January 19, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Time for young people to take center stage
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:「ポスト定年世代」考える ／東京
While there are still a few days left until the campaign for the Feb. 9 Tokyo gubernatorial election kicks off on Jan. 23, so far candidates who are 65 or older are getting all the attention. Some candidates are in their 70s and 80s. If they worked at a private company, they would have been retired a long time ago.
東京都知事選が行われる。２３日の告示まではまだ間があるが、現時点で立候補意思を示したり、話題になったりしている人たちの中心は６５歳以上。７０代や８０代の人もいる。会社勤めならとっくに定年退職しているはずの年齢だ。
Just as I was watching TV during the New Year holiday, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone and Yomiuri Shimbun Chairman Tsuneo Watanabe appeared on the air, discussing various issues Japan is facing. They are 95 and 87, respectively. Although they are considered conservatives, their strong passion for international cooperation and world peace made their points very convincing.
新年にテレビを見ていたら中曽根康弘氏と渡辺恒雄氏の対談番組を放映していたが、このお二人は９５歳と８７歳だ。保守派といわれる方々だが、国際協調や平和に対しての強い思いがあり、発言には強い説得力があった。
Meanwhile, the young, from those in their teens to their 30s, claim that they keep getting a bad deal in life because they were born in the midst of the decades-long recession. They also have to face problems with the aging population and declining birth rate. People in this age group might not have a guaranteed pension and it's hard for them to climb up the corporate ladder because the older executives remain in power. Some even struggle to find regular full-time employment. The young sometimes slam the older generation for "hanging onto their vested interests."
１０代から３０代の若い世代は、自分たちは不況が始まってから生まれ、少子高齢化のあおりも受け、損ばかりしていると言う。年金も受給できる保証がないし、組織の重要なポストにも年配者が居座って、なかなか自分たちにチャンスが回ってこない。それどころか、正社員の仕事さえ見つけるのが難しい。若者は、上の世代のことを「既得権益にすがる老害」などと呼ぶこともある。
However, when opportunities rise, those in post-retirement age are usually the ones who raise their hands to do the job. Some might argue that young people don't have opportunities, but I often hear people say things like, "The person in their 30s I asked to take the director position firmly declined my offer" and "Nobody raised their hands to serve as the chair when we invited applicants among the young."
しかし、いざとなると「よっしゃ、私が」と出てくるのは、結局のところ“ポスト定年世代”。若い人には声がかからないからだ、と言う人もいるが、あちこちから「３０代の人に組織の代表を、と依頼したけれど固辞された」「下の世代から委員長を募ったけれど、手が上がらなかった」といった声が聞こえてくる。
The younger generation may have sensed from the massive volume of information they have access to that responsible positions are not worth it. Some think that they don't want to fail and embarrass themselves and some might value freedom over a career or social status.
責任ある立場についても「労多くして実り少なし」なのではないか、ということが情報量の多い若い人たちには読めているのかもしれない。「失敗して恥をかきたくない」「地位よりも自由がほしい」と思っている人もいるのだろう。
Nevertheless, it's sad that every time something big happens, we see the older generation on center stage.
とはいえ、いつまでも「何かがあると表に出てくるのは６５歳以上」ではあまりにも寂しい。
As I was rambling on about such a cultural environment to my friends, they asked me, "Wait, what about your generation that falls in between the old and young?"
そんなことを知人に話したら、「ちょっと待って。若者が表に出てこないと言う前に、間の世代に当たるあなたたちはどうなの」と言われた。
Indeed. We haven't seen people in my age group, in their 50s, or those in their 40s, who are eager to take responsibility for society since Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto emerged on the scene.
確かに、私のような５０代やすぐ下の４０代からも、考えてみれば橋下徹大阪市長以降、「社会を背負って立つ」と意気込むリーダーが出てきていない。
I wonder if we, under the age of 60, would become interested in standing up and taking action after we hit that age where we are free from roles in an organizational structure, or if we would continue to hesitate to take center stage no matter how old we become.
“アンダー６０”の私たちも組織での役割から解放される年代になれば、「私がひと肌脱ごう」と立ち上がるのだろうか。それとも、幾つになっても、「いや、私は矢面には立ちたくないんで」と尻込みし続けるのだろうか。
In any case, we need to think about what we should do to change the cultural tendency where people rely on the post-retirement age group to take on responsible jobs.
いずれにしても「責任ある役割は、ポスト定年世代にお任せ」という風潮をどこかで変えるためには何をすべきかについても、私たちはもっと考えていく必要があるようだ。
〔都内版〕
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年01月14日 地方版
2014/04/09
2014/04/08
集団的自衛権―砂川判決のご都合解釈
April 07, 2014
EDITORIAL: LDP twisting Supreme Court ruling to push collective self-defense
集団的自衛権―砂川判決のご都合解釈
The ruling camp, resorting to twisted logic and a far-fetched argument, is flirting with the idea of using a landmark 1959 Supreme Court ruling to promote its controversial defense policy initiative.
牽強付会（けんきょうふかい）とはこういうことをいうのだろう。
Some policymakers within the government and the Liberal Democratic Party are maneuvering to use the top court’s ruling over the so-called Sunagawa Incident as a legal basis for the proposal to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、政府や自民党内で１９５９年の砂川事件の最高裁判決を論拠にしようという動きが出てきた。
They argue that the ruling, which focused on the constitutionality of the presence of U.S. forces in Japan, did not ban the nation from using its right to collective self-defense.
「判決は集団的自衛権の行使を否定していない」というのがその理屈だ。
But the Supreme Court decision has not been interpreted by experts to have any such implication for this issue. This is simply a twisted, self-serving interpretation of the ruling by these lawmakers.
だが、この判決は、専門家の間ではそうした理解はされていない。都合のいい曲解だ。
The incident took place in 1957 in Sunagawa (currently part of Tachikawa) in western Tokyo. Amid demonstrations against the expansion of the U.S. Tachikawa base, several protesters, including students, entered the base and were arrested and later indicted on charges of violating a special criminal law based on the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
事件が起きたのは５７年。米軍旧立川基地の拡張に反対する学生らが基地に立ち入り、日米安保条約に基づく刑事特別法違反で逮捕・起訴された。
The Tokyo District Court acquitted the protesters of all charges on grounds that the presence of U.S. military forces in Japan violated Article 9 of the Constitution.
東京地裁は米軍駐留は憲法９条に反するとして無罪にしたが、最高裁はこれを破棄。
But the Supreme Court overturned the district court’s ruling, arguing that the foreign forces did not represent the military capabilities Article 9 prohibits Japan from maintaining. The top court, however, avoided deciding on the constitutionality of the bilateral security treaty, introducing the “theory on the acts of government,” which says the courts should not pass legal judgments on highly political issues.
外国軍は９条が禁じる戦力には当たらないとする一方、安保条約の違憲性については「統治行為論」によって判断を避けた。
Asserting that Article 9 did not deny Japan the right to defend itself from armed attacks, the Supreme Court ruling went on to say:
判決は、９条が固有の自衛権を否定したものではないとしたうえで、こう述べる。
“It is indisputable that, as an act of exercising its proper powers as a nation, Japan is allowed to take self-defense measures that are necessary for maintaining its own peace and security and ensuring its existence.”
「わが国が自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛のための措置をとりうることは、国家固有の権能の行使として当然」
Referring to this part of the ruling, LDP Vice President Masahiko Komura has claimed that the Supreme Court acknowledged Japan’s right to defend itself without distinguishing between “collective” and “individual” self-defense.
これをとらえ、自民党の高村正彦副総裁は「最高裁は個別的、集団的を区別せず自衛権を認めている。
“There is a sizable leap (of logic) in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau’s argument that Japan cannot use its right to collective self-defense,” Komura said.
