolar, not only economically but also politically. If China's economy becomes larger in size, expanding its cross-border linkages, the renminbi will gradually gain greater influence in the international market as a natural consequence.
Q: The U.S. current-account deficit is certainly huge, but its principal cause is excessive spending. Profligate spending by American consumers has been supporting China's export-driven economic growth. On the other hand, China has also been supporting the U.S. and global economies by using the money it has earned to buy U.S. government bonds.
A: China's dollar assets, which are the fruits of hard work by Chinese people, are now in danger of falling in value. Currently, excessive production capacity in China is supporting excessive consumption in the U.S. It can be argued that China has been dragged into this situation by a wrong-headed U.S. policy. Since the 1980s, China has been under pressure to build up its foreign reserves by expanding its exports in order to alleviate a shortage of capital (needed by its industries) at home. China has also been gripped by excitement about its growing national power. Now, however, we need to rethink our policy.
Q: What kind of options are available for fixing the situation?
A: Many countries, including China, have dollar assets. We don't want to see the dollar weaken rapidly. The U.S., which is bent on protecting its privilege, is resisting necessary reforms. The dollar is drawing strength from its widespread use. For the time being, several rival currencies will compete with each other (for supremacy), and a balance of power will emerge among them as they limit each other's power. Over the next two or three decades, the dollar will remain to be the leading currency, with many others battling with each other for greater influence in the world.
Q: And do you believe the renminbi will be one of these competing currencies?
A: Yes. Experts around the world see the Chinese currency as one of the players that will create a new balance of power (in the currency market). China is trying to expand its influence within international organizations like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank so that the views and positions of emerging and developing countries will be more reflected in the process of developing international financial rules.
Q: But the Chinese government is keeping the renminbi artificially undervalued to promote the country's exports, isn't it?
A: We cannot liberalize at once flows of money that cross our borders, nor can we shift to a complete floating exchange rate system immediately. The primary lesson from the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s is the danger of making a developing country's economy fully open to international flows of capital. Huge amounts of foreign capital suddenly flew into these Asian countries and then suddenly poured out of them, causing serious confusion.
Beijing should expand the renminbi's trading band gradually. This way, it can buy time for necessary reforms at home including reform of its financial markets while ensuring the stability of the currency's exchange rates by taking advantage of the relatively high international confidence in the dollar. In addition, more people will want to hold the renminbi if the currency is generally expected to rise in the future.
Q: There are many restrictions on trading in the renminbi, including controls on cross-border transactions and regulations on Chinese financial markets. It is said that China's foreign exchange rate system is as strictly controlled as Japan's was in the 1970s. Would the Chinese currency gain international popularity even if such restrictions remain?
A: The amount of the renminbi circulating in the world is growing through Chinese companies' investments overseas using the domestic currency and the Chinese government's financial aid to developing countries. We are receiving many proposals to create a market for trading in the renminbi from various foreign financial centers including London and Singapore.
China's approach to reform can be compared to Chinese herb medicine. Progress is made gradually through a holistic process with emphasis on the harmony of the whole. We are going to ease our currency regulations in line with the progress we make in reforming the domestic economy and financial markets. With as many as 1.3 billion people to feed, we put the top policy priority on creating jobs and maintaining social stability in our country. China is still a minor financial player. We cannot introduce systems in mature, industrial nations at a stroke.
Q: China's mainland financial markets are not yet sufficiently open to foreign investors. Opening these markets would facilitate renminbi-denominated investments, wouldn't it?
A: As long as we keep financial markets in the mainland closed, we will use Hong Kong, which is an international financial center. That way, we can undertake new initiatives in financial markets in the mainland while keeping them insulated from certain risks. In Hong Kong, not only a market for renminbi-denominated deposits but also markets for renminbi-based trading in bonds and stocks are growing. When China still restricted international trade in goods, Hong Kong served as the connection point between the mainland and the rest of the world. Hong Kong will play that role again in the area of financial transactions.
The United States is pressing China to ease its financial regulations in pursuit of new business opportunities for its financial institutions. We cannot simply play ball with Washington. The internationalization of the renminbi has barely begun. It would be amazing if the share of the renminbi in the foreign reserves of countries rise to several percent, on a par with the current shares of the yen and the British pound, in 10 years. We will take steps to internationalize the renminbi in stages, starting with efforts to reform domestic markets during a period of preparation that will probably last until around 2020. We will first try to make the renminbi a leading currency in Asia, where we have strong economic ties with other countries.
Q: Then will it be a key global currency?
A: It will depend on what kind of economic growth China will maintain in coming years. In addition, this is not a purely economic challenge. Even if a period of competing currencies will continue for the time being, it is possible for China to make the renminbi a major currency in the world through mutual cooperation with other countries without getting embroiled in international conflict.
A country's currency is an indicator of its power. The Chinese economy is expected to become the world's largest in the mid-21st century. But the difficulty of understanding China's policy positions and goals is creating anxiety among other countries. China needs to clearly explain its financial and currency policies to the world and make it clear it is trying to achieve economic growth together with other countries.
Q: In China, we often hear policymakers talk about lessons from the 1985 Plaza Accord, an agreement among the five leading economic powers at that time to devalue the dollar. They argue that the accord is the cause of Japan's economic problems. By succumbing to U.S. pressure and accepting the yen's appreciation, they say, Japan allowed its businesses to lose international competitiveness, its economy to lose steam and financial market bubbles to form and then burst.
A: I don't think Chinese bureaucrats involved in policymaking believe such a simplified theory. Back then, the era of Japan's rapid, emerging country-type economic growth was already over as the number of young workers was decreasing. After many years of double-digit economic growth, China will also see its economy slow gradually in coming years. A nation cannot maintain its economic growth without carrying out necessary economic and social reforms in response to its development. The yen's appreciation was not the only challenge facing Japan. This is the biggest lesson we should learn from Japan's experiences during that period.
Q: Japan and China have reached an agreement on financial cooperation featuring measures to promote trade settlements using the yen and the renminbi, to develop a Chinese bond market for Japanese investors and cross-holdings of government bonds. It was first proposed by Japan, wasn't it?
A: From China's strategic viewpoint, dealing with Japan, which was the first country to become a major economic power in Asia and has an international currency, is a delicate matter. It is uncomfortable for China to seek Japan's cooperation for efforts to internationalize the renminbi. It would be embarrassing for China to make such a proposal only to be rejected by Japan. If Japan makes such a proposal that is in line with China's policy direction, however, there is no reason for China to decline it.
The internationalization of the renminbi will only accelerate irrespective of Japan's will. The Japanese government probably realized that the yen could be marginalized or Japanese companies could miss out on important business opportunities unless it expanded such financial cooperation with China.
Q: So this is a mutually beneficial deal?
A: Both countries can reduce foreign exchange risks and costs by using their own currencies for trade instead of using the dollar. The development of a market for trading in bonds denominated in Asian currencies would make it easier to invest money earned through trade within the region. It would also make it unnecessary for both countries to hold a huge amount of dollars as part of their foreign reserves. This is definitely beneficial for both sides.
If this cooperation between Japan and China works out well, it would lay a foundation for regional financial cooperation. If China wins the trust of its neighbors by providing solid support to the efforts, it could also gain regional confidence in the renminbi and improve the environment for its currency's rise to the status as a major regional currency.
Q: The world is paying a lot of attention to whether China will help solve the sovereign debt crisis in Europe.
A: Since it is benefiting from the world economy, China is really hoping that Europe will regain financial stability quickly. Having said that, I would also say that whether or not China will help Europe with this problem is not an issue. Many European countries are in better fiscal health than Japan or the U.S. They are rich countries with per-capita gross domestic product far larger than China's. Europe has clearly the wherewithal to sort out the situation. In particular, the principal question is what Germany, which has been benefiting greatly from the euro's weakness, will do.
In case the Chinese government considers using part of its foreign reserves to make an investment in Europe, it will assess carefully whether the investment will yield a satisfactory return.
Q: What is your assessment of the probability of a common Asian currency?
A: It may be an ideal, but I don't see any possibility of such a currency becoming reality in the near future. In contrast with Europe, there are some historical problems among Asian countries, and the political systems and the levels of economic development greatly differ from country to country. But Asia is now at the center of global economic growth. There are many challenges Asian countries should tackle together in order to ensure stability in exchange rates and promote the development of financial markets in the region.
***
Xia Bin: Born in 1951, Xia Bin is currently counselor of China's State Council and honorary director of the Financial Research Institute of the State Council's Development Research Center. He is also a member of the People's Bank of China's Monetary Policy Committee. He graduated from the Graduate School of the People's Bank of China.
By KEIKO YOSHIOKA / Correspondent
2012/01/29
米ゼロ金利継続 景気低迷に警戒強めたＦＲＢ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 29, 2012)
Fed's super-low rate policy aimed at boosting economy
米ゼロ金利継続 景気低迷に警戒強めたＦＲＢ（1月28日付・読売社説）
The U.S. Federal Reserve Board has decided to keep its de facto zero benchmark interest rate well into the future.
米連邦準備制度理事会（ＦＲＢ）が、事実上のゼロ金利政策を長期間続ける方針を打ち出した。
The Fed's new timetable indicates it is increasingly concerned about the future of the U.S. economy.
米国経済の先行きに警戒を強めたのだろう。
In deciding to maintain its close-to-zero interest rate policy, the Fed said in a statement released Wednesday that current U.S. economic conditions "are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through late 2014."
ＦＲＢは声明で、ゼロ金利政策について、「少なくとも２０１４年終盤まで異例の低金利が正当化される可能性が高い」と指摘した。
This new policy is highly significant as the Fed is prolonging its super-low interest rate a year and a half beyond its earlier stance that an extremely low interest rate should be maintained until the end of the first half of 2013.
「１３年半ばまで」としてきた従来の方針と比べ、１年半程度も延ばす意味は大きい。
The unemployment rate in the United States has remained high at more than 8 percent, while its post-inflation economic growth this year is projected to be below 2 percent.
米国の失業率は８％台に高止まりし、今年の実質成長率も２％弱に低迷する見込みだ。
U.S. business activities have yet to regain their strength.
景気の回復力はまだ緩慢である。
The European sovereign crisis, which was triggered by Greece and has not yet been resolved, threatens to destabilize the global economy.
ギリシャに端を発した欧州危機は収束せず、世界経済を揺るがせている。
Should the European crisis deteriorate because of a delay in implementing countermeasures, the consequences could deal an even heavier blow to the U.S. economy.
対策の遅れで危機が深刻化すると、米国経済に一段と打撃を与えかねない。
===
Fed action praiseworthy
The Fed boldly decided to prolong its super-low federal funds rate policy to encourage declines in interest rates on long-term loans in the hope of shoring up business activities and stimulating fixed investments and other business areas.
ＦＲＢは、ゼロ金利政策を思い切って長期化させて、長期金利の低下を促し、設備投資などを刺激する景気下支え効果を狙った。
It seems that in its latest policy meeting, the Fed could not brush aside growing uncertainties shrouding the global economy as seen in the eurozone's rapidly deteriorating business conditions and the world's alarmingly unstable financial markets.
ユーロ圏の急減速や不安定な市場など、世界を覆う不透明感を軽視できなかったと言えよう。
The United States has no room for a further reduction of the federal funds rate, and the scope of measures to handle financial policies is limited.
金利引き下げの余地はなく、金融政策が打てる手は限られている。
The Fed's resolve to take all possible measures to bring about a strong economic recovery in spite of these circumstances is a welcome development.
それでも現状で可能な限りの姿勢を示したのは評価できる。
The U.S. central bank has made public its outlook for a benchmark interest rate for the first time, indicating that many of its 17 members do not anticipate the need to tighten its monetary policy in the near future.
ＦＲＢは今回初めて、政策金利の見通しを示し、早期の金融引き締めを想定していないメンバーが多いことを明らかにした。
The Fed also set an acceptable rate of price increases at "2 percent from a year before," another noteworthy change that enhances the transparency of its policy handling.
長期的に望ましい物価上昇率の目安を「前年比２％」と設定した点も、政策の透明性を高めるもので注目すべき変化である。
The 2 percent "inflation goal" is different from a formal "inflation target" that would make it mandatory for the Fed to take measures immediately after price increases exceed 2 percent on an annual basis.
物価上昇率の「目安」とは、上昇率が２％から外れた時に、直ちに政策対応が必要な「インフレ目標」とは異なる。
The announcement of the inflation goal, or what the Fed believes is an acceptable inflation rate, however, is sufficiently effective to convey a clear-cut message that it places great importance on an inflation figure of 2 percent.
だが、２％を重視するメッセージは鮮明だ。
===
Yen's appreciation to linger
A protracted ultraeasy monetary policy may bring the risk of higher prices.
超金融緩和が長引くと、物価上昇圧力が高まる恐れがある。
Bearing such anxieties in mind, the Fed has firmly stated it will continue to place top priority on price stabilization, an action that will reassure businesses and households.
そうした懸念に対し、ＦＲＢが物価安定をあくまで最優先していく姿勢を示したことは、企業や家計に安心感を与えるだろう。
The focus from now on will be whether the Fed, in the event of further financial market destabilization, will opt for Phase 3 of large-scale quantitative monetary easing, the so-called QE3.
今後の焦点は、金融市場が一段と不安定になった場合、ＦＲＢが第３弾の大規模な量的緩和策（ＱＥ３）に踏み切るかどうかだ。
Phase 2--QE2--ended last summer, but it came under criticism for causing inflation in emerging economies to worsen.
昨夏に終了した第２弾のＱＥ２は、新興国のインフレを招く副作用をもたらして批判された。
Therefore, a number of hurdles need to be surmounted before QE3 can be adopted.
ＱＥ３へのハードルは高いが、
The Fed will have a difficult time carrying out policies, while keeping an eye on how the European crisis evolves.
ＦＲＢは欧州危機の推移などを注視し、難しい舵(かじ)取りが求められる。
Japan, for its part, must consider the great possibility that the appreciation of the historically strong yen against the dollar will continue, as the Fed's ultraeasy monetary policy is bound to increase selling pressure on the greenback.
日本にとっては、米国の超金融緩和策でドル売り圧力が強まり、歴史的な円高・ドル安が続くことに注意が必要である。
The government and the Bank of Japan must do everything they can in working out measures to stem the yen's appreciation and take measures to prevent the strong yen from worsening business activities in this country.
政府・日銀は、円高是正や円高対策に万全を期さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 28, 2012)
（2012年1月28日01時14分 読売新聞）
Fed's super-low rate policy aimed at boosting economy
米ゼロ金利継続 景気低迷に警戒強めたＦＲＢ（1月28日付・読売社説）
The U.S. Federal Reserve Board has decided to keep its de facto zero benchmark interest rate well into the future.
米連邦準備制度理事会（ＦＲＢ）が、事実上のゼロ金利政策を長期間続ける方針を打ち出した。
The Fed's new timetable indicates it is increasingly concerned about the future of the U.S. economy.
米国経済の先行きに警戒を強めたのだろう。
In deciding to maintain its close-to-zero interest rate policy, the Fed said in a statement released Wednesday that current U.S. economic conditions "are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through late 2014."
ＦＲＢは声明で、ゼロ金利政策について、「少なくとも２０１４年終盤まで異例の低金利が正当化される可能性が高い」と指摘した。
This new policy is highly significant as the Fed is prolonging its super-low interest rate a year and a half beyond its earlier stance that an extremely low interest rate should be maintained until the end of the first half of 2013.
「１３年半ばまで」としてきた従来の方針と比べ、１年半程度も延ばす意味は大きい。
The unemployment rate in the United States has remained high at more than 8 percent, while its post-inflation economic growth this year is projected to be below 2 percent.
米国の失業率は８％台に高止まりし、今年の実質成長率も２％弱に低迷する見込みだ。
U.S. business activities have yet to regain their strength.
景気の回復力はまだ緩慢である。
The European sovereign crisis, which was triggered by Greece and has not yet been resolved, threatens to destabilize the global economy.
ギリシャに端を発した欧州危機は収束せず、世界経済を揺るがせている。
Should the European crisis deteriorate because of a delay in implementing countermeasures, the consequences could deal an even heavier blow to the U.S. economy.
対策の遅れで危機が深刻化すると、米国経済に一段と打撃を与えかねない。
===
Fed action praiseworthy
The Fed boldly decided to prolong its super-low federal funds rate policy to encourage declines in interest rates on long-term loans in the hope of shoring up business activities and stimulating fixed investments and other business areas.
ＦＲＢは、ゼロ金利政策を思い切って長期化させて、長期金利の低下を促し、設備投資などを刺激する景気下支え効果を狙った。
It seems that in its latest policy meeting, the Fed could not brush aside growing uncertainties shrouding the global economy as seen in the eurozone's rapidly deteriorating business conditions and the world's alarmingly unstable financial markets.
ユーロ圏の急減速や不安定な市場など、世界を覆う不透明感を軽視できなかったと言えよう。
The United States has no room for a further reduction of the federal funds rate, and the scope of measures to handle financial policies is limited.
金利引き下げの余地はなく、金融政策が打てる手は限られている。
The Fed's resolve to take all possible measures to bring about a strong economic recovery in spite of these circumstances is a welcome development.
それでも現状で可能な限りの姿勢を示したのは評価できる。
The U.S. central bank has made public its outlook for a benchmark interest rate for the first time, indicating that many of its 17 members do not anticipate the need to tighten its monetary policy in the near future.
ＦＲＢは今回初めて、政策金利の見通しを示し、早期の金融引き締めを想定していないメンバーが多いことを明らかにした。
The Fed also set an acceptable rate of price increases at "2 percent from a year before," another noteworthy change that enhances the transparency of its policy handling.
長期的に望ましい物価上昇率の目安を「前年比２％」と設定した点も、政策の透明性を高めるもので注目すべき変化である。
The 2 percent "inflation goal" is different from a formal "inflation target" that would make it mandatory for the Fed to take measures immediately after price increases exceed 2 percent on an annual basis.
物価上昇率の「目安」とは、上昇率が２％から外れた時に、直ちに政策対応が必要な「インフレ目標」とは異なる。
The announcement of the inflation goal, or what the Fed believes is an acceptable inflation rate, however, is sufficiently effective to convey a clear-cut message that it places great importance on an inflation figure of 2 percent.
だが、２％を重視するメッセージは鮮明だ。
===
Yen's appreciation to linger
A protracted ultraeasy monetary policy may bring the risk of higher prices.
超金融緩和が長引くと、物価上昇圧力が高まる恐れがある。
Bearing such anxieties in mind, the Fed has firmly stated it will continue to place top priority on price stabilization, an action that will reassure businesses and households.
そうした懸念に対し、ＦＲＢが物価安定をあくまで最優先していく姿勢を示したことは、企業や家計に安心感を与えるだろう。
The focus from now on will be whether the Fed, in the event of further financial market destabilization, will opt for Phase 3 of large-scale quantitative monetary easing, the so-called QE3.
今後の焦点は、金融市場が一段と不安定になった場合、ＦＲＢが第３弾の大規模な量的緩和策（ＱＥ３）に踏み切るかどうかだ。
Phase 2--QE2--ended last summer, but it came under criticism for causing inflation in emerging economies to worsen.
昨夏に終了した第２弾のＱＥ２は、新興国のインフレを招く副作用をもたらして批判された。
Therefore, a number of hurdles need to be surmounted before QE3 can be adopted.
ＱＥ３へのハードルは高いが、
The Fed will have a difficult time carrying out policies, while keeping an eye on how the European crisis evolves.
ＦＲＢは欧州危機の推移などを注視し、難しい舵(かじ)取りが求められる。
Japan, for its part, must consider the great possibility that the appreciation of the historically strong yen against the dollar will continue, as the Fed's ultraeasy monetary policy is bound to increase selling pressure on the greenback.
日本にとっては、米国の超金融緩和策でドル売り圧力が強まり、歴史的な円高・ドル安が続くことに注意が必要である。
The government and the Bank of Japan must do everything they can in working out measures to stem the yen's appreciation and take measures to prevent the strong yen from worsening business activities in this country.
政府・日銀は、円高是正や円高対策に万全を期さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 28, 2012)
（2012年1月28日01時14分 読売新聞）
一般教書演説 再選へ意欲を見せたオバマ氏
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 27, 2012)
Obama shows determination to win reelection
一般教書演説 再選へ意欲を見せたオバマ氏（1月26日付・読売社説）
U.S. President Barack Obama on Tuesday delivered the annual State of the Union policy address, which made clear his confrontational stance against Republicans in the upcoming U.S. presidential election.
再選に向けて、共和党との対決姿勢を際立たせた演説だった。
In his address, he cited sustainable economic growth and help for the middle class as top-priority issues.
オバマ米大統領は、一般教書演説で、持続的な成長と中間所得層への支援を最優先課題にあげた。
Apparently determined to win reelection later this year, he said he would aim to rejuvenate the economy by revitalizing the manufacturing sector at home, developing natural gas and other domestic sources of energy, improving the skill of American workers and creating more jobs.