内閣法制局が『集団的自衛権は使えない』というのはだいぶ飛躍がある」と語る。
Komura effectively made the case that Japan should be allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense as part of its minimum necessary defense capability.
集団的自衛権も必要最小限なら認められるというわけだ。
The top court’s ruling came five years after the Self-Defense Forces were established. At that time, there was heated debate at the Diet over the exact meaning of the military power Japan was banned from possessing under Article 9 and whether the SDF was constitutional or not.
判決が出たのは、自衛隊発足から５年後。９条が保有を禁じている戦力とは何か、自衛隊は合憲なのかどうかが国会で盛んに議論されていたころだ。
The key issues in the trial of the protesters who entered the U.S. military base were whether U.S. forces in Japan were the military power as defined by Article 9 and whether a court should be allowed to decide on the constitutionality of a treaty. The question of whether Japan has the right to collective self-defense was not debated in the trial.
裁判の争点は、在日米軍が戦力にあたるのか、裁判所が条約の違憲性を審査できるか否かというところにあった。日本の集団的自衛権の有無が争われたわけではない。
Natsuo Yamaguchi, chief of New Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, recently said his understanding is that the Supreme Court’s ruling only acknowledged Japan’s right to individual self-defense. He is correct.
公明党の山口代表が「個別的自衛権を認めた判決と理解してきた」と語る通りだ。
New Komeito should not accept the LDP’s self-serving argument.
公明党は、自民党の身勝手な理屈を受け入れるべきではない。
If the Supreme Court’s ruling over the Sunagawa Incident had acknowledged Japan’s right to collective self-defense, it would have been reflected in the Cabinet’s interpretation of the Constitution that was established in ensuing years. But that is not the case.
砂川判決が集団的自衛権を認めているならば、その後に確立されていった内閣の憲法解釈にも反映されて当然なのに、そうはなっていない。
Acting as if it were underpinned by the authority of the Supreme Court, the LDP is brandishing an interpretation of the top court’s ruling that has not been taken seriously by legal experts. This political ploy could give the public incorrect material for judgment about such an important issue.
学説としてまともに取り上げられていない解釈を、あたかも最高裁の権威に裏付けられたかのように振りかざすのは、誤った判断材料を国民に与えることになりかねない。
With its move toward Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense criticized for running roughshod over the principle of constitutionalism, the LDP probably wants to use the Supreme Court ruling as a powerful justification for the cause. But such a gross distortion of the ruling can never help the party persuade the public to support the initiative.
「立憲主義に反する」と批判される自民党にしてみれば、最高裁判決を錦の御旗にしたいのだろう。だが、こんなこじつけに説得力があるはずもない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 6
2014年4月6日（日）付
EDITORIAL: LDP twisting Supreme Court ruling to push collective self-defense
集団的自衛権―砂川判決のご都合解釈
The ruling camp, resorting to twisted logic and a far-fetched argument, is flirting with the idea of using a landmark 1959 Supreme Court ruling to promote its controversial defense policy initiative.
牽強付会（けんきょうふかい）とはこういうことをいうのだろう。
Some policymakers within the government and the Liberal Democratic Party are maneuvering to use the top court’s ruling over the so-called Sunagawa Incident as a legal basis for the proposal to allow Japan to exercise its right to collective self-defense.
集団的自衛権の行使容認に向け、政府や自民党内で１９５９年の砂川事件の最高裁判決を論拠にしようという動きが出てきた。
They argue that the ruling, which focused on the constitutionality of the presence of U.S. forces in Japan, did not ban the nation from using its right to collective self-defense.
「判決は集団的自衛権の行使を否定していない」というのがその理屈だ。
But the Supreme Court decision has not been interpreted by experts to have any such implication for this issue. This is simply a twisted, self-serving interpretation of the ruling by these lawmakers.
だが、この判決は、専門家の間ではそうした理解はされていない。都合のいい曲解だ。
The incident took place in 1957 in Sunagawa (currently part of Tachikawa) in western Tokyo. Amid demonstrations against the expansion of the U.S. Tachikawa base, several protesters, including students, entered the base and were arrested and later indicted on charges of violating a special criminal law based on the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
事件が起きたのは５７年。米軍旧立川基地の拡張に反対する学生らが基地に立ち入り、日米安保条約に基づく刑事特別法違反で逮捕・起訴された。
The Tokyo District Court acquitted the protesters of all charges on grounds that the presence of U.S. military forces in Japan violated Article 9 of the Constitution.
東京地裁は米軍駐留は憲法９条に反するとして無罪にしたが、最高裁はこれを破棄。
But the Supreme Court overturned the district court’s ruling, arguing that the foreign forces did not represent the military capabilities Article 9 prohibits Japan from maintaining. The top court, however, avoided deciding on the constitutionality of the bilateral security treaty, introducing the “theory on the acts of government,” which says the courts should not pass legal judgments on highly political issues.
外国軍は９条が禁じる戦力には当たらないとする一方、安保条約の違憲性については「統治行為論」によって判断を避けた。
Asserting that Article 9 did not deny Japan the right to defend itself from armed attacks, the Supreme Court ruling went on to say:
判決は、９条が固有の自衛権を否定したものではないとしたうえで、こう述べる。
“It is indisputable that, as an act of exercising its proper powers as a nation, Japan is allowed to take self-defense measures that are necessary for maintaining its own peace and security and ensuring its existence.”
「わが国が自国の平和と安全を維持し、その存立を全うするために必要な自衛のための措置をとりうることは、国家固有の権能の行使として当然」
Referring to this part of the ruling, LDP Vice President Masahiko Komura has claimed that the Supreme Court acknowledged Japan’s right to defend itself without distinguishing between “collective” and “individual” self-defense.
これをとらえ、自民党の高村正彦副総裁は「最高裁は個別的、集団的を区別せず自衛権を認めている。
“There is a sizable leap (of logic) in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau’s argument that Japan cannot use its right to collective self-defense,” Komura said.
内閣法制局が『集団的自衛権は使えない』というのはだいぶ飛躍がある」と語る。
Komura effectively made the case that Japan should be allowed to exercise its right to collective self-defense as part of its minimum necessary defense capability.
集団的自衛権も必要最小限なら認められるというわけだ。
The top court’s ruling came five years after the Self-Defense Forces were established. At that time, there was heated debate at the Diet over the exact meaning of the military power Japan was banned from possessing under Article 9 and whether the SDF was constitutional or not.
判決が出たのは、自衛隊発足から５年後。９条が保有を禁じている戦力とは何か、自衛隊は合憲なのかどうかが国会で盛んに議論されていたころだ。
The key issues in the trial of the protesters who entered the U.S. military base were whether U.S. forces in Japan were the military power as defined by Article 9 and whether a court should be allowed to decide on the constitutionality of a treaty. The question of whether Japan has the right to collective self-defense was not debated in the trial.
裁判の争点は、在日米軍が戦力にあたるのか、裁判所が条約の違憲性を審査できるか否かというところにあった。日本の集団的自衛権の有無が争われたわけではない。
Natsuo Yamaguchi, chief of New Komeito, the LDP’s junior coalition partner, recently said his understanding is that the Supreme Court’s ruling only acknowledged Japan’s right to individual self-defense. He is correct.
公明党の山口代表が「個別的自衛権を認めた判決と理解してきた」と語る通りだ。
New Komeito should not accept the LDP’s self-serving argument.
公明党は、自民党の身勝手な理屈を受け入れるべきではない。
If the Supreme Court’s ruling over the Sunagawa Incident had acknowledged Japan’s right to collective self-defense, it would have been reflected in the Cabinet’s interpretation of the Constitution that was established in ensuing years. But that is not the case.