国内製造業の復活や、天然ガスなど国産エネルギーの開発、米労働者の技術向上と雇用創出などで経済の再生を目指すとし、再選へ強い意気込みを見せた。
Although the U.S. economy has been picking up, there is a strong sense of uncertainty about its future prospects. 米国経済は持ち直してきたとはいえ、景気の先行き不透明感は強い。
Housing prices remain low, while the jobless rate hovers around 8.5 percent.
住宅価格は低迷し、失業率は８・５％に高止まりしている。
Obama's approval ratings remain in the lower half of the 40 percent range, primarily due to widening income inequality.
大統領の支持率が４０％台前半にとどまっているのも、所得格差が広がっているのが原因だ。
With the president having been unable to give the people their fair share of the fruits of economic recovery, despite his promise to bring about "change," prospects for his reelection are becoming murky, with the light turning to the yellow of caution.
「チェンジ（変化）」を約束しながら、景気回復の果実を与えられない現状では、大統領再選に黄信号がともる。
===
Frustration with Republicans
No matter how much he wants to implement employment measures and other economic stimuli, they cannot be realized without congressional support.
雇用対策などの景気刺激策を打ち出そうにも、議会の支持なしには実行できない。
In Congress, the rivalry between the Republicans and the Democrats has been intensifying, making it ever more difficult for bills vital for implementing policies to be passed.
その議会では、共和党と民主党の対立が激化し、政策遂行に不可欠な法案が通りにくくなっている。
In his speech, Obama said he would fight "with action" those who obstruct the realization of his policies, which can be taken to indicate his strong frustration at the Republicans who dominate the House of Representatives as the majority party.
大統領が、一般教書演説で、政策の実現を阻むものには「行動で戦う」と宣言したのは、多数派として下院を支配する共和党への強いいらだちがあるからだろう。
One important agenda item for his administration in the days ahead is tax system reform.
大統領にとっての今後の重要な課題の一つは、税制改革だ。
In his speech, Obama called for higher taxes on wealthy people who pay a lower tax rate than middle-income earners, while also making efforts to trim social security spending.
一般教書で、大統領は社会保障費の歳出削減に努める一方で、中間所得層よりも低い税率で納税している富裕層については、増税しなければならない、と訴えた。
Obama was apparently conscious of the fact that wealthy Mitt Romney, a former Massachusetts governor and one of the leading contenders for the Republican presidential nomination, has been criticized for paying a tax rate of only 14 percent on the millions of dollars he made in 2010.
共和党の有力大統領候補の一人で、資産家のロムニー前マサチューセッツ州知事が、課税率がわずか１４％だったと批判を浴びたことも意識したに違いない。
Romney paid a lower tax rate than many Americans do because of the preferential taxation of investment income compared to earned income. But Obama also intends to target Republicans who have consistently opposed tax hikes for the wealthy.
投資による所得への税率が、勤労所得よりも優遇されているためだが、大統領には、富裕層への増税にも一貫して反対する共和党を標的にする狙いがある。
===
Japan's stake in outcome
While the race for the Republican presidential nomination advances, the presidential election will also go into full swing from now on.
共和党の候補選びが進み、これから大統領選も本格化する。
The future course of the U.S. economy will have a strong impact on the Japanese economy.
米国経済の行方は日本経済にも大きく影響する。
We would like to pay close attention to the verbal battle regarding the economic rejuvenation during the presidential election campaign.
大統領選での、経済再生を巡る論戦を注視したい。
In the area of diplomacy and national security, Obama expressed once again his national defense strategy, which emphasizes Asia.
外交・安全保障分野で、大統領は、アジアを重視する国防戦略を改めて示した。
As part of the fiscal deficit reduction, the United States will cut defense spending by about 500 billion dollars (about 38 trillion yen) over the next 10 years.
財政赤字削減の一環で、米国は国防費を１０年間で約５０００億ドル（約３８兆円）削減する。
Yet if Congress fails to reach an accord on concrete measures to cut the deficit by more than 1 trillion dollars within this year, more drastic budget cut will be made.
だが、年内に１兆ドル超の財政赤字削減の具体策が議会で合意できなければ、さらに大なたがふるわれる。
Such a development will have a serious impact on the national security of Japan.
それは、日本の安全保障に重大な影響を及ぼす。
We should also pay attention to the battle of words regarding deficit reduction.
財政赤字削減の論議の行方も注目したい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 26, 2012)
（2012年1月26日01時13分 読売新聞）
Obama shows determination to win reelection
一般教書演説 再選へ意欲を見せたオバマ氏（1月26日付・読売社説）
U.S. President Barack Obama on Tuesday delivered the annual State of the Union policy address, which made clear his confrontational stance against Republicans in the upcoming U.S. presidential election.
再選に向けて、共和党との対決姿勢を際立たせた演説だった。
In his address, he cited sustainable economic growth and help for the middle class as top-priority issues.
オバマ米大統領は、一般教書演説で、持続的な成長と中間所得層への支援を最優先課題にあげた。
Apparently determined to win reelection later this year, he said he would aim to rejuvenate the economy by revitalizing the manufacturing sector at home, developing natural gas and other domestic sources of energy, improving the skill of American workers and creating more jobs.
国内製造業の復活や、天然ガスなど国産エネルギーの開発、米労働者の技術向上と雇用創出などで経済の再生を目指すとし、再選へ強い意気込みを見せた。
Although the U.S. economy has been picking up, there is a strong sense of uncertainty about its future prospects. 米国経済は持ち直してきたとはいえ、景気の先行き不透明感は強い。
Housing prices remain low, while the jobless rate hovers around 8.5 percent.
住宅価格は低迷し、失業率は８・５％に高止まりしている。
Obama's approval ratings remain in the lower half of the 40 percent range, primarily due to widening income inequality.
大統領の支持率が４０％台前半にとどまっているのも、所得格差が広がっているのが原因だ。
With the president having been unable to give the people their fair share of the fruits of economic recovery, despite his promise to bring about "change," prospects for his reelection are becoming murky, with the light turning to the yellow of caution.
「チェンジ（変化）」を約束しながら、景気回復の果実を与えられない現状では、大統領再選に黄信号がともる。
===
Frustration with Republicans
No matter how much he wants to implement employment measures and other economic stimuli, they cannot be realized without congressional support.
雇用対策などの景気刺激策を打ち出そうにも、議会の支持なしには実行できない。
In Congress, the rivalry between the Republicans and the Democrats has been intensifying, making it ever more difficult for bills vital for implementing policies to be passed.
その議会では、共和党と民主党の対立が激化し、政策遂行に不可欠な法案が通りにくくなっている。
In his speech, Obama said he would fight "with action" those who obstruct the realization of his policies, which can be taken to indicate his strong frustration at the Republicans who dominate the House of Representatives as the majority party.
大統領が、一般教書演説で、政策の実現を阻むものには「行動で戦う」と宣言したのは、多数派として下院を支配する共和党への強いいらだちがあるからだろう。
One important agenda item for his administration in the days ahead is tax system reform.
大統領にとっての今後の重要な課題の一つは、税制改革だ。
In his speech, Obama called for higher taxes on wealthy people who pay a lower tax rate than middle-income earners, while also making efforts to trim social security spending.
一般教書で、大統領は社会保障費の歳出削減に努める一方で、中間所得層よりも低い税率で納税している富裕層については、増税しなければならない、と訴えた。
Obama was apparently conscious of the fact that wealthy Mitt Romney, a former Massachusetts governor and one of the leading contenders for the Republican presidential nomination, has been criticized for paying a tax rate of only 14 percent on the millions of dollars he made in 2010.
共和党の有力大統領候補の一人で、資産家のロムニー前マサチューセッツ州知事が、課税率がわずか１４％だったと批判を浴びたことも意識したに違いない。
Romney paid a lower tax rate than many Americans do because of the preferential taxation of investment income compared to earned income. But Obama also intends to target Republicans who have consistently opposed tax hikes for the wealthy.
投資による所得への税率が、勤労所得よりも優遇されているためだが、大統領には、富裕層への増税にも一貫して反対する共和党を標的にする狙いがある。
===
Japan's stake in outcome
While the race for the Republican presidential nomination advances, the presidential election will also go into full swing from now on.
共和党の候補選びが進み、これから大統領選も本格化する。
The future course of the U.S. economy will have a strong impact on the Japanese economy.
米国経済の行方は日本経済にも大きく影響する。
We would like to pay close attention to the verbal battle regarding the economic rejuvenation during the presidential election campaign.
大統領選での、経済再生を巡る論戦を注視したい。
In the area of diplomacy and national security, Obama expressed once again his national defense strategy, which emphasizes Asia.
外交・安全保障分野で、大統領は、アジアを重視する国防戦略を改めて示した。
As part of the fiscal deficit reduction, the United States will cut defense spending by about 500 billion dollars (about 38 trillion yen) over the next 10 years.
財政赤字削減の一環で、米国は国防費を１０年間で約５０００億ドル（約３８兆円）削減する。
Yet if Congress fails to reach an accord on concrete measures to cut the deficit by more than 1 trillion dollars within this year, more drastic budget cut will be made.
だが、年内に１兆ドル超の財政赤字削減の具体策が議会で合意できなければ、さらに大なたがふるわれる。
Such a development will have a serious impact on the national security of Japan.
それは、日本の安全保障に重大な影響を及ぼす。
We should also pay attention to the battle of words regarding deficit reduction.
財政赤字削減の論議の行方も注目したい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 26, 2012)
（2012年1月26日01時13分 読売新聞）
2012/01/28
発信箱：粉になる＝滝野隆浩（社会部）
こんなことをして葬儀に莫大なお金をかけるのはいかがなものか？
そのうち、ご遺体をロケットで宇宙に向けて発射する宇宙葬が大流行するのかもしれませんね＾＾。
「死んだら、それでジ・エンド、おしまい」はカフェ友ヤングセイラーさんのお言葉です＾＾。
やはり神や仏様は私たちの心の中だけに存在するものなのでしょうね。多分これで間違いない。（汗）
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) January 26, 2012
Dust to dust: A different approach to funerals
発信箱：粉になる＝滝野隆浩（社会部）
"A spacious X square meters," "Faces south, gets plenty of sunlight!" -- these phrases on a cemetery ad at the station made me stop and
「ゆったり○平方メートル」とか「南向き、日当たり良好！」という駅の墓地広告をみて気づかされる。
Even after they die and are turned into bones, many people are concerned about comfort.
亡くなって骨になったあとも、「居心地」が気になる人が多いのだ。
In such cases scattering the person's ashes in the sea or on a mountain may seem like a good idea, but not everyone wants this.
ならば海や山に散骨するのもいいのだろうが、それを嫌がる人もいる。
Last autumn, I heard about a new freeze-drying approach in which liquid nitrogen is used to reduce the body to a powder, and then the remains are returned to the ground.
昨秋、「冷凍葬」の話を聞いた。液体窒素を使って遺体を粉末状にして土にかえしてくれるという。
Yuji Nakamura, a lawyer who went to Sweden to interview the company that holds a patent on this process, provided details on it at a meeting of Japan's council for promotion of a basic funeral law in Japan.
葬送基本法推進懇談会の会合で、スウェーデンに行って特許を持つ会社を取材した中村裕二弁護士が報告した。
After being submerged in liquid nitrogen with a temperature of minus 196 degrees Celsius for one hour, the person's body, which is broken up into dust and small pieces, is put into a vacuum container where the remains are slowly dried.
零下１９６度の液体窒素に１時間ほど漬けたあと、細かい破片・粉になった遺体を真空のドラムにいれてゆっくり乾燥。
Metals are then removed and the remains are placed into a container which is buried about 50 centimeters underground.
金属類を除去して容器に入れて、地表から５０センチほどのところに埋める。
Between six months and a year later, the remains have completely been broken down into the earth.
半年から１年で容器ごと土にかえるという。
The attraction of this process is the part where the body is "slowly dried" -- showing that care is being taken over the remains.
「ゆっくり乾燥」というのがミソ。大事に扱うという配慮なのだ。
South Korea is already apparently preparing to introduce this process.
韓国では実用化の話が進んでいるそうだ。
A long time ago, there was a song in Japan containing the lyrics "hone made aishite" (love me down to my bones). 昔、流行歌に「骨まで愛して」というのがあった。
Here lies sentiment in which the person is crying out for love of their very existence.
存在そのものを本気で愛して、と叫ぶ情念の世界だ。
To Japanese people, bones are very important, and it is hard to stir up strength when thinking that they will become dust in the end.
But there is something refreshing about the new approach to funerals, a graciousness that comes from leaving all partings and lingering affection -- like the person is saying, "See you, bye-bye," and drifting away.
「お前の骨は拾ってやるぞ」という言葉もある。究極の信頼関係があるから言える。日本人にとって骨はとても大事なものなのだ。最後に粉になってしまうと力は入らない。けれど、何だかすがすがしくはある。この世の名残とか未練とかを、一切捨て去る潔さ。じゃあね、ばいばい、さらさらーっと。
The developer of the freeze-drying funeral method apparently says that a person's genes are a gift to their children and grandchildren.
冷凍葬の開発者は「自分の遺体は子や孫へのギフト」と言っているらしい。
The thought of becoming part of nature matches Japanese people's view of nature.
人間も自然の一部とする、日本人の自然観に合っている。
In fact, Japan, which has few religious constraints, may be just the place for this process to receive public acceptance.
もしかしたら、宗教的な制約がほとんどない日本のほうが、受け入れられていくのかもしれない。
Also in environmental terms, overdevelopment of large grave sites is a problem.
大規模な墓地開発が進みすぎるのも、環境面では問題だ。
"There are various debates on the issue, but I think there should be a choice for funerals that are not limited to cremation," Nakamura says.
中村さんは「さまざま議論はあろうが、火葬だけじゃない、葬送の選択肢があっていいと思う」と話していた。
(By Takahiro Takino, Tokyo City News Department)
毎日新聞 2012年1月25日 1時35分
そのうち、ご遺体をロケットで宇宙に向けて発射する宇宙葬が大流行するのかもしれませんね＾＾。
「死んだら、それでジ・エンド、おしまい」はカフェ友ヤングセイラーさんのお言葉です＾＾。
やはり神や仏様は私たちの心の中だけに存在するものなのでしょうね。多分これで間違いない。（汗）
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) January 26, 2012
Dust to dust: A different approach to funerals
発信箱：粉になる＝滝野隆浩（社会部）
"A spacious X square meters," "Faces south, gets plenty of sunlight!" -- these phrases on a cemetery ad at the station made me stop and
「ゆったり○平方メートル」とか「南向き、日当たり良好！」という駅の墓地広告をみて気づかされる。
Even after they die and are turned into bones, many people are concerned about comfort.
亡くなって骨になったあとも、「居心地」が気になる人が多いのだ。
In such cases scattering the person's ashes in the sea or on a mountain may seem like a good idea, but not everyone wants this.
ならば海や山に散骨するのもいいのだろうが、それを嫌がる人もいる。
Last autumn, I heard about a new freeze-drying approach in which liquid nitrogen is used to reduce the body to a powder, and then the remains are returned to the ground.
昨秋、「冷凍葬」の話を聞いた。液体窒素を使って遺体を粉末状にして土にかえしてくれるという。
Yuji Nakamura, a lawyer who went to Sweden to interview the company that holds a patent on this process, provided details on it at a meeting of Japan's council for promotion of a basic funeral law in Japan.
葬送基本法推進懇談会の会合で、スウェーデンに行って特許を持つ会社を取材した中村裕二弁護士が報告した。
After being submerged in liquid nitrogen with a temperature of minus 196 degrees Celsius for one hour, the person's body, which is broken up into dust and small pieces, is put into a vacuum container where the remains are slowly dried.
零下１９６度の液体窒素に１時間ほど漬けたあと、細かい破片・粉になった遺体を真空のドラムにいれてゆっくり乾燥。
Metals are then removed and the remains are placed into a container which is buried about 50 centimeters underground.
金属類を除去して容器に入れて、地表から５０センチほどのところに埋める。
Between six months and a year later, the remains have completely been broken down into the earth.
半年から１年で容器ごと土にかえるという。
The attraction of this process is the part where the body is "slowly dried" -- showing that care is being taken over the remains.
「ゆっくり乾燥」というのがミソ。大事に扱うという配慮なのだ。
South Korea is already apparently preparing to introduce this process.
韓国では実用化の話が進んでいるそうだ。
A long time ago, there was a song in Japan containing the lyrics "hone made aishite" (love me down to my bones). 昔、流行歌に「骨まで愛して」というのがあった。
Here lies sentiment in which the person is crying out for love of their very existence.
存在そのものを本気で愛して、と叫ぶ情念の世界だ。
To Japanese people, bones are very important, and it is hard to stir up strength when thinking that they will become dust in the end.
But there is something refreshing about the new approach to funerals, a graciousness that comes from leaving all partings and lingering affection -- like the person is saying, "See you, bye-bye," and drifting away.
「お前の骨は拾ってやるぞ」という言葉もある。究極の信頼関係があるから言える。日本人にとって骨はとても大事なものなのだ。最後に粉になってしまうと力は入らない。けれど、何だかすがすがしくはある。この世の名残とか未練とかを、一切捨て去る潔さ。じゃあね、ばいばい、さらさらーっと。
The developer of the freeze-drying funeral method apparently says that a person's genes are a gift to their children and grandchildren.
冷凍葬の開発者は「自分の遺体は子や孫へのギフト」と言っているらしい。
The thought of becoming part of nature matches Japanese people's view of nature.
人間も自然の一部とする、日本人の自然観に合っている。
In fact, Japan, which has few religious constraints, may be just the place for this process to receive public acceptance.
もしかしたら、宗教的な制約がほとんどない日本のほうが、受け入れられていくのかもしれない。
Also in environmental terms, overdevelopment of large grave sites is a problem.
大規模な墓地開発が進みすぎるのも、環境面では問題だ。
"There are various debates on the issue, but I think there should be a choice for funerals that are not limited to cremation," Nakamura says.
中村さんは「さまざま議論はあろうが、火葬だけじゃない、葬送の選択肢があっていいと思う」と話していた。
(By Takahiro Takino, Tokyo City News Department)
毎日新聞 2012年1月25日 1時35分
2012/01/27
施政方針演説 「決断する政治」への戦略持て
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 26, 2012)
Noda must have strategy to pursue 'decisive politics'
施政方針演説 「決断する政治」への戦略持て（1月25日付・読売社説）
In his policy speech to the Diet on Tuesday, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda boldly said, "I will aim...to break away from 'the politics that can't decide,'" and, "This is the time for us to fix our eyes upon the 'big picture' rather than 'political situation.'"
We admire Noda's will and vision. However, the problem lies in whether his administration has a well-planned strategy that will be able to translate his words into reality.
「決められない政治からの脱却」、「政局ではなく大局を」――。
意欲と志はいい。問題は、それを実現するだけの周到な戦略が、野田政権にあるかどうかだ。
An ordinary Diet session was convened Tuesday.
通常国会が開幕した。
In his speech, Noda quoted from policy speeches given by two former prime ministers from the Liberal Democratic Party, which was in power before Noda's Democratic Party of Japan took the reins of government.
野田首相の施政方針演説は、政権交代前、自民党の首相が行った施政方針演説を引き合いに出した。
He quoted former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, who said, "It is precisely the responsibility of those in politics vis-a-vis the people to ensure that the ruling and opposition parties conduct thorough discussions...to conduct the affairs of state."
福田首相は「与野党が話し合い、国政を動かすことこそ政治の責任」と述べた。
And he referred to a promise former Prime Minister Taro Aso made in his speech: "We will take necessary legal measures by fiscal 2011...to undertake...fundamental reform of the tax system, including that of the consumption tax."
麻生首相は「消費税を含む税制抜本改革を行うため２０１１年度までに必要な法制上の措置を講じる」と約束した。
===
LDP, Komeito must start talks
Noda likely used these quotes to point out that the current attitude of the LDP contradicts these statements. Indeed, the opposition party has not responded to calls to start discussions on integrated reform of the social security and tax systems.
こうした発言と、社会保障・税一体改革の協議に応じない今の自民党の姿勢とは食い違うと、野田首相は言いたいのだろう。
Because the DPJ itself had repeatedly resisted moves by the LDP and New Komeito when they were the ruling coalition, members of the now opposition parties reacted fiercely to Noda's speech.
自公政権当時、さんざん抵抗したのが民主党だったことから、野党側から激しい反発が出た。
However, both the LDP and Komeito need to agree to start talks to rehabilitate the current critical state of the nation's finances and establish a sustainable social security system.
しかし、今の危機的な財政を立て直して持続可能な社会保障制度を築くために、自民、公明両党は協議に応じる必要がある。
The government and the DPJ, too, must change their attitude.
政府・民主党も、これまで通りの対応では済まない。
First, they have to sincerely explain to the public why the consumption tax rate needs to be increased.
まず、消費税率引き上げの必要性を意を尽くして国民に説かねばならない。
Deputy Prime Minister Katsuya Okada last week abruptly announced, "Revenue from the five-percentage-point increase will be used entirely to fund social security programs, and will thus be returned to citizens."
This marked a major shift from the previous stance of using 10 percent of the extra revenue to cover government procurement costs that are expected to increase due to the tax hike.
岡田副総理は先週、唐突に「消費増税分は、全額を社会保障財源化し、国民に還元する」と、表明した。
The Noda administration probably changed its stance in a desperate attempt to make the public more accepting of the consumption tax hike.
何とか国民の理解を得ようと考えたのだろうが、
However, the administration will likely be challenged over the inconsistency with its previous explanations.
従来の説明との整合性は問われよう。
===
Give unclear manifesto the boot
Komeito has been demanding the government clarify its future vision for the social security system.
公明党は社会保障制度の将来像を明確にするよう求めている。
In its manifesto for the 2009 House of Representatives election, the DPJ promised to integrate the nation's pension programs and create a minimum guaranteed pension of 70,000 yen a month by 2013.
民主党は政権公約（マニフェスト）で、１３年までに年金一元化や月額７万円の最低保障年金など新たな年金制度を創設すると掲げている。
Komeito says it cannot see any connection between these campaign promises and the comprehensive reform.
この公約と一体改革との関係がわからないというのが、公明党の主張である。
In response to Komeito's demand, DPJ Secretary General Azuma Koshiishi apparently hopes to bring the two main opposition parties to the discussion table by revealing the full picture of social security reform.
民主党の輿石幹事長は、これに応じ、社会保障改革の全体像を示すことで、野党側を協議につかせたいと考えているようだ。
Indeed, it will be necessary for the DPJ to show a rough outline of its plan if it wants to ask for the opposition's understanding on the integrated reform.
おおまかな全体像を示し、一体改革に理解を求めることは必要だ。
However, discussions with opposition parties will not get off the ground if the DPJ insists on trying to implement its manifesto, which does not even clearly indicate how its promises will be funded.
その際、財源すら不明確なマニフェストの実現にこだわり続けていては、野党との協議は始まるまい。
Noda should not forget the manifesto has become a major obstacle to the "politics that makes decisions" he is seeking.
首相はマニフェストが、「決断する政治」を妨げる要因であることを忘れてはならない。
If Noda wants to carry out the reform, he should not hesitate to retract the manifesto.
改革のためにはマニフェストの撤回をためらうべきではない。
In his policy speech, Noda quoted an old saying, "Undertaking the actions we call on others to take."
施政方針演説の中で、「まず隗(かい)より始めよ」として、
He then pointed out it is important for individuals responsible for political and administrative affairs to put themselves on the line and serve as models.
He is absolutely right.
政治と行政を担う者が身を切り、範を示すことが重要だと指摘したのは当然だ。
We hope Noda will exercise strong leadership to cut the number of lower house members and the salaries of national government employees.
首相は、国会議員の定数削減や国家公務員給与削減に強い指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 25, 2012)
（2012年1月25日01時13分 読売新聞）
Noda must have strategy to pursue 'decisive politics'
施政方針演説 「決断する政治」への戦略持て（1月25日付・読売社説）
In his policy speech to the Diet on Tuesday, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda boldly said, "I will aim...to break away from 'the politics that can't decide,'" and, "This is the time for us to fix our eyes upon the 'big picture' rather than 'political situation.'"
We admire Noda's will and vision. However, the problem lies in whether his administration has a well-planned strategy that will be able to translate his words into reality.
「決められない政治からの脱却」、「政局ではなく大局を」――。
意欲と志はいい。問題は、それを実現するだけの周到な戦略が、野田政権にあるかどうかだ。
An ordinary Diet session was convened Tuesday.
通常国会が開幕した。
In his speech, Noda quoted from policy speeches given by two former prime ministers from the Liberal Democratic Party, which was in power before Noda's Democratic Party of Japan took the reins of government.
野田首相の施政方針演説は、政権交代前、自民党の首相が行った施政方針演説を引き合いに出した。
He quoted former Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, who said, "It is precisely the responsibility of those in politics vis-a-vis the people to ensure that the ruling and opposition parties conduct thorough discussions...to conduct the affairs of state."
福田首相は「与野党が話し合い、国政を動かすことこそ政治の責任」と述べた。
And he referred to a promise former Prime Minister Taro Aso made in his speech: "We will take necessary legal measures by fiscal 2011...to undertake...fundamental reform of the tax system, including that of the consumption tax."
麻生首相は「消費税を含む税制抜本改革を行うため２０１１年度までに必要な法制上の措置を講じる」と約束した。
===
LDP, Komeito must start talks
Noda likely used these quotes to point out that the current attitude of the LDP contradicts these statements. Indeed, the opposition party has not responded to calls to start discussions on integrated reform of the social security and tax systems.
こうした発言と、社会保障・税一体改革の協議に応じない今の自民党の姿勢とは食い違うと、野田首相は言いたいのだろう。
Because the DPJ itself had repeatedly resisted moves by the LDP and New Komeito when they were the ruling coalition, members of the now opposition parties reacted fiercely to Noda's speech.
自公政権当時、さんざん抵抗したのが民主党だったことから、野党側から激しい反発が出た。
However, both the LDP and Komeito need to agree to start talks to rehabilitate the current critical state of the nation's finances and establish a sustainable social security system.
しかし、今の危機的な財政を立て直して持続可能な社会保障制度を築くために、自民、公明両党は協議に応じる必要がある。
The government and the DPJ, too, must change their attitude.
政府・民主党も、これまで通りの対応では済まない。
First, they have to sincerely explain to the public why the consumption tax rate needs to be increased.
まず、消費税率引き上げの必要性を意を尽くして国民に説かねばならない。
Deputy Prime Minister Katsuya Okada last week abruptly announced, "Revenue from the five-percentage-point increase will be used entirely to fund social security programs, and will thus be returned to citizens."
This marked a major shift from the previous stance of using 10 percent of the extra revenue to cover government procurement costs that are expected to increase due to the tax hike.
岡田副総理は先週、唐突に「消費増税分は、全額を社会保障財源化し、国民に還元する」と、表明した。
The Noda administration probably changed its stance in a desperate attempt to make the public more accepting of the consumption tax hike.
何とか国民の理解を得ようと考えたのだろうが、
However, the administration will likely be challenged over the inconsistency with its previous explanations.
従来の説明との整合性は問われよう。
===
Give unclear manifesto the boot
Komeito has been demanding the government clarify its future vision for the social security system.
公明党は社会保障制度の将来像を明確にするよう求めている。
In its manifesto for the 2009 House of Representatives election, the DPJ promised to integrate the nation's pension programs and create a minimum guaranteed pension of 70,000 yen a month by 2013.
民主党は政権公約（マニフェスト）で、１３年までに年金一元化や月額７万円の最低保障年金など新たな年金制度を創設すると掲げている。
Komeito says it cannot see any connection between these campaign promises and the comprehensive reform.
この公約と一体改革との関係がわからないというのが、公明党の主張である。
In response to Komeito's demand, DPJ Secretary General Azuma Koshiishi apparently hopes to bring the two main opposition parties to the discussion table by revealing the full picture of social security reform.
民主党の輿石幹事長は、これに応じ、社会保障改革の全体像を示すことで、野党側を協議につかせたいと考えているようだ。
Indeed, it will be necessary for the DPJ to show a rough outline of its plan if it wants to ask for the opposition's understanding on the integrated reform.
おおまかな全体像を示し、一体改革に理解を求めることは必要だ。
However, discussions with opposition parties will not get off the ground if the DPJ insists on trying to implement its manifesto, which does not even clearly indicate how its promises will be funded.
その際、財源すら不明確なマニフェストの実現にこだわり続けていては、野党との協議は始まるまい。
Noda should not forget the manifesto has become a major obstacle to the "politics that makes decisions" he is seeking.
首相はマニフェストが、「決断する政治」を妨げる要因であることを忘れてはならない。
If Noda wants to carry out the reform, he should not hesitate to retract the manifesto.
改革のためにはマニフェストの撤回をためらうべきではない。
In his policy speech, Noda quoted an old saying, "Undertaking the actions we call on others to take."
施政方針演説の中で、「まず隗(かい)より始めよ」として、
He then pointed out it is important for individuals responsible for political and administrative affairs to put themselves on the line and serve as models.
He is absolutely right.
政治と行政を担う者が身を切り、範を示すことが重要だと指摘したのは当然だ。
We hope Noda will exercise strong leadership to cut the number of lower house members and the salaries of national government employees.
首相は、国会議員の定数削減や国家公務員給与削減に強い指導力を発揮してもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 25, 2012)
（2012年1月25日01時13分 読売新聞）
2012/01/26
独法・特会改革 肝心なのは政府支出の削減だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 25, 2012)
Cuts in govt spending key to administrative reform
独法・特会改革 肝心なのは政府支出の削減だ（1月24日付・読売社説）
A review of organizational structures is only the first step in administrative reform.
組織形態の見直しは最初の一歩にすぎない。
To expand the people's acceptance of a tax hike, it is indispensable to link it with a substantial cut in government spending.
増税への国民の理解を広げるには、政府の財政支出の実質的な削減につなげることが重要だ。
The Government Revitalization Unit has decided on reform proposals for independent administrative entities and special accounts.
政府の行政刷新会議が独立行政法人や特別会計の改革案を決定した。
The government will submit related bills to an ordinary session of the Diet to realize the reform.
通常国会に関連法案を提出し、実現を図る。
The proposed reform calls for abolishing seven of 102 independent agencies, including the Public Foundation for Peace and Consolation, and privatizing seven entities, including the National Hospital Organization.
１０２ある独法のうち、平和祈念事業特別基金など７法人は廃止し、国立病院機構など７法人は民営化する。
Thirty-five agencies, including the Riken research institute, will be consolidated into 12 entities.
理化学研究所など３５法人は１２法人に統合する。
As a result, the number of such agencies will be trimmed by nearly 40 percent.
全体の法人数は４割近く減る予定だ。
In its draft proposal, the government called for abolishing or privatizing a total of five agencies.
政府原案の廃止・民間移管は計５法人だった。
To show the government's determination to carry out administrative reforms, the number of such entities being downsized or abolished has increased remarkably in line with the ruling parties' philosophy that politicians, not bureaucrats, should take the initiative in formulating policies.
The reductions lay the foundation for integrated reform of social security and tax systems.
社会保障と税の一体改革の環境整備として行革の姿勢を示そうと、政治主導で削減数を増やした。
The reform plan this time, it can be said, is more drastic than the one proposed by the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito in terms of the number of agencies to be cut.
数に限れば、自公政権時より踏み込んだと言える。
===
Old wine in new bottles
But the entities to be abolished include those to be transferred to state jurisdiction. Many of those to be privatized represent a mere change of names. It is undeniable that priority was given to manipulating numbers.
ただし、廃止には、国に移管される独法が含まれる。民営化も看板の掛け替えが多い。「数合わせ」を優先した感は否めない。
Even if the number of executives is trimmed by absorbing other independent administrative entities in charge of completely different affairs, it is feared the changes could lead to the creation of bloated organizations if the staff of each agency remains intact.
全く別の業務を担当する独法を統合し、トップの数を減らしても、各法人の体制を温存すれば、組織が逆に肥大化する恐れもある。
The biggest concern is that the government has not revealed how much it will curtail government spending on independent administrative agencies, which totals 3 trillion yen a year.
最大の問題は、年間３兆円を超す独法への政府支出の削減額が示されていないことだ。
In line with organizational reforms, it will be necessary to downsize staff and reduce or abolish nonessential and nonurgent operations.
組織改革に合わせて、職員のリストラや、不要不急の事業の廃止・縮減に本格的に取り組む必要がある。
It is important to transfer operations that can be entrusted to local governments and the private sector as much as possible, thereby eliminating dual administration and other administrative waste.
自治体や民間に任せられる事業は積極的に移管し、二重行政などを廃することが大切だ。
Big agencies hold the key to spending cuts.
歳出削減のカギは大物法人だ。
Concerning the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency, panels of external experts will be formed to draw conclusions on spending cuts this summer.
都市再生機構と住宅金融支援機構については、外部有識者の検討会を設置し、今夏に結論を出す。
We hope for reasonable results.
きちんと成果を上げてほしい。
Agencies that continue to exist will be classified by type of function into such categories as financing, human resources development and research and development, and the most appropriate supervisory system will be introduced at each agency.
一方で、存続する独法は、金融業務、人材育成、研究開発型など機能別に分類したうえ、それぞれ最適な監督体制を導入する。
===
Continuous reform needed
This is because it is unreasonable to manage independent agencies with different purposes and operations under one system.
様々な目的・事業を持つ独法を同一の制度で運営するのは無理があるためで、狙いは理解できる。
Continuous reforms are called for.
継続的な改革が求められる。
The number of special accounts will be reduced from 17 to 11 through abolition or integration of such accounts as the one on social capital investment.
特別会計は、社会資本整備事業特会などの統廃合によって、１７から１１に削減する。
But mere cuts in the number of special accounts will not lead to reduced spending and enhanced efficiency.
特会の数を減らすだけでは、歳出削減や効率化に直結しない。
The former Road Improvement Special Account was used regardless of profitability to construct highways whose necessity was considered low.
Allocating budgets to higher-priority areas while eliminating such a sanctuary would produce results.
旧道路整備特会が、採算性を無視して、必要性の低い高速道路を造り続けたような“聖域”をなくし、優先度の高い他の分野に予算を振り替えてこそ、効果を生む。
According to the Board of Audit, 1.8 trillion yen in surplus funds for fiscal 2009 was not used in the following fiscal year and was carried over to fiscal 2011.
会計検査院によると、２００９年度の剰余金計１・８兆円が翌年度も使われず、１１年度に繰り越されたことが判明している。
If possible, surplus funds should be transferred to the general account and used effectively.
可能なものは一般会計に繰り入れるなど、有効活用すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 24, 2011)
（2012年1月24日00時59分 読売新聞）
Cuts in govt spending key to administrative reform
独法・特会改革 肝心なのは政府支出の削減だ（1月24日付・読売社説）
A review of organizational structures is only the first step in administrative reform.
組織形態の見直しは最初の一歩にすぎない。
To expand the people's acceptance of a tax hike, it is indispensable to link it with a substantial cut in government spending.
増税への国民の理解を広げるには、政府の財政支出の実質的な削減につなげることが重要だ。
The Government Revitalization Unit has decided on reform proposals for independent administrative entities and special accounts.
政府の行政刷新会議が独立行政法人や特別会計の改革案を決定した。
The government will submit related bills to an ordinary session of the Diet to realize the reform.
通常国会に関連法案を提出し、実現を図る。
The proposed reform calls for abolishing seven of 102 independent agencies, including the Public Foundation for Peace and Consolation, and privatizing seven entities, including the National Hospital Organization.
１０２ある独法のうち、平和祈念事業特別基金など７法人は廃止し、国立病院機構など７法人は民営化する。
Thirty-five agencies, including the Riken research institute, will be consolidated into 12 entities.
理化学研究所など３５法人は１２法人に統合する。
As a result, the number of such agencies will be trimmed by nearly 40 percent.
全体の法人数は４割近く減る予定だ。
In its draft proposal, the government called for abolishing or privatizing a total of five agencies.
政府原案の廃止・民間移管は計５法人だった。
To show the government's determination to carry out administrative reforms, the number of such entities being downsized or abolished has increased remarkably in line with the ruling parties' philosophy that politicians, not bureaucrats, should take the initiative in formulating policies.
The reductions lay the foundation for integrated reform of social security and tax systems.
社会保障と税の一体改革の環境整備として行革の姿勢を示そうと、政治主導で削減数を増やした。
The reform plan this time, it can be said, is more drastic than the one proposed by the coalition government of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito in terms of the number of agencies to be cut.
数に限れば、自公政権時より踏み込んだと言える。
===
Old wine in new bottles
But the entities to be abolished include those to be transferred to state jurisdiction. Many of those to be privatized represent a mere change of names. It is undeniable that priority was given to manipulating numbers.
ただし、廃止には、国に移管される独法が含まれる。民営化も看板の掛け替えが多い。「数合わせ」を優先した感は否めない。
Even if the number of executives is trimmed by absorbing other independent administrative entities in charge of completely different affairs, it is feared the changes could lead to the creation of bloated organizations if the staff of each agency remains intact.
全く別の業務を担当する独法を統合し、トップの数を減らしても、各法人の体制を温存すれば、組織が逆に肥大化する恐れもある。
The biggest concern is that the government has not revealed how much it will curtail government spending on independent administrative agencies, which totals 3 trillion yen a year.
最大の問題は、年間３兆円を超す独法への政府支出の削減額が示されていないことだ。
In line with organizational reforms, it will be necessary to downsize staff and reduce or abolish nonessential and nonurgent operations.
組織改革に合わせて、職員のリストラや、不要不急の事業の廃止・縮減に本格的に取り組む必要がある。
It is important to transfer operations that can be entrusted to local governments and the private sector as much as possible, thereby eliminating dual administration and other administrative waste.
自治体や民間に任せられる事業は積極的に移管し、二重行政などを廃することが大切だ。
Big agencies hold the key to spending cuts.
歳出削減のカギは大物法人だ。
Concerning the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency, panels of external experts will be formed to draw conclusions on spending cuts this summer.
都市再生機構と住宅金融支援機構については、外部有識者の検討会を設置し、今夏に結論を出す。
We hope for reasonable results.
きちんと成果を上げてほしい。
Agencies that continue to exist will be classified by type of function into such categories as financing, human resources development and research and development, and the most appropriate supervisory system will be introduced at each agency.
一方で、存続する独法は、金融業務、人材育成、研究開発型など機能別に分類したうえ、それぞれ最適な監督体制を導入する。
===
Continuous reform needed
This is because it is unreasonable to manage independent agencies with different purposes and operations under one system.
様々な目的・事業を持つ独法を同一の制度で運営するのは無理があるためで、狙いは理解できる。
Continuous reforms are called for.
継続的な改革が求められる。
The number of special accounts will be reduced from 17 to 11 through abolition or integration of such accounts as the one on social capital investment.
特別会計は、社会資本整備事業特会などの統廃合によって、１７から１１に削減する。
But mere cuts in the number of special accounts will not lead to reduced spending and enhanced efficiency.
特会の数を減らすだけでは、歳出削減や効率化に直結しない。
The former Road Improvement Special Account was used regardless of profitability to construct highways whose necessity was considered low.
Allocating budgets to higher-priority areas while eliminating such a sanctuary would produce results.
旧道路整備特会が、採算性を無視して、必要性の低い高速道路を造り続けたような“聖域”をなくし、優先度の高い他の分野に予算を振り替えてこそ、効果を生む。
According to the Board of Audit, 1.8 trillion yen in surplus funds for fiscal 2009 was not used in the following fiscal year and was carried over to fiscal 2011.
会計検査院によると、２００９年度の剰余金計１・８兆円が翌年度も使われず、１１年度に繰り越されたことが判明している。
If possible, surplus funds should be transferred to the general account and used effectively.
可能なものは一般会計に繰り入れるなど、有効活用すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 24, 2011)
（2012年1月24日00時59分 読売新聞）
2012/01/25
原発住民投票―都民の関心、示すとき
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 22
EDITORIAL: Tokyo voters should sign up for nuclear referendum
原発住民投票―都民の関心、示すとき
A signature-collecting campaign is under way to hold a referendum in Tokyo to allow citizens to express their views on nuclear power generation.
原発に、イエスかノーか。
東京で住民投票をしよう。
But the campaign, organized by a citizens group set up to achieve referendums, is struggling to attract the attention of voters.
この署名活動が、いまひとつ盛り上がらない。
The group is trying to collect the required number of signatures to make a direct claim under the local autonomy law to the Tokyo metropolitan government and the Osaka municipal government for the adoption of an ordinance to hold such a referendum.
呼びかけているのは、市民グループ「みんなで決めよう『原発』国民投票」。
The Tokyo metropolitan government is a leading shareholder in Tokyo Electric Power Co., which runs the wrecked Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, while the government of Osaka has a stake in Kansai Electric Power Co., which also operates nuclear plants.
東京電力の大株主の東京都と、関西電力株を持つ大阪市に、住民投票を実施するための条例づくりを直接請求しようという活動だ。
In Osaka, the group collected more than 60,000 signatures, exceeding the 2 percent of eligible voters required to make the claim, during the one-month campaign period. The local election administration commission is now examining the signature list to determine its validity.
すでに１カ月間の署名期間を終えた大阪市では、請求に必要な「有権者の２％」を上回る、６万人あまりを集め、選管の審査を待っている。
In Tokyo, the group needs over 210,000 signatures. But with two-thirds of the two-month campaign period already passed, the group has collected less than half the required number.