砂川判決が集団的自衛権を認めているならば、その後に確立されていった内閣の憲法解釈にも反映されて当然なのに、そうはなっていない。
Acting as if it were underpinned by the authority of the Supreme Court, the LDP is brandishing an interpretation of the top court’s ruling that has not been taken seriously by legal experts. This political ploy could give the public incorrect material for judgment about such an important issue.
学説としてまともに取り上げられていない解釈を、あたかも最高裁の権威に裏付けられたかのように振りかざすのは、誤った判断材料を国民に与えることになりかねない。
With its move toward Japan’s involvement in collective self-defense criticized for running roughshod over the principle of constitutionalism, the LDP probably wants to use the Supreme Court ruling as a powerful justification for the cause. But such a gross distortion of the ruling can never help the party persuade the public to support the initiative.
「立憲主義に反する」と批判される自民党にしてみれば、最高裁判決を錦の御旗にしたいのだろう。だが、こんなこじつけに説得力があるはずもない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, April 6
2014年4月6日（日）付
2014/04/07
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:京のカエル、大阪のカエル ／東京
面白い論説ですね。
思わず引き込まれました。
マスコミ、テレビも毛嫌いせずに、その中から真実を探す努力だって必要なんです。
（スラチャイ）
February 23, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: More than meets the eye in media selection
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:京のカエル、大阪のカエル ／東京
When I get together with members of my generation, namely those around the age of 50, I sometimes feel that the people who often use the Internet and those who don't are seeing completely different worlds.
自分と同じ世代、つまり５０代前後の人たちで集まると、インターネットをよく使う人とそうでない人とで「触れている世界がまったく違う」と感じることがある。
In particular, those who regularly use the interactive tools we refer to as social media will often say things like, "Now everyone is focusing on that incident, aren't they?" Perhaps this is because they are always exchanging information with others who share their fields of interest.
特にソーシャルメディアと呼ばれる対話型のツールをよく使う人は、自分と同じ分野に関心を持つ人たちと絶えず情報交換をしているせいか、「今みんなの関心があの事件に集中しているね」などと言う。
At the same time, quite a few people in their 50s say they hardly ever use a computer.
ところが、５０代ともなると「パソコンもほとんど使わない」という人も少なくない。
For these people, social media is obviously pretty much out of the picture; rather, television and newspapers serve as their main sources for gathering information.
そうなると当然、ネットやソーシャルメディアともあまり関わらない生活なので、テレビや新聞が情報収集の中心になる。
Now, a person belonging to this group might remark, "I'd have to say at the moment that the Olympics is what draws my interest."
今であれば、「やっぱり気になるのはオリンピック」ということになろうか。
Among younger generations, far more people may say that they get their information from the Net, but it seems that for people aged around their 50s, there is roughly an equal distribution of people in the TV-newspaper and Internet camps.
もっと下の世代になると、「情報はネットで」という人たちがぐっと増えるのかもしれないが、５０代くらいではちょうど「新聞・テレビ派」と「ネット派」が半々という感じなので、
As a result, it's often the case that people from this age bracket end up on different planes when they talk to each other.
集まっても話題がかみ合わないということもしばしばある。
Sometimes things even get ugly. People who use the Internet to gather information tend to think that newspapers and TV programs don't report the truth, so when someone remarks, "I saw it on TV," they will reply, "No, you can't rely on TV!"
しかもネットを多用する人たちは、一般的に「新聞やテレビは真実を報道していない」と思いがちで、誰かが「テレビで見たんだけど」と言うと「ダメよ、テレビなんかに頼っちゃ！」と否定し、場の空気が険悪になることさえある。
I like the Internet, but I like TV too, and when I come across such situations, I am always reminded of "Kyo no Kaeru to Osaka no Kaeru," a folk tale about two frogs from Kyoto and Osaka, who decide they want to see each other's towns.
ネットも好き、でもテレビも好きな私は、こういう場面に出くわすといつも昔話の「京（京都）のカエルと大阪のカエル」を思い出す。
Both frogs set out and cross paths on a mountain pass, where they decide to stand up to get a view of each other's town. After doing so, they conclude each town is just that same as their own one, so they abandon their journeys and return home.
これは、京のカエルが「大阪の町を見たい」と、大阪のカエルが「京の町を見たい」と思い、互いに見物に出かけ、旅路の途中の山の峠に出会ったので立ち上がって向こうを眺め、互いに「京も大阪も何も変わらんな」と言って戻ることにした、という話だ。
But there is more to the story: The frogs' eyes, being on the tops of their heads, were actually gazing back at their own towns -- the Kyoto frog was looking at Kyoto and the Osaka frog was looking at Osaka.
これにはウラがあり、カエルの目は頭のてっぺんについているので、立ち上がったときには背後が見え、京のカエルは今来た京を、大阪のカエルは大阪を見ていただけだったのだ。
The moral of the story is that when seeking to confirm something, you first have to know yourself.
この物語の教訓は、「物事を確かめるにはまず自分自身をよく知らなければいけない」ということだが、
The same probably applies in divisions between the newspaper-TV and Internet groups.
「新聞・テレビか、ネットか」も同じだろう。
When a person declares that a particular form of media is false, it may turn out that what they were looking at and criticizing is actually the media they had been looking at to begin with.
「そっちのメディアは正しくない」と批判の対象にしているのは、実は自分が見ていたメディアのほうでした、ということもあるかもしれない。
Of course, the most desirable thing is to peruse a balanced selection of news sources, including the Internet, newspapers, magazines and television. I shouldn't have to point out that this really isn't a difficult thing to do.
もちろん、一番望ましいのは「ネット、新聞、雑誌、テレビ……と、いろいろな情報源をバランスよく見ること」なのだが、それほど難しいことではないのは、あえて言うまでもないだろう。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年02月18日 地方版
思わず引き込まれました。
マスコミ、テレビも毛嫌いせずに、その中から真実を探す努力だって必要なんです。
（スラチャイ）
February 23, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: More than meets the eye in media selection
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:京のカエル、大阪のカエル ／東京
When I get together with members of my generation, namely those around the age of 50, I sometimes feel that the people who often use the Internet and those who don't are seeing completely different worlds.
自分と同じ世代、つまり５０代前後の人たちで集まると、インターネットをよく使う人とそうでない人とで「触れている世界がまったく違う」と感じることがある。
In particular, those who regularly use the interactive tools we refer to as social media will often say things like, "Now everyone is focusing on that incident, aren't they?" Perhaps this is because they are always exchanging information with others who share their fields of interest.
特にソーシャルメディアと呼ばれる対話型のツールをよく使う人は、自分と同じ分野に関心を持つ人たちと絶えず情報交換をしているせいか、「今みんなの関心があの事件に集中しているね」などと言う。
At the same time, quite a few people in their 50s say they hardly ever use a computer.
ところが、５０代ともなると「パソコンもほとんど使わない」という人も少なくない。
For these people, social media is obviously pretty much out of the picture; rather, television and newspapers serve as their main sources for gathering information.
そうなると当然、ネットやソーシャルメディアともあまり関わらない生活なので、テレビや新聞が情報収集の中心になる。
Now, a person belonging to this group might remark, "I'd have to say at the moment that the Olympics is what draws my interest."
今であれば、「やっぱり気になるのはオリンピック」ということになろうか。
Among younger generations, far more people may say that they get their information from the Net, but it seems that for people aged around their 50s, there is roughly an equal distribution of people in the TV-newspaper and Internet camps.
もっと下の世代になると、「情報はネットで」という人たちがぐっと増えるのかもしれないが、５０代くらいではちょうど「新聞・テレビ派」と「ネット派」が半々という感じなので、
As a result, it's often the case that people from this age bracket end up on different planes when they talk to each other.
集まっても話題がかみ合わないということもしばしばある。
Sometimes things even get ugly. People who use the Internet to gather information tend to think that newspapers and TV programs don't report the truth, so when someone remarks, "I saw it on TV," they will reply, "No, you can't rely on TV!"
しかもネットを多用する人たちは、一般的に「新聞やテレビは真実を報道していない」と思いがちで、誰かが「テレビで見たんだけど」と言うと「ダメよ、テレビなんかに頼っちゃ！」と否定し、場の空気が険悪になることさえある。
I like the Internet, but I like TV too, and when I come across such situations, I am always reminded of "Kyo no Kaeru to Osaka no Kaeru," a folk tale about two frogs from Kyoto and Osaka, who decide they want to see each other's towns.
ネットも好き、でもテレビも好きな私は、こういう場面に出くわすといつも昔話の「京（京都）のカエルと大阪のカエル」を思い出す。
Both frogs set out and cross paths on a mountain pass, where they decide to stand up to get a view of each other's town. After doing so, they conclude each town is just that same as their own one, so they abandon their journeys and return home.
これは、京のカエルが「大阪の町を見たい」と、大阪のカエルが「京の町を見たい」と思い、互いに見物に出かけ、旅路の途中の山の峠に出会ったので立ち上がって向こうを眺め、互いに「京も大阪も何も変わらんな」と言って戻ることにした、という話だ。
But there is more to the story: The frogs' eyes, being on the tops of their heads, were actually gazing back at their own towns -- the Kyoto frog was looking at Kyoto and the Osaka frog was looking at Osaka.
これにはウラがあり、カエルの目は頭のてっぺんについているので、立ち上がったときには背後が見え、京のカエルは今来た京を、大阪のカエルは大阪を見ていただけだったのだ。
The moral of the story is that when seeking to confirm something, you first have to know yourself.
この物語の教訓は、「物事を確かめるにはまず自分自身をよく知らなければいけない」ということだが、
The same probably applies in divisions between the newspaper-TV and Internet groups.
「新聞・テレビか、ネットか」も同じだろう。
When a person declares that a particular form of media is false, it may turn out that what they were looking at and criticizing is actually the media they had been looking at to begin with.
「そっちのメディアは正しくない」と批判の対象にしているのは、実は自分が見ていたメディアのほうでした、ということもあるかもしれない。
Of course, the most desirable thing is to peruse a balanced selection of news sources, including the Internet, newspapers, magazines and television. I shouldn't have to point out that this really isn't a difficult thing to do.
もちろん、一番望ましいのは「ネット、新聞、雑誌、テレビ……と、いろいろな情報源をバランスよく見ること」なのだが、それほど難しいことではないのは、あえて言うまでもないだろう。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年02月18日 地方版
2014/04/06
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:失敗したいわけではない ／東京
心を打たれました。
（スラチャイ）
March 09, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Nobody wants to fail
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:失敗したいわけではない ／東京
Japanese figure skater Mao Asada appeared at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan last month after she returned from the Sochi Olympics.
ソチ・オリンピックから帰国したフィギュアスケートの浅田真央選手が、外国特派員協会で記者会見した。
After she reflected on her performances at the Games, a reporter asked her how she felt about former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori's comment where he said, "She (Asada) always falls at the most critical time" in a competition.
試合や今回の結果を振り返った後で、外国人記者が森喜朗元首相の「あの子は大事なところで必ず転ぶ」という発言についてどう思うか、と聞いた。
It was a rather straightforward question for a news conference, Asada, nonetheless, put a smile on her face and said, "I'm only human and humans fail. Of course, nobody wants to fail."
踏み込んだ質問にも、浅田選手が笑顔で「人間なので失敗する。したくてするわけではない」と切り返した言葉にハッとした。
I was taken aback, and then realized that her comment is true in different situations.
これは、いろいろな場面で共通しているのではないか。
Patients I see at my clinic, for example, sometimes need to apply for handicapped certificates or a pension for handicapped people after suffering from prolonged illness.
例えば診察室にやって来る人たち。病が長引き、障害者として手帳や年金を申請しなければならなくなる人もいる。
Documents necessary for these procedures extend over pages and they require complex medical certificates from doctors.
申請書類は何通にも及び、医師の診断書もけっこう複雑だ。
When patients come to me and ask me to complete the documents by the end of the day, I sometimes unintentionally treat them impolitely, saying something like, "I won't be able to finish them until later after I'm done with my other patients." The patients who asked for the forms would apologize repeatedly for causing me trouble.
「何とか今日中に診断書を書いてもらえませんか」と言われると、つい「診察が終わってから夜、遅くになりますけど」とぶっきらぼうに答えてしまい、患者さんは「本当にすみません」と何度も頭を下げる。
That's when I am reminded that these patients never asked to be sick in the first place and I become embarrassed at how I reacted. I then would say, "I am sorry. I will finish those forms as soon as possible."
その姿に「そうだった。この人も病気になりたくてなったわけではないんだ」と今更ながら気づいて「こちらこそごめんなさい。なるべく急いで書きますね」と、不機嫌な態度を取った自分が恥ずかしくなることがある。
It's almost the end of university entrance exam season in the country. Some students will get accepted and some will not. If you are a parent and your child didn't get accepted into a university of their choice, please do remember that they didn't want to fail, before yelling, "You didn't study enough!"
今はちょうど受験のシーズンだ。合格する人がいれば不合格者もいる。我が子が失敗すると、親はつい「どうして不合格なわけ？ 勉強しないからこうなるのよ！」と叱ってしまうこともあるが、本人だって落ちたくて落ちたわけではない、ということは忘れないようにしたい。
Of course, not everything will be forgiven even if the person says, "What I have done is not something I wanted to do."
もちろん、「したくてしたわけじゃない」と言って全てが許されるわけではない。
We have to face punishment or pay an appropriate penalty for our wrong doing, even when the action was unintentional or simply a mistake.
たとえうっかりミスや過失であっても、相応の罰を受けなければならないこともある。
In our everyday lives, however, we should not blame those who try hard, just because they failed to bring expected results.
ただ、日常の場面では、特に一生懸命努力した人が期待された成果を上げられなかったからといって、「どうして？」「あなたが悪いから」と一方的に責めるのは控えたい。
We need to remember in particular that people such as disaster victims or those who have handicaps, didn't ask for such conditions.
特に病や障害を抱えている人、事故や災害に巻き込まれた人は、「それだけは避けたい」と思っていたのに、そうなってしまったかもしれないということをしっかり胸にとめておくべきだろう。
We should be considerate toward those who experienced difficult times because of illness or disasters and be willing to help them by realizing they didn't ask for those things to happen.
そうすれば、なりたくもない病、経験したくもなかった災難に関わることになってしまった人に対して、もう少しやさしくなり力を貸そうとしたくなるはずだ。
People do not choose to fail or be unhappy.
失敗したくてする人や、不幸になりたくてなる人はいない。
Olympian Asada reminded us at her press conference about such a simple, but important, thing we tend to forget.
シンプルで、でもつい忘れてしまいそうになる大切なことをオリンピックから帰ってきた浅田選手は教えてくれた。
(Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年03月04日 地方版
（スラチャイ）
March 09, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Nobody wants to fail
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:失敗したいわけではない ／東京
Japanese figure skater Mao Asada appeared at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan last month after she returned from the Sochi Olympics.
ソチ・オリンピックから帰国したフィギュアスケートの浅田真央選手が、外国特派員協会で記者会見した。
After she reflected on her performances at the Games, a reporter asked her how she felt about former Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori's comment where he said, "She (Asada) always falls at the most critical time" in a competition.