だが、東京では期間２カ月の３分の２が過ぎても、まだ必要な２１万余の半分に届かない。
Why is the campaign receiving such a lukewarm response in Tokyo?
この少なさは、どうしたことなのか。
This is neither an “anti-nuke” nor a “pro-nuke” campaign.
署名の趣旨は「原発反対」でも「推進」でもない。
The group is only seeking a referendum that will allow citizens to decide on their own whether this nation should continue to use nuclear power as part of energy sources to generate electricity.
原発の是非を自分たちで決めるために、住民投票をしようというのだ。
In other words, the number of signatures collected is an indicator of how much interest people have in the issue.
つまり署名の数は、関心の強さをはかる物差しになる。
Before the Fukushima nuclear disaster, nearly 30 percent of the electricity supplied to the Tokyo metropolitan area was generated at the Fukushima No. 1 plant and TEPCO’s other nuclear plants outside Tokyo.
首都圏の電力は原発事故前、３割近くが原子力で賄われていた。
If voters in Tokyo show so little interest in the question as to make it difficult to collect signatures from 2 percent of them, how would people in Fukushima Prefecture and other areas that host these facilities feel?
その消費者の都民が、わずか２％の関心すら示せなかったら、福島県をはじめ原発の地元住民はどう思うだろう。
Many people in Tokyo seem interested in such a referendum but are clueless as to where they can sign for the campaign.
一方では、関心はあるのに、どこで署名できるのかがわからないという人も多いようだ。
Tokyo has more than 10 million eligible voters.
東京の有権者は１千万人を超える。
There are permanent sites where they can sign petitions, including one in front of Shinjuku Station, but there are not enough to offer easy access to residents in all areas.
新宿駅前などに常設の署名場所があるが、隅々までは行き届かない。
In addition, the people leading a signature campaign are allowed to collect signatures only from voters in the cities, wards, towns and villages where they live.
しかも、署名集めを担う「受任者」は、自分の住む市区町村の有権者からしか署名を集められない。
Clearly, this provision in the local autonomy law constitutes a major obstacle to the campaign.
こんな地方自治法の規定も、活動の壁になっているのは確かだ。
Another major factor behind the different reactions from voters in the Tokyo metropolitan government and Osaka city is the different attitudes toward the issue by the local government chiefs.
リーダーの発信ぶりの違いも大きい。
Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto promised to reduce the city’s dependence on nuclear power during his election campaign in November although he is skeptical about the idea of holding a referendum on this issue.
大阪の橋下徹市長は、住民投票そのものには懐疑的だが、市長選で「脱原発依存」を掲げていた。
Hashimoto’s remarks have probably spurred interest in the issue among the public.
それで関心を持った市民も多かったろう。
In contrast, Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara has given the cold shoulder to moves toward a referendum, criticizing it as a “sentimental and hysteric” reaction.
Ishihara has pointed out that there is “not even a blueprint to secure an energy supply” at this stage.
これに対して、東京の石原慎太郎都知事は「エネルギーをどうやって補給するかの設計図もない時点で、センチメンタルともヒステリックとも思える」と突き放すだけだ。
But a referendum on the issue would prompt citizens to see the development of such a blueprint as their own concern and start thinking about it.
だが、住民投票こそが、この「設計図」を市民がみずからの問題としてとらえ、考えていくきっかけになるはずだ。
More signatures are needed for a referendum on the future of nuclear power generation in this country?which should be determined through broad public debate.
原発の行く末をみんなで考える。そのための住民投票をするには、もっと署名が要る。
Now that the nuclear disaster has raised some fundamental questions about the energy policy, it is important for people in Tokyo, as consumers of electricity, to express their views and opinions about nuclear power generation.
大震災を機に、エネルギー政策が根幹から問い直されているいまこそ、都民は消費者としてもの申そう。
Let us achieve a referendum in Tokyo to have an opportunity to do so.
そのために、首都で住民投票を実現させよう。
EDITORIAL: Tokyo voters should sign up for nuclear referendum
原発住民投票―都民の関心、示すとき
A signature-collecting campaign is under way to hold a referendum in Tokyo to allow citizens to express their views on nuclear power generation.
原発に、イエスかノーか。
東京で住民投票をしよう。
But the campaign, organized by a citizens group set up to achieve referendums, is struggling to attract the attention of voters.
この署名活動が、いまひとつ盛り上がらない。
The group is trying to collect the required number of signatures to make a direct claim under the local autonomy law to the Tokyo metropolitan government and the Osaka municipal government for the adoption of an ordinance to hold such a referendum.
呼びかけているのは、市民グループ「みんなで決めよう『原発』国民投票」。
The Tokyo metropolitan government is a leading shareholder in Tokyo Electric Power Co., which runs the wrecked Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, while the government of Osaka has a stake in Kansai Electric Power Co., which also operates nuclear plants.
東京電力の大株主の東京都と、関西電力株を持つ大阪市に、住民投票を実施するための条例づくりを直接請求しようという活動だ。
In Osaka, the group collected more than 60,000 signatures, exceeding the 2 percent of eligible voters required to make the claim, during the one-month campaign period. The local election administration commission is now examining the signature list to determine its validity.
すでに１カ月間の署名期間を終えた大阪市では、請求に必要な「有権者の２％」を上回る、６万人あまりを集め、選管の審査を待っている。
In Tokyo, the group needs over 210,000 signatures. But with two-thirds of the two-month campaign period already passed, the group has collected less than half the required number.
だが、東京では期間２カ月の３分の２が過ぎても、まだ必要な２１万余の半分に届かない。
Why is the campaign receiving such a lukewarm response in Tokyo?
この少なさは、どうしたことなのか。
This is neither an “anti-nuke” nor a “pro-nuke” campaign.
署名の趣旨は「原発反対」でも「推進」でもない。
The group is only seeking a referendum that will allow citizens to decide on their own whether this nation should continue to use nuclear power as part of energy sources to generate electricity.
原発の是非を自分たちで決めるために、住民投票をしようというのだ。
In other words, the number of signatures collected is an indicator of how much interest people have in the issue.
つまり署名の数は、関心の強さをはかる物差しになる。
Before the Fukushima nuclear disaster, nearly 30 percent of the electricity supplied to the Tokyo metropolitan area was generated at the Fukushima No. 1 plant and TEPCO’s other nuclear plants outside Tokyo.
首都圏の電力は原発事故前、３割近くが原子力で賄われていた。
If voters in Tokyo show so little interest in the question as to make it difficult to collect signatures from 2 percent of them, how would people in Fukushima Prefecture and other areas that host these facilities feel?
その消費者の都民が、わずか２％の関心すら示せなかったら、福島県をはじめ原発の地元住民はどう思うだろう。
Many people in Tokyo seem interested in such a referendum but are clueless as to where they can sign for the campaign.
一方では、関心はあるのに、どこで署名できるのかがわからないという人も多いようだ。
Tokyo has more than 10 million eligible voters.
東京の有権者は１千万人を超える。
There are permanent sites where they can sign petitions, including one in front of Shinjuku Station, but there are not enough to offer easy access to residents in all areas.
新宿駅前などに常設の署名場所があるが、隅々までは行き届かない。
In addition, the people leading a signature campaign are allowed to collect signatures only from voters in the cities, wards, towns and villages where they live.
しかも、署名集めを担う「受任者」は、自分の住む市区町村の有権者からしか署名を集められない。
Clearly, this provision in the local autonomy law constitutes a major obstacle to the campaign.
こんな地方自治法の規定も、活動の壁になっているのは確かだ。
Another major factor behind the different reactions from voters in the Tokyo metropolitan government and Osaka city is the different attitudes toward the issue by the local government chiefs.
リーダーの発信ぶりの違いも大きい。
Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto promised to reduce the city’s dependence on nuclear power during his election campaign in November although he is skeptical about the idea of holding a referendum on this issue.
大阪の橋下徹市長は、住民投票そのものには懐疑的だが、市長選で「脱原発依存」を掲げていた。
Hashimoto’s remarks have probably spurred interest in the issue among the public.
それで関心を持った市民も多かったろう。
In contrast, Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara has given the cold shoulder to moves toward a referendum, criticizing it as a “sentimental and hysteric” reaction.
Ishihara has pointed out that there is “not even a blueprint to secure an energy supply” at this stage.
これに対して、東京の石原慎太郎都知事は「エネルギーをどうやって補給するかの設計図もない時点で、センチメンタルともヒステリックとも思える」と突き放すだけだ。
But a referendum on the issue would prompt citizens to see the development of such a blueprint as their own concern and start thinking about it.
だが、住民投票こそが、この「設計図」を市民がみずからの問題としてとらえ、考えていくきっかけになるはずだ。
More signatures are needed for a referendum on the future of nuclear power generation in this country?which should be determined through broad public debate.
原発の行く末をみんなで考える。そのための住民投票をするには、もっと署名が要る。
Now that the nuclear disaster has raised some fundamental questions about the energy policy, it is important for people in Tokyo, as consumers of electricity, to express their views and opinions about nuclear power generation.
大震災を機に、エネルギー政策が根幹から問い直されているいまこそ、都民は消費者としてもの申そう。
Let us achieve a referendum in Tokyo to have an opportunity to do so.
そのために、首都で住民投票を実現させよう。
2012/01/24
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人にどう見られるか ／東京
人間一番大切なことは、見かけや見せかけではありません。
それはただむなしいだけです。
スラチャイにとって今一番大切なことは、ただひたすら娘たちを立派に成人させることです。
娘たちが成人したら、最後に、スラチャイの潔い散りざまをみせなければなりません。
それが、なかなか大変なのです。
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) January 22, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: How we're seen by others
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人にどう見られるか ／東京
The trial has begun for a woman accused of killing three men she was dating after pretending the deaths were suicides by carbon monoxide poisoning.
練炭自殺に見せかけ交際相手ら男性３人を殺害したとして、殺人罪などに問われている女性被告の裁判員裁判が始まった。
The woman kept a blog where she wrote about beauty and gourmet foods, and that personality seems to have stayed with her for the over two years since her arrest.
以前はブログに一流といわれるグルメや美容について熱心につづっていた彼女だが、その性質は逮捕から２年以上たった今も変わっていなかったようだ。
Someone I know who sat in on the trial said, "She appeared in different clothing before and after noon, and her hairstyle and make-up seemed to have been carefully set.
公判を傍聴した知人は、「午前と午後でそれぞれ違う服装で現れ、ヘアスタイルやメークもきちんと整えられているように見えました。
How can she do such things at her own trial?"
自分の裁判でそんなことってあるんだろうか」と困惑気味に語っていた。
It may be that to the woman, how she is seen by those around her is everything.
おそらくこの女性にとっては、「自分がまわりからどう見えるか」がすべてなのであろう。
Even if it was a far cry from the reality of her life, on her blog she acted like she was a rich princess.
たとえ現実の生活とはかけ離れていても、ブログでは“裕福なお嬢さま”のように振る舞う。
Now, even facing trial, she puts her attention on her clothing and hairstyle, as if it is a show with her as the star.
被告として裁かれる裁判でも、自分が脚光を浴びるショーのように服装やヘアスタイルにこだわる。
To her, perhaps her real self is the one that others see.
「他人の目に映る自分」こそ、本当の自分。
彼女はそう思い込んでいるのではないだろうか。
Even if it is not so extreme, we cannot deny that we share some of the same tendencies.
ここまで極端ではないにせよ、私たちにもそういう傾向がないとは言えない。
Thinking only about how others see us, we can forget our true selves.
「まわりにどう思われているか」「どう見られているか」ということばかり気にして、本来の自分らしさを忘れてしまうこともある。
I am sure there are plenty of us who have forced ourselves to go to high-end restaurants where we took pictures, after which we wrote about it all on our blogs as if we go to those places all the time.
それほど行きたくもない高級レストランに無理して出かけて料理の写真を撮り、あたかも行きつけであるかのようにブログに載せた、といった経験がある人も少なくないだろう。
I don't worry much at all about how others see me, but when I notice a new gray hair or wrinkle in the mirror, I do worry, "At today's meeting, I wonder if I looked the oldest."
私は「どう見えるか」をほとんど気にしないタイプなのだが、それでも鏡の中の自分に白髪やしわを発見すると、「わあ、今日の会合に出席した中では、私がいちばん老けて見えたかも」などと気持ちがめいってしまう。
Of course, we can no longer live completely naturally, not worrying at all about how others think of us.
もちろん、「どう思われてもけっこう。自分は自分」と完全に自然体で生きることなど、もう私たちにはできないだろう。
Pulling ourselves together enough to not make those around us feel unpleasant is a matter of social manners.
それに、「ほかの人たちから見て悪い印象にならないように」と身だしなみや態度に気をつかうのは、社会生活のマナーでもある。
But if we overly focus on some ideal image of ourselves, even fooling ourselves in order to draw closer to it, we are clearly going too far.
とはいえ、「こんなふうに見てもらいたい」と理想のイメージを意識し過ぎ、自分を偽ってまでもそれに近づけようとするのは、明らかにやりすぎだ。
Even if we succeed in showing ourselves off like our ideal and are complemented for our beauty or luxurious lifestyle, afterwards we are left with nothing.
たとえそう見せることに成功して、「きれいね」「セレブ生活だな」などと言われて一瞬、うれしい気持ちになったとしても、後には何も残らない。
To the woman in the trial, more important than the truth or how the trial progresses may have been being told, "You look younger than your age," or "You're fashionable as ever."
冒頭の女性被告にとっては、裁判そのものの成り行きや真実のありかよりも、「年齢より若く見えるね」「相変わらずおしゃれにこだわってるんだな」などと言われるほうが大切だったのだろうか。
It somehow makes me feel empty inside.
なんだかむなしい気持ちになるばかりだ。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年1月17日 地方版
それはただむなしいだけです。
スラチャイにとって今一番大切なことは、ただひたすら娘たちを立派に成人させることです。
娘たちが成人したら、最後に、スラチャイの潔い散りざまをみせなければなりません。
それが、なかなか大変なのです。
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) January 22, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: How we're seen by others
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：人にどう見られるか ／東京
The trial has begun for a woman accused of killing three men she was dating after pretending the deaths were suicides by carbon monoxide poisoning.
練炭自殺に見せかけ交際相手ら男性３人を殺害したとして、殺人罪などに問われている女性被告の裁判員裁判が始まった。
The woman kept a blog where she wrote about beauty and gourmet foods, and that personality seems to have stayed with her for the over two years since her arrest.
以前はブログに一流といわれるグルメや美容について熱心につづっていた彼女だが、その性質は逮捕から２年以上たった今も変わっていなかったようだ。
Someone I know who sat in on the trial said, "She appeared in different clothing before and after noon, and her hairstyle and make-up seemed to have been carefully set.
公判を傍聴した知人は、「午前と午後でそれぞれ違う服装で現れ、ヘアスタイルやメークもきちんと整えられているように見えました。
How can she do such things at her own trial?"
自分の裁判でそんなことってあるんだろうか」と困惑気味に語っていた。
It may be that to the woman, how she is seen by those around her is everything.
おそらくこの女性にとっては、「自分がまわりからどう見えるか」がすべてなのであろう。
Even if it was a far cry from the reality of her life, on her blog she acted like she was a rich princess.
たとえ現実の生活とはかけ離れていても、ブログでは“裕福なお嬢さま”のように振る舞う。
Now, even facing trial, she puts her attention on her clothing and hairstyle, as if it is a show with her as the star.
被告として裁かれる裁判でも、自分が脚光を浴びるショーのように服装やヘアスタイルにこだわる。
To her, perhaps her real self is the one that others see.
「他人の目に映る自分」こそ、本当の自分。
彼女はそう思い込んでいるのではないだろうか。
Even if it is not so extreme, we cannot deny that we share some of the same tendencies.
ここまで極端ではないにせよ、私たちにもそういう傾向がないとは言えない。
Thinking only about how others see us, we can forget our true selves.
「まわりにどう思われているか」「どう見られているか」ということばかり気にして、本来の自分らしさを忘れてしまうこともある。
I am sure there are plenty of us who have forced ourselves to go to high-end restaurants where we took pictures, after which we wrote about it all on our blogs as if we go to those places all the time.
それほど行きたくもない高級レストランに無理して出かけて料理の写真を撮り、あたかも行きつけであるかのようにブログに載せた、といった経験がある人も少なくないだろう。
I don't worry much at all about how others see me, but when I notice a new gray hair or wrinkle in the mirror, I do worry, "At today's meeting, I wonder if I looked the oldest."
私は「どう見えるか」をほとんど気にしないタイプなのだが、それでも鏡の中の自分に白髪やしわを発見すると、「わあ、今日の会合に出席した中では、私がいちばん老けて見えたかも」などと気持ちがめいってしまう。
Of course, we can no longer live completely naturally, not worrying at all about how others think of us.
もちろん、「どう思われてもけっこう。自分は自分」と完全に自然体で生きることなど、もう私たちにはできないだろう。
Pulling ourselves together enough to not make those around us feel unpleasant is a matter of social manners.
それに、「ほかの人たちから見て悪い印象にならないように」と身だしなみや態度に気をつかうのは、社会生活のマナーでもある。
But if we overly focus on some ideal image of ourselves, even fooling ourselves in order to draw closer to it, we are clearly going too far.
とはいえ、「こんなふうに見てもらいたい」と理想のイメージを意識し過ぎ、自分を偽ってまでもそれに近づけようとするのは、明らかにやりすぎだ。
Even if we succeed in showing ourselves off like our ideal and are complemented for our beauty or luxurious lifestyle, afterwards we are left with nothing.
たとえそう見せることに成功して、「きれいね」「セレブ生活だな」などと言われて一瞬、うれしい気持ちになったとしても、後には何も残らない。
To the woman in the trial, more important than the truth or how the trial progresses may have been being told, "You look younger than your age," or "You're fashionable as ever."
冒頭の女性被告にとっては、裁判そのものの成り行きや真実のありかよりも、「年齢より若く見えるね」「相変わらずおしゃれにこだわってるんだな」などと言われるほうが大切だったのだろうか。
It somehow makes me feel empty inside.
なんだかむなしい気持ちになるばかりだ。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年1月17日 地方版
2012/01/23
郵政改革 ４社案テコに与野党合意急げ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 22, 2012)
Ruling, opposition parties must push on with postal reform
郵政改革 ４社案テコに与野党合意急げ（1月21日付・読売社説）
It can now be said that a step toward realizing postal reform has finally been taken.
郵政改革の実現に向けて、一歩前進したと言えるだろう。
The ruling and opposition parties should hold deliberations in the upcoming ordinary Diet session and ensure the nation's postal business is reformed in a way that benefits the public.
与野党は次期通常国会で着実に審議を進め、国民の利益にかなう改革を実現させなければならない。
A working-level consultative meeting was held Friday between the Democratic Party of Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito regarding how to proceed with postal reform. The participants agreed to sum up what they have discussed so far.
民主、自民、公明の３党は２０日、郵政改革に関する実務者協議を開き、これまでの議論を踏まえた論点整理をまとめた。
An accord has been reached under which the government and the DPJ will drop, at least temporarily, a bill that would reorganize the five-company configuration of Japan Post Group into three companies. Instead, the three parties will discuss realigning Japan Post into a four-company structure.
日本郵政グループを現在の５社体制から３社に再編する政府・与党の法案をいったん取り下げ、４社に再編する案を軸に検討を進めることで合意した。
The four-company plan is a Komeito proposal, and the DPJ is poised to accept the plan.
「４社案」は公明党の提案をたたき台にしたもので、民主党は受け入れに前向きだ。
The LDP has no compelling reason to oppose the streamlining of the Japan Post Group organization and changes that would make postal services more convenient for customers.
自民党も郵政グループを簡素化し、利便性を高める点に大きな異論はなかろう。
===
Diet's neglectfulness
The realistic option would be for the ruling and opposition camps to get behind the proposed four-company system.
「４社案」をテコに与野党合意を図ることが現実的である。
Much of the blame for the postal reform bill being stuck in limbo for nearly two years lies with the Diet.
法案を２年近くも“塩漬け”にしてきた国会の責任は重い。
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda also should be brought to task for the delay in postal reform deliberations in the legislature.
In a meeting with the president of the national federation of postmasters of privately owned post offices (Zentoku), Noda committed himself to "responsibly expediting" Diet business for postal reform.
全国郵便局長会の会長に「責任を持ってやりたい」と述べた野田首相の姿勢も問われる。
What to do with government-held shares in Japan Post is the biggest obstacle to an agreement between the ruling and opposition blocs.
与野党合意への最大の懸案が、日本郵政に対する政府出資の扱いだ。
The government favors retaining "more than one-third" of Japan Post shares.
今のところ政府は日本郵政株の「３分の１超」を持ち続ける方向だ。
If this remains unchanged, the government will hold a stake in two firms under the Japan Post umbrella--Japan Post Bank Co. and Japan Post Insurance Co.