試合や今回の結果を振り返った後で、外国人記者が森喜朗元首相の「あの子は大事なところで必ず転ぶ」という発言についてどう思うか、と聞いた。
It was a rather straightforward question for a news conference, Asada, nonetheless, put a smile on her face and said, "I'm only human and humans fail. Of course, nobody wants to fail."
踏み込んだ質問にも、浅田選手が笑顔で「人間なので失敗する。したくてするわけではない」と切り返した言葉にハッとした。
I was taken aback, and then realized that her comment is true in different situations.
これは、いろいろな場面で共通しているのではないか。
Patients I see at my clinic, for example, sometimes need to apply for handicapped certificates or a pension for handicapped people after suffering from prolonged illness.
例えば診察室にやって来る人たち。病が長引き、障害者として手帳や年金を申請しなければならなくなる人もいる。
Documents necessary for these procedures extend over pages and they require complex medical certificates from doctors.
申請書類は何通にも及び、医師の診断書もけっこう複雑だ。
When patients come to me and ask me to complete the documents by the end of the day, I sometimes unintentionally treat them impolitely, saying something like, "I won't be able to finish them until later after I'm done with my other patients." The patients who asked for the forms would apologize repeatedly for causing me trouble.
「何とか今日中に診断書を書いてもらえませんか」と言われると、つい「診察が終わってから夜、遅くになりますけど」とぶっきらぼうに答えてしまい、患者さんは「本当にすみません」と何度も頭を下げる。
That's when I am reminded that these patients never asked to be sick in the first place and I become embarrassed at how I reacted. I then would say, "I am sorry. I will finish those forms as soon as possible."
その姿に「そうだった。この人も病気になりたくてなったわけではないんだ」と今更ながら気づいて「こちらこそごめんなさい。なるべく急いで書きますね」と、不機嫌な態度を取った自分が恥ずかしくなることがある。
It's almost the end of university entrance exam season in the country. Some students will get accepted and some will not. If you are a parent and your child didn't get accepted into a university of their choice, please do remember that they didn't want to fail, before yelling, "You didn't study enough!"
今はちょうど受験のシーズンだ。合格する人がいれば不合格者もいる。我が子が失敗すると、親はつい「どうして不合格なわけ？ 勉強しないからこうなるのよ！」と叱ってしまうこともあるが、本人だって落ちたくて落ちたわけではない、ということは忘れないようにしたい。
Of course, not everything will be forgiven even if the person says, "What I have done is not something I wanted to do."
もちろん、「したくてしたわけじゃない」と言って全てが許されるわけではない。
We have to face punishment or pay an appropriate penalty for our wrong doing, even when the action was unintentional or simply a mistake.
たとえうっかりミスや過失であっても、相応の罰を受けなければならないこともある。
In our everyday lives, however, we should not blame those who try hard, just because they failed to bring expected results.
ただ、日常の場面では、特に一生懸命努力した人が期待された成果を上げられなかったからといって、「どうして？」「あなたが悪いから」と一方的に責めるのは控えたい。
We need to remember in particular that people such as disaster victims or those who have handicaps, didn't ask for such conditions.
特に病や障害を抱えている人、事故や災害に巻き込まれた人は、「それだけは避けたい」と思っていたのに、そうなってしまったかもしれないということをしっかり胸にとめておくべきだろう。
We should be considerate toward those who experienced difficult times because of illness or disasters and be willing to help them by realizing they didn't ask for those things to happen.
そうすれば、なりたくもない病、経験したくもなかった災難に関わることになってしまった人に対して、もう少しやさしくなり力を貸そうとしたくなるはずだ。
People do not choose to fail or be unhappy.
失敗したくてする人や、不幸になりたくてなる人はいない。
Olympian Asada reminded us at her press conference about such a simple, but important, thing we tend to forget.
シンプルで、でもつい忘れてしまいそうになる大切なことをオリンピックから帰ってきた浅田選手は教えてくれた。
(Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2014年03月04日 地方版
2014/04/05
最高裁新長官 違憲審査権の適切な行使を
The Yomiuri Shimbun April 03, 2014
Top court under new chief must use power of judicial review appropriately
最高裁新長官 違憲審査権の適切な行使を
In realizing a judiciary that can be trusted by the people, the new chief justice has his work cut out for him.
国民に信頼される司法の実現に向けて、新長官の手腕が問われよう。
Itsuro Terada has become the 18th chief justice of the Supreme Court. His father, Jiro Terada, was the 10th chief justice. It marks the first time for a father and son to have both assumed the post.
最高裁の第１８代長官に寺田逸郎・最高裁判事が就任した。父親の治郎氏も第１０代長官を務めた。初の親子２代の長官就任である。
Terada, a former judge, worked for many years at the Justice Ministry and on tasks such as the development of legal systems related to the Civil Code. He has likely been appointed as the chief justice due to his knowledge of not only the judiciary, but also the legislative process and public administration.
寺田氏は裁判官出身だが、法務省勤務が長く、民事関係の法整備などに携わった経歴を持つ。司法だけでなく、立法や行政の分野にも精通している点が評価されての起用と言えるだろう。
What is expected from the new chief justice, among other things, is firmly establishing reforms in the justice system within society, an ongoing process that Terada was involved in when he was at the Justice Ministry.
新長官にまず期待されるのは、寺田氏自身が法務省時代に関与した司法制度改革の定着だ。
The reforms, which aimed to create a justice system that the public would feel close to and find useful, have achieved tangible results.
身近で使い勝手の良い司法を目指す改革は、一定の成果を上げている。
The lay judge system, one of the reforms’ key features, will have been in force for five years in May. Although the system was implemented without major confusion, it is a cause of concern that among those who have served as lay judges, the number of people who say that the trial process is “easily comprehensible” has been declining.
改革の目玉だった裁判員制度は５月で施行５年を迎える。大きな混乱もなく実施されているが、「審理が理解しやすかった」という裁判員経験者の声が減少傾向にあるのは気がかりだ。
In implementing the lay judge system, the court intended to improve the level of interaction within the judiciary during the trial, such as during witness examination. But there has been much criticism that trials have often been conducted on the basis of written documentation, mainly with records of pretrial interrogation being read out.
制度施行にあたっては、証人尋問など公判でのやりとりを充実させるはずだった。ところが、調書を読み上げる書面中心の審理が目立つとの批判が多い。
We hope the new chief justice will exercise his leadership so that trials are conducted in an easy-to- understand manner.
わかりやすい審理を徹底するよう、寺田氏は指導力を発揮してほしい。
Respect other branches
The court has the power of judicial review to evaluate the constitutionality of laws and administrative procedures, with the final judgment to be made by the Supreme Court.
裁判所は、法律や行政手続きが憲法に適合するかどうかを監視する違憲審査権を持つ。
最終判断を担うのが最高裁だ。
Trials involving constitutional judgments are examined by all 15 justices on the grand bench, with Terada serving as chief judge.
憲法判断が絡む裁判は、１５人の裁判官全員による大法廷で審理され、寺田氏が裁判長を務める。
The power of judicial review is an important source of authority in a nation ruled by law. But from the viewpoint of the separation of administrative, legislative and judiciary powers, it is essential to heed the discretion of the legislative and executive branches when exercising the power.
違憲審査権は法治国家における重要な権限だが、行使には、三権分立の立場から、国会や行政の裁量権への目配りが欠かせない。
The top court’s stance has been deemed questionable in this respect, as indicated by its ruling on vote-value disparity.