傘下のゆうちょ銀行とかんぽ生命保険に、間接的な政府出資が残ることになる。
The LDP has laid siege to the government's position. The party claims that if the two financial service arms of Japan Post, which the LDP notes are "protected by tacit government guarantees," enter new markets such as cancer insurance, private-sector businesses will be put at a distinct disadvantage.
自民党は、この金融２社が「暗黙の政府保証」に守られて、がん保険などに参入すれば、民業圧迫は避けられないと批判する。
Financial and insurance businesses have demanded Japan Post Bank and Japan Post Insurance be completely privatized.
金融・保険業界は、ゆうちょとかんぽの完全民営化を求めている
In connection with this, insurance businesses in the United States have expressed concern over Japan Post financial services adversely impacting on private-sector business activities.
これに関連して米国の保険業界も民業圧迫に懸念を示している。
Due attention should be paid to ensure Japan Post reform discussions do not hurt this country's bid to join Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement negotiations.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）への日本の参加交渉に悪影響を与えないように配慮すべきだ。
===
Gain from share sales unclear
Is it impossible to prevent Japan Post companies from gaining an unfair upper hand over private companies, such as by imposing some restrictions on their entry into new businesses?
新規事業への参入に一定の制限を設けるなど、民業圧迫を防ぐ工夫はできないか。
We urge the ruling and opposition parties to find effective solutions to this problem.
与野党で有効な打開策を考えてほしい。
If postal reform goes ahead, the current freeze on selling Japan Post shares will be lifted, and the government will be able to use the profit from sales of these shares to fund reconstruction from the Great East Japan Earthquake.
郵政改革が実現すれば、郵政株売却の凍結が解除され、売却益を東日本大震災の復興財源にあてることも可能になる。
However, the deterioration in postal service businesses shows no sign of ending, and it is unclear whether the government will bring in the about 6 trillion yen it expects to gain from selling off its Japan Post shares.
ただし、郵政事業の業績悪化に歯止めがかからず、見込み通り約６兆円の売却益を得られるかどうか不透明だ。
The volume of mail handled by post offices has been declining by 3 percent a year, leaving Japan Post Service swimming in red ink.
郵便は年３％のペースで減り、事業の赤字が続く。
Postal savings and the number of postal insurance policies have fallen sharply since their peak.
貯金残高や保険の保有契約も、ピークから大幅に減少した。
Should Japan Post be left as is, it will be unable to take such steps as expanding into new businesses, and could get stuck in a rut.
このままでは、新規事業の拡大などテコ入れもできず、日本郵政は身動きが取れない。
There are fears Japan Post's corporate value could plunge.
郵政グループの企業価値が、大きく低下する恐れがある。
Japan Post is a precious asset that belongs to the public. Its value must not be allowed to diminish because of the Diet's neglectfulness.
国会の怠慢で、国民の財産が目減りする事態は避けるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 21, 2012)
（2012年1月21日01時40分 読売新聞）
Ruling, opposition parties must push on with postal reform
郵政改革 ４社案テコに与野党合意急げ（1月21日付・読売社説）
It can now be said that a step toward realizing postal reform has finally been taken.
郵政改革の実現に向けて、一歩前進したと言えるだろう。
The ruling and opposition parties should hold deliberations in the upcoming ordinary Diet session and ensure the nation's postal business is reformed in a way that benefits the public.
与野党は次期通常国会で着実に審議を進め、国民の利益にかなう改革を実現させなければならない。
A working-level consultative meeting was held Friday between the Democratic Party of Japan, the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito regarding how to proceed with postal reform. The participants agreed to sum up what they have discussed so far.
民主、自民、公明の３党は２０日、郵政改革に関する実務者協議を開き、これまでの議論を踏まえた論点整理をまとめた。
An accord has been reached under which the government and the DPJ will drop, at least temporarily, a bill that would reorganize the five-company configuration of Japan Post Group into three companies. Instead, the three parties will discuss realigning Japan Post into a four-company structure.
日本郵政グループを現在の５社体制から３社に再編する政府・与党の法案をいったん取り下げ、４社に再編する案を軸に検討を進めることで合意した。
The four-company plan is a Komeito proposal, and the DPJ is poised to accept the plan.
「４社案」は公明党の提案をたたき台にしたもので、民主党は受け入れに前向きだ。
The LDP has no compelling reason to oppose the streamlining of the Japan Post Group organization and changes that would make postal services more convenient for customers.
自民党も郵政グループを簡素化し、利便性を高める点に大きな異論はなかろう。
===
Diet's neglectfulness
The realistic option would be for the ruling and opposition camps to get behind the proposed four-company system.
「４社案」をテコに与野党合意を図ることが現実的である。
Much of the blame for the postal reform bill being stuck in limbo for nearly two years lies with the Diet.
法案を２年近くも“塩漬け”にしてきた国会の責任は重い。
Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda also should be brought to task for the delay in postal reform deliberations in the legislature.
In a meeting with the president of the national federation of postmasters of privately owned post offices (Zentoku), Noda committed himself to "responsibly expediting" Diet business for postal reform.
全国郵便局長会の会長に「責任を持ってやりたい」と述べた野田首相の姿勢も問われる。
What to do with government-held shares in Japan Post is the biggest obstacle to an agreement between the ruling and opposition blocs.
与野党合意への最大の懸案が、日本郵政に対する政府出資の扱いだ。
The government favors retaining "more than one-third" of Japan Post shares.
今のところ政府は日本郵政株の「３分の１超」を持ち続ける方向だ。
If this remains unchanged, the government will hold a stake in two firms under the Japan Post umbrella--Japan Post Bank Co. and Japan Post Insurance Co.
傘下のゆうちょ銀行とかんぽ生命保険に、間接的な政府出資が残ることになる。
The LDP has laid siege to the government's position. The party claims that if the two financial service arms of Japan Post, which the LDP notes are "protected by tacit government guarantees," enter new markets such as cancer insurance, private-sector businesses will be put at a distinct disadvantage.
自民党は、この金融２社が「暗黙の政府保証」に守られて、がん保険などに参入すれば、民業圧迫は避けられないと批判する。
Financial and insurance businesses have demanded Japan Post Bank and Japan Post Insurance be completely privatized.
金融・保険業界は、ゆうちょとかんぽの完全民営化を求めている
In connection with this, insurance businesses in the United States have expressed concern over Japan Post financial services adversely impacting on private-sector business activities.
これに関連して米国の保険業界も民業圧迫に懸念を示している。
Due attention should be paid to ensure Japan Post reform discussions do not hurt this country's bid to join Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement negotiations.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）への日本の参加交渉に悪影響を与えないように配慮すべきだ。
===
Gain from share sales unclear
Is it impossible to prevent Japan Post companies from gaining an unfair upper hand over private companies, such as by imposing some restrictions on their entry into new businesses?
新規事業への参入に一定の制限を設けるなど、民業圧迫を防ぐ工夫はできないか。
We urge the ruling and opposition parties to find effective solutions to this problem.
与野党で有効な打開策を考えてほしい。
If postal reform goes ahead, the current freeze on selling Japan Post shares will be lifted, and the government will be able to use the profit from sales of these shares to fund reconstruction from the Great East Japan Earthquake.
郵政改革が実現すれば、郵政株売却の凍結が解除され、売却益を東日本大震災の復興財源にあてることも可能になる。
However, the deterioration in postal service businesses shows no sign of ending, and it is unclear whether the government will bring in the about 6 trillion yen it expects to gain from selling off its Japan Post shares.
ただし、郵政事業の業績悪化に歯止めがかからず、見込み通り約６兆円の売却益を得られるかどうか不透明だ。
The volume of mail handled by post offices has been declining by 3 percent a year, leaving Japan Post Service swimming in red ink.
郵便は年３％のペースで減り、事業の赤字が続く。
Postal savings and the number of postal insurance policies have fallen sharply since their peak.
貯金残高や保険の保有契約も、ピークから大幅に減少した。
Should Japan Post be left as is, it will be unable to take such steps as expanding into new businesses, and could get stuck in a rut.
このままでは、新規事業の拡大などテコ入れもできず、日本郵政は身動きが取れない。
There are fears Japan Post's corporate value could plunge.
郵政グループの企業価値が、大きく低下する恐れがある。
Japan Post is a precious asset that belongs to the public. Its value must not be allowed to diminish because of the Diet's neglectfulness.
国会の怠慢で、国民の財産が目減りする事態は避けるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 21, 2012)
（2012年1月21日01時40分 読売新聞）
2012/01/22
社説：原発テスト 「結論ありき」と疑う
(Mainichi Japan) January 20, 2012
Editorial: Gov't nuclear power plant tests mired in doubt
社説：原発テスト 「結論ありき」と疑う
How will the lessons learned from the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant be put into practice in the future?
東京電力福島第１原発の重大事故の教訓を今後にどういかそうとしているのか。
The government's present response is questionable.
このところの政府のやり方には疑問が多い。
The Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, which operates under the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, has deemed Kansai Electric Power Co.'s stress tests of the No. 3 and No. 4 reactors at its Oi nuclear power plant as "appropriate."
経済産業省の原子力安全・保安院は関西電力が提出した大飯原発３、４号機の安全評価（ストレステスト）を「妥当」と評価した。
This marks the first step in evaluating reactors that are being inspected with a view to restarting them.
再稼働の前提として定期検査中の原発を対象に行われる第１次評価である。
The reactors are to undergo further inspection by the Nuclear Safety Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
この先、原子力安全委員会の確認や国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の評価を受ける。
After that, the prime minister and three Cabinet ministers will make a political decision on whether or not to restart them.
さらに、首相と関係３閣僚が再稼働の是非を政治判断するが、
However, debate has arisen over whether Cabinet officials should be making decisions on the technical safety of reactors.
まず技術的な安全性を閣僚が判断することの是非に議論がある。
Furthermore, when looking at the results of the stress tests, it seems the technical safety appraisal was a foregone conclusion.
加えて、今回の評価結果を見る限り、技術的な安全評価も「結論ありき」に思える。
Kansai Electric's stress tests conclude that the reactor cores would not be damaged even if there were an earthquake that shook 1.8 times stronger than what was envisaged when the reactors were built, or if the reactors were hit by an 11.4-meter tsunami -- four times higher than what was initially predicted.
保安院が妥当とした関電の評価によると、設計上の想定より１．８倍大きい地震の揺れや４倍大きい１１.４メートルの津波に襲われても炉心損傷には至らない。
The power company says that even if there were a station blackout and no place for heat to escape, the reactor cores would not be damaged for 16 days and the spent nuclear fuel would remain intact for 10 days.
全交流電源が喪失し熱の逃がし場がなくなった場合でも炉心は１６日間、使用済み核燃料は１０日間、損傷までに余裕があるという。
However, the scenarios forming the basis for power plant's conclusions preceded the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami.
しかし、評価の前提となっている設計上の想定は東日本大震災以前のものだ。
The March 2011 disasters have shaken conceptions about the maximum shaking and the biggest possible tsunami in the event of another major quake.
震災で最大の揺れや津波の想定そのものが揺らいでいる。
耐震指針や安全設計審査指針の見直しも行われている。
There is no guarantee that the plant's previous predictions are on target.
もとの想定が信頼できるという保証はどこにもない。
The more relaxed the scenarios are, the more leeway the power plant seems to have.
想定が甘ければ甘いほど大きな余裕があるように見える矛盾も内包している。
When considering this, the phrases "1.8 times stronger" and "four times higher" have no meaning.
それを思えば、１．８倍や４倍という数値に意味はない。
The probe into the nuclear disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant has not even been completed. そもそも、事故そのものの検証もまだ終わっていない。
Officials should at least provide a set of risk evaluation guidelines based on the cause of the Fukushima disaster that the public can understand.
少なくとも事故の原因を踏まえ、国民が納得するリスク評価の指針を示すべきではないか。
In terms of determining the risks of nuclear power plants, doubts also remain over legislation on the life of power plants.
原発のリスク評価という点では寿命の法規制についても疑問がある。
On Jan. 6, Goshi Hosono, state minister in charge of the nuclear disaster, stated that nuclear reactors would in principle be decommissioned after they had been running for over 40 years.
「運転４０年を超えたら原則として廃炉」との方針を細野豪志原発事故担当相が発表したのが今月６日。
But less than two weeks later the government stated that exceptions would allow reactors to operate for 60 years.
それから２週間もたたないうちに、政府は「例外として６０年運転が可能」とする方針を公表した。
Just where is the government placing its priorities?
いったい、どちらに重きを置いているのか。
Does it really intend to reduce the number of high-risk nuclear power plants?
本気でリスクの高い原発を減らしていくつもりがあるのか。
The way the government is handling the situation invites mistrust over its nuclear power plant policy.
原発政策への不信感を招くやり方だ。
In terms of winning the public's trust, the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency's decision to shut the public out of a hearing on the Oi nuclear power plant's stress tests is also problematic.
国民の信頼を得るという点では、大飯原発のストレステストの意見聴取会で市民を会場から閉め出した保安院のやり方にも問題があった。
In principle, debate should be open, and then if there are any major obstacles to proceedings, separate measures can be taken to settle them.
基本的には議論の場そのものを公開し、議事に大きな障害が出るような言動があった場合に個別に対応すればすむ話だ。
Furthermore, citizens groups have raised questions about a possible conflict of interests among committee members and these must be addressed as a top priority.
市民団体が疑問視する委員の利益相反についても、きちんと説明するのが先決だ。
Local bodies will have the final decision on whether or not to restart nuclear power plants, but if officials can't gain the public's trust, then it is inconceivable to restart the reactors.
原発の再稼働を最終的に判断するのは地元自治体だ。市民の信頼がなければ再稼働もありえない。
毎日新聞 2012年1月20日 2時31分
Editorial: Gov't nuclear power plant tests mired in doubt
社説：原発テスト 「結論ありき」と疑う
How will the lessons learned from the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant be put into practice in the future?
東京電力福島第１原発の重大事故の教訓を今後にどういかそうとしているのか。
The government's present response is questionable.
このところの政府のやり方には疑問が多い。
The Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency, which operates under the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, has deemed Kansai Electric Power Co.'s stress tests of the No. 3 and No. 4 reactors at its Oi nuclear power plant as "appropriate."
経済産業省の原子力安全・保安院は関西電力が提出した大飯原発３、４号機の安全評価（ストレステスト）を「妥当」と評価した。
This marks the first step in evaluating reactors that are being inspected with a view to restarting them.
再稼働の前提として定期検査中の原発を対象に行われる第１次評価である。
The reactors are to undergo further inspection by the Nuclear Safety Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
この先、原子力安全委員会の確認や国際原子力機関（ＩＡＥＡ）の評価を受ける。
After that, the prime minister and three Cabinet ministers will make a political decision on whether or not to restart them.
さらに、首相と関係３閣僚が再稼働の是非を政治判断するが、
However, debate has arisen over whether Cabinet officials should be making decisions on the technical safety of reactors.
まず技術的な安全性を閣僚が判断することの是非に議論がある。
Furthermore, when looking at the results of the stress tests, it seems the technical safety appraisal was a foregone conclusion.
加えて、今回の評価結果を見る限り、技術的な安全評価も「結論ありき」に思える。
Kansai Electric's stress tests conclude that the reactor cores would not be damaged even if there were an earthquake that shook 1.8 times stronger than what was envisaged when the reactors were built, or if the reactors were hit by an 11.4-meter tsunami -- four times higher than what was initially predicted.
保安院が妥当とした関電の評価によると、設計上の想定より１．８倍大きい地震の揺れや４倍大きい１１.４メートルの津波に襲われても炉心損傷には至らない。
The power company says that even if there were a station blackout and no place for heat to escape, the reactor cores would not be damaged for 16 days and the spent nuclear fuel would remain intact for 10 days.
全交流電源が喪失し熱の逃がし場がなくなった場合でも炉心は１６日間、使用済み核燃料は１０日間、損傷までに余裕があるという。
However, the scenarios forming the basis for power plant's conclusions preceded the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami.
しかし、評価の前提となっている設計上の想定は東日本大震災以前のものだ。
The March 2011 disasters have shaken conceptions about the maximum shaking and the biggest possible tsunami in the event of another major quake.
震災で最大の揺れや津波の想定そのものが揺らいでいる。
耐震指針や安全設計審査指針の見直しも行われている。
There is no guarantee that the plant's previous predictions are on target.
もとの想定が信頼できるという保証はどこにもない。
The more relaxed the scenarios are, the more leeway the power plant seems to have.
想定が甘ければ甘いほど大きな余裕があるように見える矛盾も内包している。
When considering this, the phrases "1.8 times stronger" and "four times higher" have no meaning.
それを思えば、１．８倍や４倍という数値に意味はない。
The probe into the nuclear disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant has not even been completed. そもそも、事故そのものの検証もまだ終わっていない。
Officials should at least provide a set of risk evaluation guidelines based on the cause of the Fukushima disaster that the public can understand.
少なくとも事故の原因を踏まえ、国民が納得するリスク評価の指針を示すべきではないか。
In terms of determining the risks of nuclear power plants, doubts also remain over legislation on the life of power plants.
原発のリスク評価という点では寿命の法規制についても疑問がある。
On Jan. 6, Goshi Hosono, state minister in charge of the nuclear disaster, stated that nuclear reactors would in principle be decommissioned after they had been running for over 40 years.
「運転４０年を超えたら原則として廃炉」との方針を細野豪志原発事故担当相が発表したのが今月６日。
But less than two weeks later the government stated that exceptions would allow reactors to operate for 60 years.
それから２週間もたたないうちに、政府は「例外として６０年運転が可能」とする方針を公表した。
Just where is the government placing its priorities?
いったい、どちらに重きを置いているのか。
Does it really intend to reduce the number of high-risk nuclear power plants?
本気でリスクの高い原発を減らしていくつもりがあるのか。
The way the government is handling the situation invites mistrust over its nuclear power plant policy.
原発政策への不信感を招くやり方だ。
In terms of winning the public's trust, the Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency's decision to shut the public out of a hearing on the Oi nuclear power plant's stress tests is also problematic.
国民の信頼を得るという点では、大飯原発のストレステストの意見聴取会で市民を会場から閉め出した保安院のやり方にも問題があった。
In principle, debate should be open, and then if there are any major obstacles to proceedings, separate measures can be taken to settle them.
基本的には議論の場そのものを公開し、議事に大きな障害が出るような言動があった場合に個別に対応すればすむ話だ。
Furthermore, citizens groups have raised questions about a possible conflict of interests among committee members and these must be addressed as a top priority.
市民団体が疑問視する委員の利益相反についても、きちんと説明するのが先決だ。
Local bodies will have the final decision on whether or not to restart nuclear power plants, but if officials can't gain the public's trust, then it is inconceivable to restart the reactors.
原発の再稼働を最終的に判断するのは地元自治体だ。市民の信頼がなければ再稼働もありえない。
毎日新聞 2012年1月20日 2時31分
2012/01/21
新型インフル 緊急事態法制に位置付けよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 21, 2012)
Parties should unite to pass flu epidemic legislation
新型インフル 緊急事態法制に位置付けよ（1月20日付・読売社説）
The outbreak of a new strain of influenza can take place anytime, anywhere in the world.
新型インフルエンザは世界のどこで、いつ発生してもおかしくない。
In the event of a new, virulent strain of flu becoming an epidemic, it is estimated that in the worst-case scenario as many as 640,000 people would die in this country alone.
強毒性の新型が流行した場合、最悪のケースでは、国内だけで６４万人が死亡するとも推定されている。
To prevent such a situation from occurring, it is imperative for the government to take all possible measures in preparation for a flu epidemic.
そうした事態に陥らないよう、万全の対策を講じておくのは、政府の責務である。
The government plans to submit a bill for special measures legislation to the upcoming ordinary Diet session to deal with the possible future emergence of a new, highly virulent and infectious flu
政府は、強い毒性と感染力を持つ新型インフルエンザの発生を想定し、通常国会に特別措置法案を提出する。
Both the ruling and opposition parties must cooperate to ensure smooth passage of the bill.
与野党が協力して成立を図るべきだ。
The planned law will define the onslaught of a highly virulent new strain of flu as a "national crisis."
特措法では、病原性の強い新型ウイルスの襲来を「国家的危機」と位置づける。
To prevent the spread of infection and public disorder, the law will empower the government to take strong, binding steps such as restrictions on or postponement of assemblies and securing the supply and distribution of goods.
感染や混乱の拡大を防止するため、集会制限や物資の流通確保などに、踏み込んだ強制措置をとれるようにする。
Currently, the central government and prefectural governments have already worked out "action plans" to cope with the outbreak of a new strain of influenza.
現在でも国や都道府県は、新型インフルエンザに対する「行動計画」を策定している。
===
Govt to declare 'emergency'
These measures, however, have no binding power. The central government and local entities can take no stronger steps than "requesting" people to stay home and cancel meetings on a voluntary basis.
ただし、強制力を伴うものではなく、外出や集会などの自粛や中止といった措置を「要請」できるだけだ。
When a new strain of flu broke out in 2009, there was no serious damage, since the virulence of the strain was weak.
２００９年に新型インフルエンザが発生した際は、毒性の弱いウイルスだったため、大きな被害を出さずに済んだ。
If that strain had been deadly, the government might have been unable to take any effective steps, resulting in serious harm to the public.
だが、もし強毒性だったら、行政は的確な対策を打てず、深刻な被害をもたらしていただろう。
Under the proposed legislation, if a virulent strain of flu becomes epidemic, the government's epidemic countermeasures headquarters will declare an "emergency situation" for affected prefectures.
検討中の特措法案では、強毒性ウイルスが流行した場合に、政府対策本部が、都道府県単位で「緊急事態」を宣言する。
While restrictions on going out and cancellations of gatherings under the planned law will be sought in the form of government "requests," as currently practiced, the law will make it possible for the government to issue stronger "instructions" if such requests are refused without sufficient justification.
外出自粛やイベントの中止などは、従来通り「要請」とするが、正当な理由なく拒まれた時に、より強い「指示」が出せるようにする。
The law will also make it possible for the government to requisition land and buildings needed to secure medical facilities when a flu epidemic occurs.
療施設などに必要な土地や建物の使用も可能にする。
To prevent the spread of a deadly flu strain, the government may legitimately need to consider meting out punishments against violators of the law.
感染拡大を防ぐためには、罰則の検討もやむを得まい。
The invocation of the law, however, must be carried out as scrupulously as possible.
ただ、発動は慎重であるべきだ。
The Civil Protection Law, enacted to prepare this country for an armed attack, states that the curtailment of private rights should be kept to a minimum out of respect for the freedom and rights of the people.
私権制限規定は武力攻撃に備える国民保護法にもある。
同法は国民の自由と権利を尊重し、制限は必要最小限にする、としている。
===
Prepare for goods shortages
Immediately after the Great East Japan Earthquake, shortages of goods occurred across the country.
東日本大震災では発生直後、全国で物資の不足が起こった。
The shortages were attributed to panic buying as well as the disruption of distribution networks.
流通網の寸断に加え、買いだめの影響も大きかったと見られる。
If a containment campaign is enforced in areas affected by a new strain of virulent flu virus, hoarding may occur in reaction to government requests for people to stay home, while local distribution networks may be snarled.
新型インフルエンザ発生時も、感染地域を封じ込めれば流通網は滞り、外出自粛で買いだめが生じる。
To deal with such a situation, the government, by means of the planned legislation, should enhance the power of administrative authorities to ensure sufficient supplies of goods at stable prices, in part by preventing merchants or suppliers from refusing to sell at the time of a deadly flu epidemic.
その場合でも、売り惜しみを防ぎ、安定した価格で品物を十分に供給できるよう、行政の権限を強化しておく必要がある。
The lessons learned from the bitter experience of the March 11 earthquake and tsunami must be used to minimize the damage caused by a deadly flu strain.
大震災の教訓を生かすべきだ。
The circumstances the planned law aims to deal with have much in common with various other emergencies.
特措法の想定は、さまざまな緊急事態の場合と共通する。
The legislation should lead to the strengthening of preparatory measures for emergencies, such as coordination of communication between the central and local entities, securing local medical services and stockpiling daily necessities.
国と自治体の連携、地域の医療や必需品の備蓄など、平時の備えを点検・強化することにもつなげたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 20, 2012)
（2012年1月20日01時15分 読売新聞）
Parties should unite to pass flu epidemic legislation
新型インフル 緊急事態法制に位置付けよ（1月20日付・読売社説）
The outbreak of a new strain of influenza can take place anytime, anywhere in the world.
新型インフルエンザは世界のどこで、いつ発生してもおかしくない。
In the event of a new, virulent strain of flu becoming an epidemic, it is estimated that in the worst-case scenario as many as 640,000 people would die in this country alone.
強毒性の新型が流行した場合、最悪のケースでは、国内だけで６４万人が死亡するとも推定されている。
To prevent such a situation from occurring, it is imperative for the government to take all possible measures in preparation for a flu epidemic.
そうした事態に陥らないよう、万全の対策を講じておくのは、政府の責務である。
The government plans to submit a bill for special measures legislation to the upcoming ordinary Diet session to deal with the possible future emergence of a new, highly virulent and infectious flu
政府は、強い毒性と感染力を持つ新型インフルエンザの発生を想定し、通常国会に特別措置法案を提出する。
Both the ruling and opposition parties must cooperate to ensure smooth passage of the bill.
与野党が協力して成立を図るべきだ。
The planned law will define the onslaught of a highly virulent new strain of flu as a "national crisis."
特措法では、病原性の強い新型ウイルスの襲来を「国家的危機」と位置づける。
To prevent the spread of infection and public disorder, the law will empower the government to take strong, binding steps such as restrictions on or postponement of assemblies and securing the supply and distribution of goods.
感染や混乱の拡大を防止するため、集会制限や物資の流通確保などに、踏み込んだ強制措置をとれるようにする。
Currently, the central government and prefectural governments have already worked out "action plans" to cope with the outbreak of a new strain of influenza.
現在でも国や都道府県は、新型インフルエンザに対する「行動計画」を策定している。
===
Govt to declare 'emergency'
These measures, however, have no binding power. The central government and local entities can take no stronger steps than "requesting" people to stay home and cancel meetings on a voluntary basis.
ただし、強制力を伴うものではなく、外出や集会などの自粛や中止といった措置を「要請」できるだけだ。
When a new strain of flu broke out in 2009, there was no serious damage, since the virulence of the strain was weak.
２００９年に新型インフルエンザが発生した際は、毒性の弱いウイルスだったため、大きな被害を出さずに済んだ。
If that strain had been deadly, the government might have been unable to take any effective steps, resulting in serious harm to the public.
だが、もし強毒性だったら、行政は的確な対策を打てず、深刻な被害をもたらしていただろう。
Under the proposed legislation, if a virulent strain of flu becomes epidemic, the government's epidemic countermeasures headquarters will declare an "emergency situation" for affected prefectures.
検討中の特措法案では、強毒性ウイルスが流行した場合に、政府対策本部が、都道府県単位で「緊急事態」を宣言する。
While restrictions on going out and cancellations of gatherings under the planned law will be sought in the form of government "requests," as currently practiced, the law will make it possible for the government to issue stronger "instructions" if such requests are refused without sufficient justification.
外出自粛やイベントの中止などは、従来通り「要請」とするが、正当な理由なく拒まれた時に、より強い「指示」が出せるようにする。
The law will also make it possible for the government to requisition land and buildings needed to secure medical facilities when a flu epidemic occurs.
療施設などに必要な土地や建物の使用も可能にする。
To prevent the spread of a deadly flu strain, the government may legitimately need to consider meting out punishments against violators of the law.
感染拡大を防ぐためには、罰則の検討もやむを得まい。
The invocation of the law, however, must be carried out as scrupulously as possible.
ただ、発動は慎重であるべきだ。
The Civil Protection Law, enacted to prepare this country for an armed attack, states that the curtailment of private rights should be kept to a minimum out of respect for the freedom and rights of the people.
私権制限規定は武力攻撃に備える国民保護法にもある。
同法は国民の自由と権利を尊重し、制限は必要最小限にする、としている。
===
Prepare for goods shortages
Immediately after the Great East Japan Earthquake, shortages of goods occurred across the country.
東日本大震災では発生直後、全国で物資の不足が起こった。
The shortages were attributed to panic buying as well as the disruption of distribution networks.
流通網の寸断に加え、買いだめの影響も大きかったと見られる。
If a containment campaign is enforced in areas affected by a new strain of virulent flu virus, hoarding may occur in reaction to government requests for people to stay home, while local distribution networks may be snarled.
新型インフルエンザ発生時も、感染地域を封じ込めれば流通網は滞り、外出自粛で買いだめが生じる。
To deal with such a situation, the government, by means of the planned legislation, should enhance the power of administrative authorities to ensure sufficient supplies of goods at stable prices, in part by preventing merchants or suppliers from refusing to sell at the time of a deadly flu epidemic.
その場合でも、売り惜しみを防ぎ、安定した価格で品物を十分に供給できるよう、行政の権限を強化しておく必要がある。
The lessons learned from the bitter experience of the March 11 earthquake and tsunami must be used to minimize the damage caused by a deadly flu strain.
大震災の教訓を生かすべきだ。
The circumstances the planned law aims to deal with have much in common with various other emergencies.
特措法の想定は、さまざまな緊急事態の場合と共通する。
The legislation should lead to the strengthening of preparatory measures for emergencies, such as coordination of communication between the central and local entities, securing local medical services and stockpiling daily necessities.
国と自治体の連携、地域の医療や必需品の備蓄など、平時の備えを点検・強化することにもつなげたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 20, 2012)
（2012年1月20日01時15分 読売新聞）
2012/01/20
นักเรียนไทยมาเรียนภาษาญี่ปุ่นกันด้วยนะครับ
เรียนภาษาญี่ปุ่นของนักเรียนไทย
初歩の日本語（タイ人学生向け）
Preliminary Japanese
lessons for Thai students.
(2011/11/24)
↓
http://www.geocities.jp/srachai2000_5/
「大阪都」構想 自治再生への将来像を示せ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 19, 2012)
Present a vision for renewal of local administration
「大阪都」構想 自治再生への将来像を示せ（1月18日付・読売社説）
Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto is preparing concrete steps to realize his plan to transform Osaka into a metropolitan administrative unit like Tokyo. If his proposal is realized, how will the people's daily lives and the local administration of Osaka change?
「大阪都」構想の実現で住民生活や行政はどう変わるのだろうか。
His proposal calls for institutional reform to reorganize the Osaka prefectural government and the Osaka and Sakai municipal governments into a metropolitan administrative unit that would provide administrative services across the entire area and 10 to 12 "special administrative wards" that would provide services close to the daily lives of the local people, such as welfare services.
橋下徹大阪市長が、都構想の具体案作りを進めている。
都構想は、府と大阪、堺両市を解体し、広域行政を担う「都」と福祉など身近な行政サービスを受け持つ１０～１２の「特別自治区」に再編する制度改革だ。
We can understand Hashimoto's intention of eliminating the prefectural and municipal governments' overlapping administrative services and integrating strategies on urban systems, by reviewing the antagonistic relations that have often existed between the prefectural government and the Osaka municipal government over the years.
長年対立してきた府と大阪市の関係を見直し、二重行政の無駄を廃して都市戦略を一元化しようという狙いはわかる。
Hashimoto has established a headquarters to integrate the prefectural and municipal governments, as a control tower of the scheme, and has come up with one reform policy after another.
橋下氏は司令塔となる府市統合本部を設け、矢継ぎ早に改革方針を打ち出した。
Carrying out, first of all, those reforms that can be realized under the present system will offer a favorable wind for the envisaged scheme. Included in such presently doable reforms are integrated management of water services, public hospitals and universities, and elections for more administratively powerful ward mayors with candidates invited from the public from all over the country.
水道、病院、大学の一体運営や、区長の公募・権限強化など、現行制度で可能な改革を先行させることは、構想実現への追い風となるからだ。
Will these institutional changes lead to, as Hashimoto asserts, the rejuvenation of Osaka, whose local economy is seen faltering?
だが、制度の変更が、橋下氏の言うように、沈滞ムード漂う大阪の再生に結びつくのか。
===
Costs not entirely clear
Having ward mayors and ward assembly members elected by popular vote may end up raising overall costs. There is also some concern that the review of overlapping administrative services by the prefectural and municipal governments may lead to some services being monopolized by certain entities, eliminating competition and thus making overall public administration inefficient.
公選区長と区議会を置くため、コストが増える恐れがある。二重行政を見直すことが行政サービスの独占となり、行政同士の競争が失われて、かえって効率が悪化しかねないとの見方もある。
Hashimoto should scrupulously answer these questions and draw up a clear future vision of a new local administration.
橋下氏は、こうした疑問の声にも丁寧に答えを出し、新しい自治の将来像を描くべきである。
To realize this metropolis scheme, it is essential to revise related laws, including the Local Government Law. 都構想の実現のためには、地方自治法など関連法の改正も欠かせない。
Both the ruling and opposition parties have begun concerted action based on Hashimoto's scheme.
与野党は、構想に呼応する動きを見せ始めている。
As the head of local party Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration group), Hashimoto won a strategic victory in the double elections for both Osaka governor (his preelection post, now held by another member of his party) and Osaka mayor.
先の大阪ダブル選で勝利を収めた橋下氏は、
Looking toward the next House of Representatives election, Hashimoto said his party will field its own candidates to run against those political parties that do not support his vision.
都構想に賛同しない政党には、次期衆院選で独自候補を擁立して対抗すると宣言しているが、
These strategies can be said to have prodded major national parties into action on his issue.
こうした「戦法」が中央政党を動かしたと言えよう。
===
Govt council to examine issue
Meanwhile, the Local Government System Research Council, a governmental advisory panel, on Tuesday began discussions on what form the administrative systems of mega cities should take.
一方、政府の地方制度調査会は１７日、大都市制度のあり方に関する議論を始めた。
The central government had seldom squarely tackled the issue of large cities before.
政府が大都市問題に正面から取り組んだことは、これまでほとんどなかった。
The Osaka metropolis scheme will be a central theme of the council's discussions.
大阪都構想は、中心的なテーマとなる。
Hashimoto intends to compile a concrete plan by this autumn, with an eye toward shifting to an Osaka metropolis in the spring of 2015.
橋下氏は、２０１５年春の大阪都移行を目指して、今秋までに具体案をまとめる考えだが、
His moves and the council's discussions will certainly affect each other.
その動向と調査会の議論は、相互に影響していくだろう。
Also to be discussed is the idea of letting ordinance-designated cities become completely independent from prefectural governments as special self-governing units.
政令市が道府県から独立する「特別自治市」や、
There are also other ideas to be taken up for discussion, such as one to integrate Aichi Prefecture and the city of Nagoya to establish a "Chukyo-to" administrative unit, and one to realign Niigata Prefecture and Niigata City into Niigata-shu (Niigata State).
愛知県と名古屋市が掲げる「中京都」、新潟県と新潟市を再編する「新潟州」なども検討対象だ。
The times require discussions about systems of large-city governance.
大都市制度の議論は、時代の要請でもある。
The council will also discuss issues related to local municipalities, be they cities, towns or villages, that are dealing with marked population decline and a rapidly aging citizenry.
調査会では、人口減少が著しく、高齢化の進んでいる市町村の問題も審議する。
It is no easy task to consider the problems of large cities and those of smaller municipalities in the context of the ongoing trend of transferring administrative powers to local governments.
地方分権の流れの中で、大都市と小規模な自治体の問題をどう位置づけるかは、容易ではない。
Toward the aim of rejuvenating local administrations, a broad-based discussion is called for.
自治の再生に向けて、幅広い議論を重ねてもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 18, 2012)
（2012年1月18日01時18分 読売新聞）
Present a vision for renewal of local administration
「大阪都」構想 自治再生への将来像を示せ（1月18日付・読売社説）
Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto is preparing concrete steps to realize his plan to transform Osaka into a metropolitan administrative unit like Tokyo. If his proposal is realized, how will the people's daily lives and the local administration of Osaka change?
「大阪都」構想の実現で住民生活や行政はどう変わるのだろうか。
His proposal calls for institutional reform to reorganize the Osaka prefectural government and the Osaka and Sakai municipal governments into a metropolitan administrative unit that would provide administrative services across the entire area and 10 to 12 "special administrative wards" that would provide services close to the daily lives of the local people, such as welfare services.
橋下徹大阪市長が、都構想の具体案作りを進めている。
都構想は、府と大阪、堺両市を解体し、広域行政を担う「都」と福祉など身近な行政サービスを受け持つ１０～１２の「特別自治区」に再編する制度改革だ。
We can understand Hashimoto's intention of eliminating the prefectural and municipal governments' overlapping administrative services and integrating strategies on urban systems, by reviewing the antagonistic relations that have often existed between the prefectural government and the Osaka municipal government over the years.
長年対立してきた府と大阪市の関係を見直し、二重行政の無駄を廃して都市戦略を一元化しようという狙いはわかる。
Hashimoto has established a headquarters to integrate the prefectural and municipal governments, as a control tower of the scheme, and has come up with one reform policy after another.
橋下氏は司令塔となる府市統合本部を設け、矢継ぎ早に改革方針を打ち出した。
Carrying out, first of all, those reforms that can be realized under the present system will offer a favorable wind for the envisaged scheme. Included in such presently doable reforms are integrated management of water services, public hospitals and universities, and elections for more administratively powerful ward mayors with candidates invited from the public from all over the country.
水道、病院、大学の一体運営や、区長の公募・権限強化など、現行制度で可能な改革を先行させることは、構想実現への追い風となるからだ。
Will these institutional changes lead to, as Hashimoto asserts, the rejuvenation of Osaka, whose local economy is seen faltering?
だが、制度の変更が、橋下氏の言うように、沈滞ムード漂う大阪の再生に結びつくのか。
===
Costs not entirely clear
Having ward mayors and ward assembly members elected by popular vote may end up raising overall costs. There is also some concern that the review of overlapping administrative services by the prefectural and municipal governments may lead to some services being monopolized by certain entities, eliminating competition and thus making overall public administration inefficient.
公選区長と区議会を置くため、コストが増える恐れがある。二重行政を見直すことが行政サービスの独占となり、行政同士の競争が失われて、かえって効率が悪化しかねないとの見方もある。
Hashimoto should scrupulously answer these questions and draw up a clear future vision of a new local administration.
橋下氏は、こうした疑問の声にも丁寧に答えを出し、新しい自治の将来像を描くべきである。
To realize this metropolis scheme, it is essential to revise related laws, including the Local Government Law. 都構想の実現のためには、地方自治法など関連法の改正も欠かせない。
Both the ruling and opposition parties have begun concerted action based on Hashimoto's scheme.
与野党は、構想に呼応する動きを見せ始めている。
As the head of local party Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration group), Hashimoto won a strategic victory in the double elections for both Osaka governor (his preelection post, now held by another member of his party) and Osaka mayor.
先の大阪ダブル選で勝利を収めた橋下氏は、
Looking toward the next House of Representatives election, Hashimoto said his party will field its own candidates to run against those political parties that do not support his vision.
都構想に賛同しない政党には、次期衆院選で独自候補を擁立して対抗すると宣言しているが、
These strategies can be said to have prodded major national parties into action on his issue.
こうした「戦法」が中央政党を動かしたと言えよう。
===
Govt council to examine issue
Meanwhile, the Local Government System Research Council, a governmental advisory panel, on Tuesday began discussions on what form the administrative systems of mega cities should take.
一方、政府の地方制度調査会は１７日、大都市制度のあり方に関する議論を始めた。
The central government had seldom squarely tackled the issue of large cities before.
政府が大都市問題に正面から取り組んだことは、これまでほとんどなかった。
The Osaka metropolis scheme will be a central theme of the council's discussions.
大阪都構想は、中心的なテーマとなる。
Hashimoto intends to compile a concrete plan by this autumn, with an eye toward shifting to an Osaka metropolis in the spring of 2015.
橋下氏は、２０１５年春の大阪都移行を目指して、今秋までに具体案をまとめる考えだが、
His moves and the council's discussions will certainly affect each other.
その動向と調査会の議論は、相互に影響していくだろう。
Also to be discussed is the idea of letting ordinance-designated cities become completely independent from prefectural governments as special self-governing units.
政令市が道府県から独立する「特別自治市」や、
There are also other ideas to be taken up for discussion, such as one to integrate Aichi Prefecture and the city of Nagoya to establish a "Chukyo-to" administrative unit, and one to realign Niigata Prefecture and Niigata City into Niigata-shu (Niigata State).
愛知県と名古屋市が掲げる「中京都」、新潟県と新潟市を再編する「新潟州」なども検討対象だ。
The times require discussions about systems of large-city governance.
大都市制度の議論は、時代の要請でもある。
The council will also discuss issues related to local municipalities, be they cities, towns or villages, that are dealing with marked population decline and a rapidly aging citizenry.
調査会では、人口減少が著しく、高齢化の進んでいる市町村の問題も審議する。
It is no easy task to consider the problems of large cities and those of smaller municipalities in the context of the ongoing trend of transferring administrative powers to local governments.
地方分権の流れの中で、大都市と小規模な自治体の問題をどう位置づけるかは、容易ではない。
Toward the aim of rejuvenating local administrations, a broad-based discussion is called for.
自治の再生に向けて、幅広い議論を重ねてもらいたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 18, 2012)
（2012年1月18日01時18分 読売新聞）
2012/01/19
台湾総統選―対中安定を選んだ民意
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 16
EDITORIAL: Taiwan’s voters show reserved support for expansion of China ties
台湾総統選―対中安定を選んだ民意
"In Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 14, voters gave qualified support, not unconditional approval, to expanded ties with China. That probably best sums up the election outcome.