その観点で疑問なのは、「１票の格差」を巡る判決の中で示された最高裁の姿勢である。
In a ruling that described the 2009 House of Representatives election to have been in “a state of unconstitutionality,” the grand bench said that the vote-value disparity primarily stems from the current seat-distribution system. The system allots one seat to each prefecture as a quota before deciding the number of seats that should be allocated to its single-seat section of the election in proportion to its population. The court called for an immediate abolition of the distribution formula.
２００９年の衆院選を「違憲状態」とした判決で、大法廷は、まず各都道府県に小選挙区の１議席を割り振る「１人別枠方式」が格差の主因だと指摘し、速やかな廃止を求めた。
In a ruling that also stated the 2012 lower house election to have been in “a state of unconstitutionality,” the top court said structural problems in the distribution of the quota of seats for single-seat constituencies had not been resolved.
１２年衆院選を違憲状態とした判決でも、別枠方式の構造問題は解決されていないと言及した。
It can be said that the top court has gone so far as to step into the legislative branch’s sphere of discretion, going beyond making a judgment on the constitutionality of a vote-value disparity.
格差が合憲か違憲かの判断にとどまらず、立法府の裁量の範囲にまで踏み込んだと言える。
The issue of whether a framework concerning Diet seat distribution should be abolished is one that must be judged by the Diet. The top court must exercise its power of judicial review appropriately.
議席配分に関する仕組みの存廃は、国会が判断すべき事柄だろう。最高裁には、違憲審査権の適切な行使が求められる。
The Supreme Court is the “last bastion” in the three-tiered system of justice.
最高裁は、３審制における「最後の砦とりで」でもある。
It is vital that, under the new chief justice, each justice on the top court properly evaluates the conclusions reached by lower courts, so that there are no more victims of false accusation.
万が一にも冤罪えんざいの被害者を出さぬよう、寺田新長官の下、最高裁の各裁判官は、下級審の結論をしっかりチェックすることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 3, 2014)
Top court under new chief must use power of judicial review appropriately
最高裁新長官 違憲審査権の適切な行使を
In realizing a judiciary that can be trusted by the people, the new chief justice has his work cut out for him.
国民に信頼される司法の実現に向けて、新長官の手腕が問われよう。
Itsuro Terada has become the 18th chief justice of the Supreme Court. His father, Jiro Terada, was the 10th chief justice. It marks the first time for a father and son to have both assumed the post.
最高裁の第１８代長官に寺田逸郎・最高裁判事が就任した。父親の治郎氏も第１０代長官を務めた。初の親子２代の長官就任である。
Terada, a former judge, worked for many years at the Justice Ministry and on tasks such as the development of legal systems related to the Civil Code. He has likely been appointed as the chief justice due to his knowledge of not only the judiciary, but also the legislative process and public administration.
寺田氏は裁判官出身だが、法務省勤務が長く、民事関係の法整備などに携わった経歴を持つ。司法だけでなく、立法や行政の分野にも精通している点が評価されての起用と言えるだろう。
What is expected from the new chief justice, among other things, is firmly establishing reforms in the justice system within society, an ongoing process that Terada was involved in when he was at the Justice Ministry.
新長官にまず期待されるのは、寺田氏自身が法務省時代に関与した司法制度改革の定着だ。
The reforms, which aimed to create a justice system that the public would feel close to and find useful, have achieved tangible results.
身近で使い勝手の良い司法を目指す改革は、一定の成果を上げている。
The lay judge system, one of the reforms’ key features, will have been in force for five years in May. Although the system was implemented without major confusion, it is a cause of concern that among those who have served as lay judges, the number of people who say that the trial process is “easily comprehensible” has been declining.
改革の目玉だった裁判員制度は５月で施行５年を迎える。大きな混乱もなく実施されているが、「審理が理解しやすかった」という裁判員経験者の声が減少傾向にあるのは気がかりだ。
In implementing the lay judge system, the court intended to improve the level of interaction within the judiciary during the trial, such as during witness examination. But there has been much criticism that trials have often been conducted on the basis of written documentation, mainly with records of pretrial interrogation being read out.
制度施行にあたっては、証人尋問など公判でのやりとりを充実させるはずだった。ところが、調書を読み上げる書面中心の審理が目立つとの批判が多い。
We hope the new chief justice will exercise his leadership so that trials are conducted in an easy-to- understand manner.
わかりやすい審理を徹底するよう、寺田氏は指導力を発揮してほしい。
Respect other branches
The court has the power of judicial review to evaluate the constitutionality of laws and administrative procedures, with the final judgment to be made by the Supreme Court.
裁判所は、法律や行政手続きが憲法に適合するかどうかを監視する違憲審査権を持つ。
最終判断を担うのが最高裁だ。
Trials involving constitutional judgments are examined by all 15 justices on the grand bench, with Terada serving as chief judge.
憲法判断が絡む裁判は、１５人の裁判官全員による大法廷で審理され、寺田氏が裁判長を務める。
The power of judicial review is an important source of authority in a nation ruled by law. But from the viewpoint of the separation of administrative, legislative and judiciary powers, it is essential to heed the discretion of the legislative and executive branches when exercising the power.
違憲審査権は法治国家における重要な権限だが、行使には、三権分立の立場から、国会や行政の裁量権への目配りが欠かせない。
The top court’s stance has been deemed questionable in this respect, as indicated by its ruling on vote-value disparity.
その観点で疑問なのは、「１票の格差」を巡る判決の中で示された最高裁の姿勢である。
In a ruling that described the 2009 House of Representatives election to have been in “a state of unconstitutionality,” the grand bench said that the vote-value disparity primarily stems from the current seat-distribution system. The system allots one seat to each prefecture as a quota before deciding the number of seats that should be allocated to its single-seat section of the election in proportion to its population. The court called for an immediate abolition of the distribution formula.
２００９年の衆院選を「違憲状態」とした判決で、大法廷は、まず各都道府県に小選挙区の１議席を割り振る「１人別枠方式」が格差の主因だと指摘し、速やかな廃止を求めた。
In a ruling that also stated the 2012 lower house election to have been in “a state of unconstitutionality,” the top court said structural problems in the distribution of the quota of seats for single-seat constituencies had not been resolved.
１２年衆院選を違憲状態とした判決でも、別枠方式の構造問題は解決されていないと言及した。
It can be said that the top court has gone so far as to step into the legislative branch’s sphere of discretion, going beyond making a judgment on the constitutionality of a vote-value disparity.
格差が合憲か違憲かの判断にとどまらず、立法府の裁量の範囲にまで踏み込んだと言える。
The issue of whether a framework concerning Diet seat distribution should be abolished is one that must be judged by the Diet. The top court must exercise its power of judicial review appropriately.
議席配分に関する仕組みの存廃は、国会が判断すべき事柄だろう。最高裁には、違憲審査権の適切な行使が求められる。
The Supreme Court is the “last bastion” in the three-tiered system of justice.
最高裁は、３審制における「最後の砦とりで」でもある。
It is vital that, under the new chief justice, each justice on the top court properly evaluates the conclusions reached by lower courts, so that there are no more victims of false accusation.
万が一にも冤罪えんざいの被害者を出さぬよう、寺田新長官の下、最高裁の各裁判官は、下級審の結論をしっかりチェックすることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 3, 2014)
2014/04/04
ＳＴＡＰ問題 再発防止へ全体像を解明せよ
The Yomiuri Shimbun April 02, 2014
Truth about STAP fabrication case must be uncovered
ＳＴＡＰ問題 再発防止へ全体像を解明せよ
The controversy over two articles written by an international team led by a RIKEN researcher, about what it calls stimulus-triggered acquisition of pluripotency (STAP), must be regarded as a situation that seriously affects this nation’s scientific research. Japan’s scientific efforts are at risk of losing international confidence.