中国との交流拡大はよいが、手放しでは歓迎できない――。
Incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the ruling Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) won re-election, defeating Tsai Ing-wen, head of the main opposition Democratic Progressive Party.
台湾の総統選で、国民党の馬英九（マー・インチウ）総統が民進党の蔡英文（ツァイ・インウェン）主席らを退けた。示された民意をつづめて言えばこうではないか。
China-Taiwan relations soured markedly during the previous government of the DPP.
中台関係は民進党の前政権期に悪化した。
Ma was first elected president four years ago by promising to mend ties with China.
馬氏は改善を掲げて４年前の総統選に初当選し、
Ma implemented a series of steps to deliver on his pledge.
He launched regular direct flights between Taiwan and China, lifted a ban on visits by mainland Chinese and struck an Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement for free cross-strait trade.
定期直行便を運航、中国からの観光客受け入れを解禁し、自由貿易圏を目指す経済協力枠組み協定を結んだ。
Ma, declaring his election victory while being pelted by a pouring rain, stressed that the expansion of Taiwan’s economic ties and trade with China during his first term had strong voter support.
He pledged to continue his China policy for the next four years.
土砂降りの雨に打たれながら勝利を宣言した馬総統は、中国との経済、貿易が拡大したことが「支持された」と強調して、「今後４年間もこの政策を続けていく」と明言した。
Indeed, relations between China and Taiwan have been on a roll recently.
確かに、このところの中台関係は活発だ。
Mainland tourists visiting Taiwan now outnumber Japanese visitors.
Chinese students are beginning to come to the island to study.
大陸からの観光客数は日本を上回り、留学生も来始めている。
The current state of the cross-strait relationship is a far cry from what it was 16 years ago when Beijing tried to intimidate Taiwan by test-firing missiles during a presidential election.
総統選の期間に中国がミサイル演習で威嚇した１６年前から想像できないほどだ。
Even so, China still keeps ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan and is expanding its naval power around the island. しかし、台湾に照準を合わせた弾道ミサイルを中国は配備したままだし、台湾周辺での海軍力も増強している。
The current stability in Sino-Taiwanese relations is as fragile as a glass sculpture and far from what constitutes true peace.
中台関係の安定はガラス細工のようにもろく、真の平和にほど遠い。
That’s why there is still strong, deep-rooted wariness about unification among Taiwanese, as indicated by the fact that Ma’s poll ratings dropped immediately after he talked about a peace treaty with China during the election campaign.
だから、馬総統が選挙戦で中国との平和協定を口にした途端に支持率が下がったように、統一に対する台湾の人々の警戒心はなお根強い。
The Communist Party of China and the government in Beijing issued an unusual statement following Ma’s re-election, expressing hope for “opening of a new phase of peaceful development of the relationship” and “striving together for a great resurgence of the Chinese race.”
The move clearly reflected China’s enthusiasm about starting political dialogue with Taiwan as a step toward eventual unification.
中国共産党と政府は、馬氏再選が決まった後に「関係の平和的発展の新しい局面をさらに開き、中華民族の偉大な復興のために共に力を尽くすことを願っている」という異例の談話を発表し、統一を視野に入れた政治対話に意欲を示した。
But the Taiwanese people are not interested in such political dialogue.
しかし、台湾の民意は政治対話をまだ望んでいない。
Ma needs to tread carefully on this issue.
馬氏は慎重に対応すべきである。
Beijing, if it really wants political dialogue with the island, should demonstrate its sincerity by taking steps to build a peaceful and favorable environment for cross-strait talks, such as removing the missiles aimed at Taiwan.
We sincerely hope the new Chinese leadership that will be elected in the party convention this autumn will make serious efforts to improve the diplomatic climate for political talks with Taiwan.
中国も政治対話を望むのであれば、台湾向けのミサイルを廃棄するなどの誠意を示して、平和な環境を整える必要がある。秋の党大会で生まれる新しい指導部にそれを強く望みたい。
For her part, Tsai fared better than the DPP’s candidate for the previous presidential election in terms of the percentage of votes garnered against the total poll. But her failure to offer concrete proposals to tackle key policy issues, like the relationship with China, growing economic inequity among Taiwanese people and employment, was her undoing.
蔡氏は前回の民進党候補より得票率を上げたが、対中関係や格差、雇用などの問題で具体的な対抗策を示すことはできなかった。
Nevertheless, we applaud Tsai for not inflaming tension during the election campaign, which often happened in the past. This gave the impression that democracy in Taiwan has matured.
とはいえ、過去のような対立をあおる選挙運動はせず、台湾の民主主義の成熟を印象づけたことは評価したい。
In mainland China, the people are still denied the right to vote in democratic elections. Yet, they showed tremendous interest in Taiwan’s election through Internet postings and other forms of online expression.
民主的な選挙に縁のない中国の人々もネットなどで大きな関心を示した。
We hope they will learn more about democracy through Taiwan's experience.
台湾を通してさらに学ぶようになればいい。
Although Taiwan has no formal diplomatic relationship with Japan, Taiwanese sentiment toward Japan is very friendly. This can be seen by the size of Taiwan’s donation to help victims of the Great East Japan Earthquake. Its 17 billion yen (about $213 million) topped all other foreign donations.
台湾は日本と外交関係はないが、東日本大震災で世界一の額の義援金１７０億円を寄せたように、極めて親日的である。
Japan must respond to the goodwill shown by the Taiwanese people by enhancing its ties with the island through steps like concluding a free trade agreement.
日本は自由貿易協定を結ぶなど関係の強化をはかり、台湾の善意にこたえなければならない。
EDITORIAL: Taiwan’s voters show reserved support for expansion of China ties
台湾総統選―対中安定を選んだ民意
"In Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 14, voters gave qualified support, not unconditional approval, to expanded ties with China. That probably best sums up the election outcome.
中国との交流拡大はよいが、手放しでは歓迎できない――。
Incumbent President Ma Ying-jeou of the ruling Kuomintang (Nationalist Party) won re-election, defeating Tsai Ing-wen, head of the main opposition Democratic Progressive Party.
台湾の総統選で、国民党の馬英九（マー・インチウ）総統が民進党の蔡英文（ツァイ・インウェン）主席らを退けた。示された民意をつづめて言えばこうではないか。
China-Taiwan relations soured markedly during the previous government of the DPP.
中台関係は民進党の前政権期に悪化した。
Ma was first elected president four years ago by promising to mend ties with China.
馬氏は改善を掲げて４年前の総統選に初当選し、
Ma implemented a series of steps to deliver on his pledge.
He launched regular direct flights between Taiwan and China, lifted a ban on visits by mainland Chinese and struck an Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement for free cross-strait trade.
定期直行便を運航、中国からの観光客受け入れを解禁し、自由貿易圏を目指す経済協力枠組み協定を結んだ。
Ma, declaring his election victory while being pelted by a pouring rain, stressed that the expansion of Taiwan’s economic ties and trade with China during his first term had strong voter support.
He pledged to continue his China policy for the next four years.
土砂降りの雨に打たれながら勝利を宣言した馬総統は、中国との経済、貿易が拡大したことが「支持された」と強調して、「今後４年間もこの政策を続けていく」と明言した。
Indeed, relations between China and Taiwan have been on a roll recently.
確かに、このところの中台関係は活発だ。
Mainland tourists visiting Taiwan now outnumber Japanese visitors.
Chinese students are beginning to come to the island to study.
大陸からの観光客数は日本を上回り、留学生も来始めている。
The current state of the cross-strait relationship is a far cry from what it was 16 years ago when Beijing tried to intimidate Taiwan by test-firing missiles during a presidential election.
総統選の期間に中国がミサイル演習で威嚇した１６年前から想像できないほどだ。
Even so, China still keeps ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan and is expanding its naval power around the island. しかし、台湾に照準を合わせた弾道ミサイルを中国は配備したままだし、台湾周辺での海軍力も増強している。
The current stability in Sino-Taiwanese relations is as fragile as a glass sculpture and far from what constitutes true peace.
中台関係の安定はガラス細工のようにもろく、真の平和にほど遠い。
That’s why there is still strong, deep-rooted wariness about unification among Taiwanese, as indicated by the fact that Ma’s poll ratings dropped immediately after he talked about a peace treaty with China during the election campaign.
だから、馬総統が選挙戦で中国との平和協定を口にした途端に支持率が下がったように、統一に対する台湾の人々の警戒心はなお根強い。
The Communist Party of China and the government in Beijing issued an unusual statement following Ma’s re-election, expressing hope for “opening of a new phase of peaceful development of the relationship” and “striving together for a great resurgence of the Chinese race.”
The move clearly reflected China’s enthusiasm about starting political dialogue with Taiwan as a step toward eventual unification.
中国共産党と政府は、馬氏再選が決まった後に「関係の平和的発展の新しい局面をさらに開き、中華民族の偉大な復興のために共に力を尽くすことを願っている」という異例の談話を発表し、統一を視野に入れた政治対話に意欲を示した。
But the Taiwanese people are not interested in such political dialogue.
しかし、台湾の民意は政治対話をまだ望んでいない。
Ma needs to tread carefully on this issue.
馬氏は慎重に対応すべきである。
Beijing, if it really wants political dialogue with the island, should demonstrate its sincerity by taking steps to build a peaceful and favorable environment for cross-strait talks, such as removing the missiles aimed at Taiwan.
We sincerely hope the new Chinese leadership that will be elected in the party convention this autumn will make serious efforts to improve the diplomatic climate for political talks with Taiwan.
中国も政治対話を望むのであれば、台湾向けのミサイルを廃棄するなどの誠意を示して、平和な環境を整える必要がある。秋の党大会で生まれる新しい指導部にそれを強く望みたい。
For her part, Tsai fared better than the DPP’s candidate for the previous presidential election in terms of the percentage of votes garnered against the total poll. But her failure to offer concrete proposals to tackle key policy issues, like the relationship with China, growing economic inequity among Taiwanese people and employment, was her undoing.
蔡氏は前回の民進党候補より得票率を上げたが、対中関係や格差、雇用などの問題で具体的な対抗策を示すことはできなかった。
Nevertheless, we applaud Tsai for not inflaming tension during the election campaign, which often happened in the past. This gave the impression that democracy in Taiwan has matured.
とはいえ、過去のような対立をあおる選挙運動はせず、台湾の民主主義の成熟を印象づけたことは評価したい。
In mainland China, the people are still denied the right to vote in democratic elections. Yet, they showed tremendous interest in Taiwan’s election through Internet postings and other forms of online expression.
民主的な選挙に縁のない中国の人々もネットなどで大きな関心を示した。
We hope they will learn more about democracy through Taiwan's experience.
台湾を通してさらに学ぶようになればいい。
Although Taiwan has no formal diplomatic relationship with Japan, Taiwanese sentiment toward Japan is very friendly. This can be seen by the size of Taiwan’s donation to help victims of the Great East Japan Earthquake. Its 17 billion yen (about $213 million) topped all other foreign donations.
台湾は日本と外交関係はないが、東日本大震災で世界一の額の義援金１７０億円を寄せたように、極めて親日的である。
Japan must respond to the goodwill shown by the Taiwanese people by enhancing its ties with the island through steps like concluding a free trade agreement.
日本は自由貿易協定を結ぶなど関係の強化をはかり、台湾の善意にこたえなければならない。
2012/01/18
日本の指導者―政治の根幹変える覚悟を
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 15
EDITORIAL: Japan in desperate need of a true leader
日本の指導者―政治の根幹変える覚悟を
If we get a new prime minister this year, it will be the seventh in seven years.
もし、ことしも首相が代われば７年連続である。
The possibility of such a change is not small at all, as the momentum for a Diet dissolution and Lower House election is growing as politicians battle over the government's plan to raise the consumption tax rate.
消費税率の引き上げをめぐって、衆院解散・総選挙の機運が高まりつつあり、その可能性は決して低くない。
After a succession of six prime ministers resigning in the same number of years, Japanese politics has completely lost its focus.
この６年、毎年、首相が退陣した日本の政治は、すっかりタガが外れてしまった。
Last year within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, voices loudly demanded the resignation of then-Prime Minister Naoto Kan. Even those within his own party supported the no-confidence motion against him.
民主党では昨年、菅首相に「辞めろ」の大合唱が起こり、不信任案へ同調する動きさえあった。
His successor, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda, won the party leadership by pushing for higher taxes, but some DPJ lawmakers repeated their objections again late last year, and some even left the party.
次の野田首相は増税を訴えて党代表選に勝ったのに、年末の党内議論で反対論が蒸し返され、離党者まで出た。
The Liberal Democratic Party no longer has any semblance of a ruling party.
自民党には、もはや政権党の面影もない。
LDP politicians are acting as if the party had nothing to do with this country's enormous fiscal deficit, and they insist on yammering about the DPJ's breach of its manifesto. The LDP's actions border on the ridiculous.
財政赤字を積み上げてきた責任など知らん顔で、民主党のマニフェスト違反を責め立てる姿は滑稽ですらある。
With politics in such a state, it is little wonder that the recent support rate for the DPJ and the LDP combined, two major parties that make up nearly 90 percent of the seats in the Lower House, didn't even add up to 40 percent.
こんなありさまだから、衆院で９割に近い議席を占める民主党と自民党の支持率を合わせても、最近は４０％に満たない。
With an overwhelming majority of the electorate saying they support no party, can this really be called a "two-party system?"
「支持政党なし」が圧倒的な最大勢力を占める現状は、果たして「２大政党」などと言えるものなのか。
Recognition of the times
■確かな時代認識を
In September this year, the terms in office will expire for the leaders of both parties, DPJ President and Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki.
ことし９月、民主党の野田佳彦代表（首相）も、自民党の谷垣禎一総裁も党トップの任期が切れる。
It will be a good opportunity to contemplate the essence of political leadership so that politics in this country can be rebooted.
政治を立て直すきっかけにするためにも、指導者のあり方を考える好機である。
An LDP veteran lawmaker once said: "The only thing postwar politicians had to decide was the general direction of this country: anti-communism, emphasis on the economy, and the Japan-U.S. security alliance. That was all. For the rest, bureaucrats drew up the blueprint."
「戦後の政治が決めたのは、反共と経済重視、日米安保の方向性だけ。あとは官僚が実行計画を書いてくれた」
In an age when politics was on "autopilot," the role of politicians was the "redistribution of expanding wealth."
こんな自民党ベテラン議員の言葉が物語る「自動操縦」のような時代は、「膨らむ富の再分配」が政治の役割だった。
However, our country is now seeing the progression of an extremely aging society, the extent of which is unprecedented around the world.
だが、いまや世界に例のない超高齢化がすすむ。
Fewer people are working.
働く人の数が減る。
Despite the rocky waters of globalization, we cannot find the key to new economic growth.
グローバル化の荒波のなか、新たな経済成長のタネが見つからない。
The divide between the rich and poor, as well as the divide between the young and old, is widening.
貧富や世代間の格差が広がり続ける。
Politics is faced with the tough task of "redistributing the burden."
政治は「負担の配分」という厳しい仕事を迫られている。
Yet, lawmakers continue to rely on bureaucrats as if we were still in the "autopilot' age. The lawmakers also continue to borrow more money and do their best to muddle through.
なのに国会議員たちは相も変わらず「自動操縦」の時代が続いているかのように官僚に寄りかかり、借金を重ねて、その場をしのぐ政治に精を出す。
This means we are bypassing our own problems and simply dumping them onto future generations.
これでは後世にツケを回すだけだ。
Political party leaders must first get a good grip on the times we live in.
政党を率いる指導者は、まず確かな時代認識を持つことだ。
Then they must brace themselves so that they can fundamentally change our political system into something appropriate for governing this country in this age.
それに従って、時代にふさわしい統治の仕組みに制度を根幹から変えていく覚悟が要る。
To recreate our society, some drastic changes are essential. For example, a true shift away from bureaucratic leadership to real political leadership is needed, as is a move toward decentralization.
社会をつくり直すためには、たとえば官僚主導から真の政治主導へ、中央集権から地方分権へといった大胆な転換が不可欠なはずだ。
The electorate has already changed along with the times.
有権者はすでに時代とともに変わっている。
The proof lies in the fact that industry organizations are losing their vote-drawing powers not just in the cities but also in rural areas.
都市部だけでなく、農村部でも業界団体などの集票力が激減しているのは、その証しだ。
As the needs of the voters became more diverse, the electorate became fragmented like grains of sand, and the positions shift like sand dunes.
要望の多様化とともに、有権者は砂粒のようにばらばらになり、風が吹けば砂丘のように位置を変える。
Respond to change
■変化への対応を
Politicians are unable to cope with these ephemeral changes.
この変わりように、政治家がついていけない。
The single-district system of the Lower House contributes to the parties' tendency to choose leaders they hope can gain wide support, but that is merely a window-dressing tactic aimed at winning over a fickle electorate.
衆院の小選挙区制もあいまって、より幅広い支持を得られそうな党首を据える傾向が強まっているが、それは気まぐれな世論を味方につけようとする、いわば糊塗策（ことさく）でしかない。
It is impossible to support anyone or any party if they don't have the means with which to recognize and realize what voters want.
有権者それぞれの思いを束ねて、くみあげる機能もないままに、支持だけ求めても無理だ。
It is only natural that voters should write off political parties and politicians that are out of touch with the times.
時代遅れの政党や政治家が、有権者に見限られるのは当たり前ではないか。
It is understandable that politicians like Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto are growing in stature when national politics is in such a dire state.
これほど情けない国政を見せられれば、橋下徹大阪市長のような政治家が存在感を増すのもうなずける。
Hashimoto's criticism of the huge Osaka Town Hall organization is extremely easy to understand.
大阪市役所という巨大な組織を批判する言説は、とにかくわかりやすい。
His push to eradicate the wasteful double administration that exists in Osaka--Osaka Prefecture and Osaka city--seems to be in accordance with these times of the shrinking economy
大阪府と市の二重行政の無駄をなくす姿勢も、経済が縮んでいく時代の流れに沿うものといえる。
He is always looking for new enemies and using the heat of that friction as the energy source to move forward. Such an approach is dangerous because it risks preventing rational thought and contemplation.
敵をつくり、対立の摩擦熱ですすむような手法は、冷静な思考を妨げる危うさがつきまとう。
However, his style definitely gives the voters the impression that something is happening in politics.
だが、政治が確かに動いているという感覚を有権者に与えているのは間違いない。
Existing parties, whatever their party platform or policies, are ingratiating themselves to Hashimoto. This is a pathetic sight.
こんな橋下氏に、従来の主張や政策を省みずにすり寄る既成政党の姿は哀れみさえ誘う。
Prime Minister Noda is asking the public to accept an increased burden as part of the tax and social security reform. That is a step forward in facing up to the changing times.
野田首相が税と社会保障の一体改革で、国民に負担増を求めるのは、時代の変化に向き合う一歩だといえる。
The country must adamantly achieve government reform and move forward.
行革を断行しつつ、前へ進まねばならない。
The prime minister should take the argument he used to override the anti-tax raise voices within his own party late last year, and repeat the discussion in the public domain in plain sight.
昨年末に民主党内の増税反対論を押し切った議論を、もっと国民に見える形でやればいい。
The voters will take notice only when the prime minister steps into the hot seat.
首相が矢面に立って初めて、有権者は振り返る。
Power to move organizations
■組織を動かす力を
How will LDP leader Tanigaki respond?
自民党の谷垣総裁は、どう応じるのか。
If he says, "I have always championed tax reform up front and center," then he should clamp down on those within his party who demand an early dissolution of the Diet, and achieve tax reform by leading the way ahead of the DPJ.
「税制改革の断行を堂々と掲げてきた」というのなら、早期解散への党内圧力を抑え、むしろ民主党をリードして改革を成し遂げるのが筋だろう。
If he can achieve that, then he will secure a place in history.
それができれば、歴史に名を残すに違いない。
A leader is someone who recognizes how the times are changing, puts forth clear goals, builds a strategy to achieve those goals, and moves organizations and the unsung people who work hard outside the limelight to realize those goals.
指導者は時代の変化を見極めて、わかりやすい目標を示し、その達成までの戦略を立て、実現のために縁の下で汗をかく人も含めて組織を動かす。
That is leadership, and leadership requires experience.
こうした指導力を培うには、経験も欠かせない。
A political culture that casually throws away its leaders in short succession is hardly conducive to producing good, worthy people.
指導者を使い捨てするような政治風土からは、有為な人材はなかなか生まれない。
EDITORIAL: Japan in desperate need of a true leader
日本の指導者―政治の根幹変える覚悟を
If we get a new prime minister this year, it will be the seventh in seven years.
もし、ことしも首相が代われば７年連続である。
The possibility of such a change is not small at all, as the momentum for a Diet dissolution and Lower House election is growing as politicians battle over the government's plan to raise the consumption tax rate.
消費税率の引き上げをめぐって、衆院解散・総選挙の機運が高まりつつあり、その可能性は決して低くない。
After a succession of six prime ministers resigning in the same number of years, Japanese politics has completely lost its focus.