日本の科学研究に対する国際的な信用を損なうゆゆしき事態である。
On Tuesday, RIKEN’s investigative committee published a final report that concluded the papers in question contained “deliberate alterations and fabrication.”
ＳＴＡＰ細胞の論文について、理化学研究所の調査委員会が「意図的な改ざんと捏造ねつぞうがあった」とする最終報告書を発表した。
RIKEN has said it will urge the team led by Haruko Obokata, the lead author of the theses, to retract them.
理研は、論文の筆頭著者である小保方晴子ユニットリーダーらに論文撤回を勧告するという。
RIKEN’s authority has been dealt a serious blow, only two months after the team drew international attention to papers claiming success in creating the STAP cell as “a third kind of pluripotent cell.” What were the factors behind this? We hope RIKEN will keep trying to uncover the whole truth, including whether the STAP cell truly exists.
「第３の万能細胞」として世界的に注目を集めた発表から、わずか２か月で、理研の権威は大きく傷ついた。なぜこのようなことになったのか。理研は引き続き、ＳＴＡＰ細胞の存在の真偽も含め、全容解明に努めてもらいたい。
Through fact-finding interviews with people involved with the papers in question, the investigative panel has declared that Obokata was solely responsible for misconduct that included alterations to an image used in the articles.
調査委は、関係者からの聞き取り調査などを行い、画像の加工などについて、小保方氏単独の不正行為があったと断定した。
The RIKEN committee has concluded that several photos used in the articles were “fabricated.” This conclusion is particularly disconcerting in that the images in question were claimed by the team as evidence proving the pluripotency of STAP cells. The authenticity of the papers has been fundamentally shaken.
特に深刻なのは、ＳＴＡＰ細胞の万能性を示す証拠とされた画像を「捏造に当たる」と結論づけた点だ。論文の信ぴょう性が根底から揺らいだと言えよう。
The panel also mentioned inadequacies attributable to figures with ties to RIKEN, whose names were included in the list of the papers’ coauthors. Its report said these people had not done enough to fulfill their duties related to the articles, including the examination of the data presented by Obokata.
調査委は、論文の共著者の理研関係者について、小保方氏が示したデータのチェックなどに不十分な点があったとも指摘した。
When the papers about the STAP method were published in January, RIKEN officials spoke with a unified voice in praising the achievement claimed by Obokata’s team. They emphasized the discovery had been made possible as a result of veteran scientists supporting the innovative ideas generated by such a young researcher.
論文の発表時に理研は、若手の斬新なアイデアをベテランの共著者が支えたと強調し、研究所一丸となった成果を誇っていた。
Ignored rules
However, the results of the panel’s investigation brought to light the carelessness evident in the process of putting the papers together, as the scientists involved failed to properly communicate with each other.
だが、調査結果から浮き彫りになったのは、研究者間の意思疎通を欠いたまま進められたずさんな論文作成の実態だ。
RIKEN has kept in place a set of regulations aimed at preventing its staff from conducting dishonest research activities. The rules include an obligation to ensure procedures, facts and data related to experiments are appropriately written into laboratory notebooks, while also properly preserving these records. Also included in the rules is to thoroughly confirm what kind of responsibility is to be assumed by each coauthor of an article.
理研は、不正な研究を防ぐため、実験手順やデータを記録する実験ノートの適切な記載と保管、論文の著者間の責任分担確認などを徹底させる規定を設けている。
Obokata was found to have retained such records only in two notebooks over the past three years. It has also been discovered that the notebooks only contained fragmentary and undated facts and data.
それにもかかわらず、小保方氏の実験ノートは、３年間で２冊だけで、日付も記入されていない断片的な内容だったという。
In a statement issued about the results of the investigation, she has called the report totally unacceptable. Obokata also said she would file a complaint against Riken. However, if she wants to rebut the results of the investigation, Obokata must appear in public and explain the grounds on which her assertion is based.
小保方氏は調査結果について「とても承服できない」とのコメントを発表した。理研に不服申し立てを行うという。反論があるのなら、小保方氏は公の場できちんと根拠を説明せねばならない。
The dispute over the papers is believed to affect a government plan to name RIKEN as a specified national research and development corporation under a new designation system.
理研を「特定国立研究開発法人」に指定する政府の方針にも影響が出よう。
Large salaries would be paid to attract excellent researchers. RIKEN needs, first and foremost, to enhance its governance as a research institution while also implementing steps to prevent a similar incident from taking place again.
優秀な研究者を高給で集める新制度だが、理研がガバナンス（組織統治）を確立し、再発防止を図ることがまずは必要だ。
The STAP case has raised questions about reporting news on scientific discoveries.
今回の問題は、科学報道のあり方に課題を突きつけた。
Any science paper that has just been published is to be regarded as showing that theories and advancements documented therein are in the process of being verified.
Such theories often prove to be misconceived.
論文発表は、「仮説」の検証過程であり、後に誤認が判明することも多い。
Even an achievement that scientists claim can overturn long-held beliefs has the possibility of turning out to be false.
常識を覆すとされる成果でも、その可能性はある。
We must all be reminded of the importance of reporting scientific news objectively and calmly.
客観的で冷静な報道の重要性を改めて肝に銘じたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 2, 2014)
Truth about STAP fabrication case must be uncovered
ＳＴＡＰ問題 再発防止へ全体像を解明せよ
The controversy over two articles written by an international team led by a RIKEN researcher, about what it calls stimulus-triggered acquisition of pluripotency (STAP), must be regarded as a situation that seriously affects this nation’s scientific research. Japan’s scientific efforts are at risk of losing international confidence.
日本の科学研究に対する国際的な信用を損なうゆゆしき事態である。
On Tuesday, RIKEN’s investigative committee published a final report that concluded the papers in question contained “deliberate alterations and fabrication.”
ＳＴＡＰ細胞の論文について、理化学研究所の調査委員会が「意図的な改ざんと捏造ねつぞうがあった」とする最終報告書を発表した。
RIKEN has said it will urge the team led by Haruko Obokata, the lead author of the theses, to retract them.
理研は、論文の筆頭著者である小保方晴子ユニットリーダーらに論文撤回を勧告するという。
RIKEN’s authority has been dealt a serious blow, only two months after the team drew international attention to papers claiming success in creating the STAP cell as “a third kind of pluripotent cell.” What were the factors behind this? We hope RIKEN will keep trying to uncover the whole truth, including whether the STAP cell truly exists.
「第３の万能細胞」として世界的に注目を集めた発表から、わずか２か月で、理研の権威は大きく傷ついた。なぜこのようなことになったのか。理研は引き続き、ＳＴＡＰ細胞の存在の真偽も含め、全容解明に努めてもらいたい。
Through fact-finding interviews with people involved with the papers in question, the investigative panel has declared that Obokata was solely responsible for misconduct that included alterations to an image used in the articles.
調査委は、関係者からの聞き取り調査などを行い、画像の加工などについて、小保方氏単独の不正行為があったと断定した。
The RIKEN committee has concluded that several photos used in the articles were “fabricated.” This conclusion is particularly disconcerting in that the images in question were claimed by the team as evidence proving the pluripotency of STAP cells. The authenticity of the papers has been fundamentally shaken.
特に深刻なのは、ＳＴＡＰ細胞の万能性を示す証拠とされた画像を「捏造に当たる」と結論づけた点だ。論文の信ぴょう性が根底から揺らいだと言えよう。
The panel also mentioned inadequacies attributable to figures with ties to RIKEN, whose names were included in the list of the papers’ coauthors. Its report said these people had not done enough to fulfill their duties related to the articles, including the examination of the data presented by Obokata.