この６年、毎年、首相が退陣した日本の政治は、すっかりタガが外れてしまった。
Last year within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, voices loudly demanded the resignation of then-Prime Minister Naoto Kan. Even those within his own party supported the no-confidence motion against him.
民主党では昨年、菅首相に「辞めろ」の大合唱が起こり、不信任案へ同調する動きさえあった。
His successor, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda, won the party leadership by pushing for higher taxes, but some DPJ lawmakers repeated their objections again late last year, and some even left the party.
次の野田首相は増税を訴えて党代表選に勝ったのに、年末の党内議論で反対論が蒸し返され、離党者まで出た。
The Liberal Democratic Party no longer has any semblance of a ruling party.
自民党には、もはや政権党の面影もない。
LDP politicians are acting as if the party had nothing to do with this country's enormous fiscal deficit, and they insist on yammering about the DPJ's breach of its manifesto. The LDP's actions border on the ridiculous.
財政赤字を積み上げてきた責任など知らん顔で、民主党のマニフェスト違反を責め立てる姿は滑稽ですらある。
With politics in such a state, it is little wonder that the recent support rate for the DPJ and the LDP combined, two major parties that make up nearly 90 percent of the seats in the Lower House, didn't even add up to 40 percent.
こんなありさまだから、衆院で９割に近い議席を占める民主党と自民党の支持率を合わせても、最近は４０％に満たない。
With an overwhelming majority of the electorate saying they support no party, can this really be called a "two-party system?"
「支持政党なし」が圧倒的な最大勢力を占める現状は、果たして「２大政党」などと言えるものなのか。
Recognition of the times
■確かな時代認識を
In September this year, the terms in office will expire for the leaders of both parties, DPJ President and Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda and LDP President Sadakazu Tanigaki.
ことし９月、民主党の野田佳彦代表（首相）も、自民党の谷垣禎一総裁も党トップの任期が切れる。
It will be a good opportunity to contemplate the essence of political leadership so that politics in this country can be rebooted.
政治を立て直すきっかけにするためにも、指導者のあり方を考える好機である。
An LDP veteran lawmaker once said: "The only thing postwar politicians had to decide was the general direction of this country: anti-communism, emphasis on the economy, and the Japan-U.S. security alliance. That was all. For the rest, bureaucrats drew up the blueprint."
「戦後の政治が決めたのは、反共と経済重視、日米安保の方向性だけ。あとは官僚が実行計画を書いてくれた」
In an age when politics was on "autopilot," the role of politicians was the "redistribution of expanding wealth."
こんな自民党ベテラン議員の言葉が物語る「自動操縦」のような時代は、「膨らむ富の再分配」が政治の役割だった。
However, our country is now seeing the progression of an extremely aging society, the extent of which is unprecedented around the world.
だが、いまや世界に例のない超高齢化がすすむ。
Fewer people are working.
働く人の数が減る。
Despite the rocky waters of globalization, we cannot find the key to new economic growth.
グローバル化の荒波のなか、新たな経済成長のタネが見つからない。
The divide between the rich and poor, as well as the divide between the young and old, is widening.
貧富や世代間の格差が広がり続ける。
Politics is faced with the tough task of "redistributing the burden."
政治は「負担の配分」という厳しい仕事を迫られている。
Yet, lawmakers continue to rely on bureaucrats as if we were still in the "autopilot' age. The lawmakers also continue to borrow more money and do their best to muddle through.
なのに国会議員たちは相も変わらず「自動操縦」の時代が続いているかのように官僚に寄りかかり、借金を重ねて、その場をしのぐ政治に精を出す。
This means we are bypassing our own problems and simply dumping them onto future generations.
これでは後世にツケを回すだけだ。
Political party leaders must first get a good grip on the times we live in.
政党を率いる指導者は、まず確かな時代認識を持つことだ。
Then they must brace themselves so that they can fundamentally change our political system into something appropriate for governing this country in this age.
それに従って、時代にふさわしい統治の仕組みに制度を根幹から変えていく覚悟が要る。
To recreate our society, some drastic changes are essential. For example, a true shift away from bureaucratic leadership to real political leadership is needed, as is a move toward decentralization.
社会をつくり直すためには、たとえば官僚主導から真の政治主導へ、中央集権から地方分権へといった大胆な転換が不可欠なはずだ。
The electorate has already changed along with the times.
有権者はすでに時代とともに変わっている。
The proof lies in the fact that industry organizations are losing their vote-drawing powers not just in the cities but also in rural areas.
都市部だけでなく、農村部でも業界団体などの集票力が激減しているのは、その証しだ。
As the needs of the voters became more diverse, the electorate became fragmented like grains of sand, and the positions shift like sand dunes.
要望の多様化とともに、有権者は砂粒のようにばらばらになり、風が吹けば砂丘のように位置を変える。
Respond to change
■変化への対応を
Politicians are unable to cope with these ephemeral changes.
この変わりように、政治家がついていけない。
The single-district system of the Lower House contributes to the parties' tendency to choose leaders they hope can gain wide support, but that is merely a window-dressing tactic aimed at winning over a fickle electorate.
衆院の小選挙区制もあいまって、より幅広い支持を得られそうな党首を据える傾向が強まっているが、それは気まぐれな世論を味方につけようとする、いわば糊塗策（ことさく）でしかない。
It is impossible to support anyone or any party if they don't have the means with which to recognize and realize what voters want.
有権者それぞれの思いを束ねて、くみあげる機能もないままに、支持だけ求めても無理だ。
It is only natural that voters should write off political parties and politicians that are out of touch with the times.
時代遅れの政党や政治家が、有権者に見限られるのは当たり前ではないか。
It is understandable that politicians like Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto are growing in stature when national politics is in such a dire state.
これほど情けない国政を見せられれば、橋下徹大阪市長のような政治家が存在感を増すのもうなずける。
Hashimoto's criticism of the huge Osaka Town Hall organization is extremely easy to understand.
大阪市役所という巨大な組織を批判する言説は、とにかくわかりやすい。
His push to eradicate the wasteful double administration that exists in Osaka--Osaka Prefecture and Osaka city--seems to be in accordance with these times of the shrinking economy
大阪府と市の二重行政の無駄をなくす姿勢も、経済が縮んでいく時代の流れに沿うものといえる。
He is always looking for new enemies and using the heat of that friction as the energy source to move forward. Such an approach is dangerous because it risks preventing rational thought and contemplation.
敵をつくり、対立の摩擦熱ですすむような手法は、冷静な思考を妨げる危うさがつきまとう。
However, his style definitely gives the voters the impression that something is happening in politics.
だが、政治が確かに動いているという感覚を有権者に与えているのは間違いない。
Existing parties, whatever their party platform or policies, are ingratiating themselves to Hashimoto. This is a pathetic sight.
こんな橋下氏に、従来の主張や政策を省みずにすり寄る既成政党の姿は哀れみさえ誘う。
Prime Minister Noda is asking the public to accept an increased burden as part of the tax and social security reform. That is a step forward in facing up to the changing times.
野田首相が税と社会保障の一体改革で、国民に負担増を求めるのは、時代の変化に向き合う一歩だといえる。
The country must adamantly achieve government reform and move forward.
行革を断行しつつ、前へ進まねばならない。
The prime minister should take the argument he used to override the anti-tax raise voices within his own party late last year, and repeat the discussion in the public domain in plain sight.
昨年末に民主党内の増税反対論を押し切った議論を、もっと国民に見える形でやればいい。
The voters will take notice only when the prime minister steps into the hot seat.
首相が矢面に立って初めて、有権者は振り返る。
Power to move organizations
■組織を動かす力を
How will LDP leader Tanigaki respond?
自民党の谷垣総裁は、どう応じるのか。
If he says, "I have always championed tax reform up front and center," then he should clamp down on those within his party who demand an early dissolution of the Diet, and achieve tax reform by leading the way ahead of the DPJ.
「税制改革の断行を堂々と掲げてきた」というのなら、早期解散への党内圧力を抑え、むしろ民主党をリードして改革を成し遂げるのが筋だろう。
If he can achieve that, then he will secure a place in history.
それができれば、歴史に名を残すに違いない。
A leader is someone who recognizes how the times are changing, puts forth clear goals, builds a strategy to achieve those goals, and moves organizations and the unsung people who work hard outside the limelight to realize those goals.
指導者は時代の変化を見極めて、わかりやすい目標を示し、その達成までの戦略を立て、実現のために縁の下で汗をかく人も含めて組織を動かす。
That is leadership, and leadership requires experience.
こうした指導力を培うには、経験も欠かせない。
A political culture that casually throws away its leaders in short succession is hardly conducive to producing good, worthy people.
指導者を使い捨てするような政治風土からは、有為な人材はなかなか生まれない。
2012/01/17
独法改革 見せかけの取り組みでは困る
カラオケ、過労死、あまくだり・・・ そのまま米国で通用します＾＾。
日本語から英語へと進化した単語はかなりあると思います。
ハワイ事務所のセクレタリー（２名の女性たち）は、過労死を殺しと混同して発音していました。
日本には殺しが多いそうですね？って聞かれたときに、なんだこれはと思いましたが、よく説明を聞いたら、これは過労死のことだったのです＾＾。
悪乗りして、腹上死（ふくじょうし）って知ってるかって聞いたら、聞いたことがないと申しておりました＾＾。
楽しかったです。ハワイの勤務＾＾。
（スラチャイ）
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 16, 2012)
Going through the motions not enough for reform
独法改革 見せかけの取り組みでは困る（1月15日付・読売社説）
It is vital when reforming independent administrative institutions to achieve tangible results, such as spending cuts.
独立行政法人の改革は歳出削減などの具体的な成果を上げることが肝要だ。
The government must not allow reform to simply change such organizations' names.
看板の掛け替えに終わらせてはならない。
In this regard, newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister Katsuya Okada, who will concurrently serve as state minister in charge of administrative reform, bears a heavy responsibility.
行政改革を担当する岡田副総理の役割は重い。
The Government Revitalization Unit will compile a plan to reorganize independent administrative institutions as early as by the end of this month.
政府の行政刷新会議が月内にも独法の組織再編案をまとめる。
Of the 102 such bodies, there are plans to abolish three, including the Commemorative Organization for the Japan World Exposition '70, and to privatize the organization for environment improvement around international airports and one other body.
原案では、１０２法人のうち、日本万国博覧会記念機構など３法人は廃止、空港周辺整備機構など２法人は民間に移管する。
Other independent administrative institutions will be transformed into public corporations focused on achieving revenue and performance goals, or public corporations aimed at enhancing cooperation with central government projects.
その他の法人は２０１３年度末に、収益や業績の達成を重視する「成果目標達成法人」か、国の事業との連携を強める「行政執行法人」に移行させる。
Moreover, the government reportedly will consider integrating some of the first type of corporation after classifying them into eight subcategories, such as those working with universities and those engaging in financial operations.
成果目標達成法人は、大学連携型、金融業務型など８類型に分類し組織統合を検討するという。
But it will be unsatisfactory if only five independent administrative institutions are abolished or privatized.
廃止・民間移管が計５法人では物足りない。
Even if many are transformed into new types of public corporations, it will effectively constitute just a change of name if they continue to exist as organizations.
新たな種類の法人に移行しても組織が存続するのでは看板の掛け替えにすぎない。
Reorganizational efforts will be meaningful only if the government drastically reduces the number of such public agencies and slashes overall government spending.
法人数を大幅に減らし、経費削減を実現してこそ、意味がある。
===
Structural review insufficient
Reviewing their organizational structures will not be enough to reform independent administrative institutions.
独法改革は、組織形態の見直しだけでは不十分だ。
In addition to downsizing individual agencies' businesses and making them more efficient prior to transferring such organizations to the control of local governments and the private sector, it also will be necessary to sever the cozy ties between these agencies and the government bodies that have jurisdiction over them.
Such ties have developed through the provision of subsidies and the practice of amakudari, under which bureaucrats take lucrative jobs in related organizations after their retirement.
各法人の個別事業を縮減・効率化し、地方や民間に移管することに加え、天下りと補助金による所管府省との癒着にもメスを入れる必要がある。
If the government embarks on the reform of large-scale independent administrative institutions, such as the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency, it will help the government substantially cut its spending.
都市再生機構、住宅金融支援機構など大型の独法の改革に切り込めば、政府支出の実質的な削減につながるだろう。
On the other hand, it is dangerous to make decisions that put too much weight on short-term cost performance in fields linked with national strategy, such as research and development in science and technology, and cultural promotion.
一方で、科学技術の研究開発や文化振興など国家戦略にかかわる分野で、短期的な費用対効果に偏った結論を出すのは危険だ。
The government must consider how to carry out reforms from mid- and long-term perspectives, without insisting too much on "visible results."
「目に見える成果」にばかり固執せず、中長期的な視点から改革を検討することが欠かせない。
In its manifesto pledges for the 2009 House of Representatives election, the Democratic Party of Japan called for a comprehensive review of independent administrative institutions, including their total abolishment.
民主党は０９年衆院選の政権公約（マニフェスト）で、独法について「全廃を含めて抜本的な見直し」を掲げた。
The party clearly stated in the manifesto that it would be possible to slash 6.1 trillion yen in annual government spending by reviewing independent administrative institutions, public-interest corporations and subsidies.
独法や公益法人、補助金の見直しで年６・１兆円の節約が可能とも明記した。
===
Minimal effort so far
However, an April 2010 session of the government panel tasked with reviewing wasteful government spending has been almost the only occasion when the DPJ-led government tackled the reform of independent administrative institutions.
ところが、実際に独法改革に取り組んだのは、１０年４月の事業仕分けくらいだった。
We regret to say there is a wide gap between the promise made in the manifesto and the latest draft reform plan.
公約と今回の改革原案との開きは大きい。
At the end of last year, the DPJ set up a research committee on administrative reform, spurred by the need to broaden public understanding of the proposed consumption tax hike.
民主党が昨年末、行政改革調査会を設置したのは、消費税率引き上げへの国民の理解を広げる必要性に迫られたためだ。
But the move was a hastily devised countermeasure.
文字通り「泥縄の対応」と言える。
What is needed now is not a token effort, but a determined and continuous undertaking.
見せかけでなく、腰を据えた、継続的な取り組みが求められる。
It is a matter of course for the government and the DPJ to thoroughly carry out administrative reform, including that of independent administrative institutions, as a prerequisite to the integrated reform of social security and tax systems.
社会保障と税の一体改革の前提として、独法を含む行政改革を徹底するのは当然だ。
Given the country's critical fiscal condition, insufficient administrative reform cannot be used as an excuse to postpone the tax hike.
ただ、危機的な財政状況を踏まえれば、「行革が不十分」を言い訳にした増税の先送りは許されない。
Efforts to realize the tax hike and administrative reform must be made simultaneously.
増税と行革を両立させねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 15, 2012)
（2012年1月15日01時16分 読売新聞）
日本語から英語へと進化した単語はかなりあると思います。
ハワイ事務所のセクレタリー（２名の女性たち）は、過労死を殺しと混同して発音していました。
日本には殺しが多いそうですね？って聞かれたときに、なんだこれはと思いましたが、よく説明を聞いたら、これは過労死のことだったのです＾＾。
悪乗りして、腹上死（ふくじょうし）って知ってるかって聞いたら、聞いたことがないと申しておりました＾＾。
楽しかったです。ハワイの勤務＾＾。
（スラチャイ）
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 16, 2012)
Going through the motions not enough for reform
独法改革 見せかけの取り組みでは困る（1月15日付・読売社説）
It is vital when reforming independent administrative institutions to achieve tangible results, such as spending cuts.
独立行政法人の改革は歳出削減などの具体的な成果を上げることが肝要だ。
The government must not allow reform to simply change such organizations' names.
看板の掛け替えに終わらせてはならない。
In this regard, newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister Katsuya Okada, who will concurrently serve as state minister in charge of administrative reform, bears a heavy responsibility.
行政改革を担当する岡田副総理の役割は重い。
The Government Revitalization Unit will compile a plan to reorganize independent administrative institutions as early as by the end of this month.
政府の行政刷新会議が月内にも独法の組織再編案をまとめる。
Of the 102 such bodies, there are plans to abolish three, including the Commemorative Organization for the Japan World Exposition '70, and to privatize the organization for environment improvement around international airports and one other body.
原案では、１０２法人のうち、日本万国博覧会記念機構など３法人は廃止、空港周辺整備機構など２法人は民間に移管する。
Other independent administrative institutions will be transformed into public corporations focused on achieving revenue and performance goals, or public corporations aimed at enhancing cooperation with central government projects.
その他の法人は２０１３年度末に、収益や業績の達成を重視する「成果目標達成法人」か、国の事業との連携を強める「行政執行法人」に移行させる。
Moreover, the government reportedly will consider integrating some of the first type of corporation after classifying them into eight subcategories, such as those working with universities and those engaging in financial operations.
成果目標達成法人は、大学連携型、金融業務型など８類型に分類し組織統合を検討するという。
But it will be unsatisfactory if only five independent administrative institutions are abolished or privatized.
廃止・民間移管が計５法人では物足りない。
Even if many are transformed into new types of public corporations, it will effectively constitute just a change of name if they continue to exist as organizations.
新たな種類の法人に移行しても組織が存続するのでは看板の掛け替えにすぎない。
Reorganizational efforts will be meaningful only if the government drastically reduces the number of such public agencies and slashes overall government spending.
法人数を大幅に減らし、経費削減を実現してこそ、意味がある。
===
Structural review insufficient
Reviewing their organizational structures will not be enough to reform independent administrative institutions.
独法改革は、組織形態の見直しだけでは不十分だ。
In addition to downsizing individual agencies' businesses and making them more efficient prior to transferring such organizations to the control of local governments and the private sector, it also will be necessary to sever the cozy ties between these agencies and the government bodies that have jurisdiction over them.
Such ties have developed through the provision of subsidies and the practice of amakudari, under which bureaucrats take lucrative jobs in related organizations after their retirement.
各法人の個別事業を縮減・効率化し、地方や民間に移管することに加え、天下りと補助金による所管府省との癒着にもメスを入れる必要がある。
If the government embarks on the reform of large-scale independent administrative institutions, such as the Urban Renaissance Agency and the Japan Housing Finance Agency, it will help the government substantially cut its spending.
都市再生機構、住宅金融支援機構など大型の独法の改革に切り込めば、政府支出の実質的な削減につながるだろう。
On the other hand, it is dangerous to make decisions that put too much weight on short-term cost performance in fields linked with national strategy, such as research and development in science and technology, and cultural promotion.
一方で、科学技術の研究開発や文化振興など国家戦略にかかわる分野で、短期的な費用対効果に偏った結論を出すのは危険だ。
The government must consider how to carry out reforms from mid- and long-term perspectives, without insisting too much on "visible results."
「目に見える成果」にばかり固執せず、中長期的な視点から改革を検討することが欠かせない。
In its manifesto pledges for the 2009 House of Representatives election, the Democratic Party of Japan called for a comprehensive review of independent administrative institutions, including their total abolishment.
民主党は０９年衆院選の政権公約（マニフェスト）で、独法について「全廃を含めて抜本的な見直し」を掲げた。
The party clearly stated in the manifesto that it would be possible to slash 6.1 trillion yen in annual government spending by reviewing independent administrative institutions, public-interest corporations and subsidies.
独法や公益法人、補助金の見直しで年６・１兆円の節約が可能とも明記した。
===
Minimal effort so far
However, an April 2010 session of the government panel tasked with reviewing wasteful government spending has been almost the only occasion when the DPJ-led government tackled the reform of independent administrative institutions.
ところが、実際に独法改革に取り組んだのは、１０年４月の事業仕分けくらいだった。
We regret to say there is a wide gap between the promise made in the manifesto and the latest draft reform plan.
公約と今回の改革原案との開きは大きい。
At the end of last year, the DPJ set up a research committee on administrative reform, spurred by the need to broaden public understanding of the proposed consumption tax hike.
民主党が昨年末、行政改革調査会を設置したのは、消費税率引き上げへの国民の理解を広げる必要性に迫られたためだ。
But the move was a hastily devised countermeasure.
文字通り「泥縄の対応」と言える。
What is needed now is not a token effort, but a determined and continuous undertaking.
見せかけでなく、腰を据えた、継続的な取り組みが求められる。
It is a matter of course for the government and the DPJ to thoroughly carry out administrative reform, including that of independent administrative institutions, as a prerequisite to the integrated reform of social security and tax systems.
社会保障と税の一体改革の前提として、独法を含む行政改革を徹底するのは当然だ。
Given the country's critical fiscal condition, insufficient administrative reform cannot be used as an excuse to postpone the tax hike.
ただ、危機的な財政状況を踏まえれば、「行革が不十分」を言い訳にした増税の先送りは許されない。
Efforts to realize the tax hike and administrative reform must be made simultaneously.
増税と行革を両立させねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 15, 2012)
（2012年1月15日01時16分 読売新聞）
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