調査委は、論文の共著者の理研関係者について、小保方氏が示したデータのチェックなどに不十分な点があったとも指摘した。
When the papers about the STAP method were published in January, RIKEN officials spoke with a unified voice in praising the achievement claimed by Obokata’s team. They emphasized the discovery had been made possible as a result of veteran scientists supporting the innovative ideas generated by such a young researcher.
論文の発表時に理研は、若手の斬新なアイデアをベテランの共著者が支えたと強調し、研究所一丸となった成果を誇っていた。
Ignored rules
However, the results of the panel’s investigation brought to light the carelessness evident in the process of putting the papers together, as the scientists involved failed to properly communicate with each other.
だが、調査結果から浮き彫りになったのは、研究者間の意思疎通を欠いたまま進められたずさんな論文作成の実態だ。
RIKEN has kept in place a set of regulations aimed at preventing its staff from conducting dishonest research activities. The rules include an obligation to ensure procedures, facts and data related to experiments are appropriately written into laboratory notebooks, while also properly preserving these records. Also included in the rules is to thoroughly confirm what kind of responsibility is to be assumed by each coauthor of an article.
理研は、不正な研究を防ぐため、実験手順やデータを記録する実験ノートの適切な記載と保管、論文の著者間の責任分担確認などを徹底させる規定を設けている。
Obokata was found to have retained such records only in two notebooks over the past three years. It has also been discovered that the notebooks only contained fragmentary and undated facts and data.
それにもかかわらず、小保方氏の実験ノートは、３年間で２冊だけで、日付も記入されていない断片的な内容だったという。
In a statement issued about the results of the investigation, she has called the report totally unacceptable. Obokata also said she would file a complaint against Riken. However, if she wants to rebut the results of the investigation, Obokata must appear in public and explain the grounds on which her assertion is based.
小保方氏は調査結果について「とても承服できない」とのコメントを発表した。理研に不服申し立てを行うという。反論があるのなら、小保方氏は公の場できちんと根拠を説明せねばならない。
The dispute over the papers is believed to affect a government plan to name RIKEN as a specified national research and development corporation under a new designation system.
理研を「特定国立研究開発法人」に指定する政府の方針にも影響が出よう。
Large salaries would be paid to attract excellent researchers. RIKEN needs, first and foremost, to enhance its governance as a research institution while also implementing steps to prevent a similar incident from taking place again.
優秀な研究者を高給で集める新制度だが、理研がガバナンス（組織統治）を確立し、再発防止を図ることがまずは必要だ。
The STAP case has raised questions about reporting news on scientific discoveries.
今回の問題は、科学報道のあり方に課題を突きつけた。
Any science paper that has just been published is to be regarded as showing that theories and advancements documented therein are in the process of being verified.
Such theories often prove to be misconceived.
論文発表は、「仮説」の検証過程であり、後に誤認が判明することも多い。
Even an achievement that scientists claim can overturn long-held beliefs has the possibility of turning out to be false.
常識を覆すとされる成果でも、その可能性はある。
We must all be reminded of the importance of reporting scientific news objectively and calmly.
客観的で冷静な報道の重要性を改めて肝に銘じたい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 2, 2014)
2014/04/03
習氏「南京」発言 一方的な主張は看過できない
The Yomiuri Shimbun April 01, 2014
Xi’s unilateral claims on history issues must not go unanswered
習氏「南京」発言 一方的な主張は看過できない
While visiting another country, Chinese President Xi Jinping made assertions on history issues as if they were cut-and-dried facts, even though these issues are perceived differently by Japan. His remarks cannot be ignored.
中国の習近平国家主席が、日中で見解の異なる歴史問題を巡り、自らの一方的主張を客観的事実であるかのように第三国で訴えた。看過できない行為である。
In a recent lecture meeting in Germany, Xi stated that “more than 300,000 people were massacred” in the 1937 Nanjing Incident perpetrated by the former Imperial Japanese Army. He emphasized to the international community that China was a “victim” by mentioning only the figure claimed by his government.
習氏はドイツでの講演で、旧日本軍による１９３７年の南京事件について、「３０万人以上が虐殺された」と述べた。中国政府の主張する数字だけを示して、中国の「被害者」としての立場を国際社会に強調したものだ。
The Japanese government has admitted that the Nanjing Incident took place and the victims included noncombatants, but takes the stand that it is difficult to determine how many people died.
日本政府は、南京事件で非戦闘員の殺害などがあったことを認めている。だが、犠牲者数の確定は難しいとしている。
Xi’s statement in Germany disregarded Japan’s position, and it is reasonable to assume that his remarks were aimed at denigrating Japan’s image.
習氏の発言は、こうした日本の立場を無視しており、日本のイメージダウンを狙ったプロパガンダと言われても仕方あるまい。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga criticized Xi’s statement, saying, “Amid a situation in which opinion differs [between the two countries] over the number of victims [in the Nanjing Incident], it is extremely unproductive for a Chinese leader to make such a statement in another country.” Suga’s criticism is a natural response.
菅官房長官が「（南京事件の）犠牲者数などで意見が分かれている中、中国の指導者が第三国で、あのような発言をしたことは極めて非生産的だ」と批判したのは、当然である。
The dominant view in Japan is that “over 300,000 victims” claimed by China is far in excess of the actual figure when the demographic statistics of Nanjing and other factors at that time are taken into consideration.
日本では、中国政府の言う「３０万人以上」は、当時の南京の人口動態などから、実際の犠牲者数とはかけ離れているのではないかとの見方が支配的だ。
Even in a report published by the Japan-China joint research committee on history in 2010, which was established based on an agreement by the two governments, the Japanese side pointed out that “there are various estimates of victim numbers ranging from 20,000 or 40,000 to 200,000.”
日中両政府の合意で発足した日中歴史共同研究委員会が２０１０年に発表した報告書でも、日本側は「２０万人を上限として、４万人、２万人などの様々な推計がなされている」と指摘している。
Differing victim numbers
Even John Rabe, a German who has been praised by Xi for protecting refugees at the time of Nanjing Incident, put the number of victims at “50,000 to 60,000” in a report he submitted to Adolf Hitler.
南京事件当時、避難民を保護したとして、習氏から称賛されたドイツ人ジョン・ラーベ氏も、ヒトラーへの上申書に、犠牲者は「５万～６万人」と記している。
Xi also said, “More than 35 million Chinese were killed and injured in the war of aggression committed under Japanese militarism,” but he failed to provide any evidence to support his claim.
習氏は「日本軍国主義による侵略戦争で中国人３５００万人以上が死傷した」とも述べたが、明確な拠より所は示されていない。
Xi’s hard-line stance is stronger than that of former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who demonstrated his anti-Japan position repeatedly in words and actions, leading to a deterioration of bilateral relations.
習氏の強硬姿勢は、反日的言動を繰り返し、対日関係を悪化させた、かつての江沢民国家主席を上回るものと言えよう。
The German government reportedly declined Xi’s request to visit the Holocaust Memorial during his visit to the country. This apparently was because of Berlin’s wariness about becoming involved in a dispute between Tokyo and Beijing.
今回、ドイツ政府は、習氏のホロコースト（ユダヤ人大虐殺）記念碑への訪問を断ったと伝えられている。日中間の対立に巻き込まれることを警戒したのだろう。
Efforts must be made to prevent erroneous information about historical perceptions from spreading in the international community. The New York Times, in a recent online edition, carried an editorial saying that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe asserted the Nanjing Incident did not happen.
歴史認識に関する誤った情報が国際社会に流布するのは阻止せねばならない。米紙ニューヨーク・タイムズ電子版は最近、安倍首相が南京事件は起きなかったと主張しているとの社説を掲載した。
To prevent such misapprehensions from prevailing, it is crucial for Tokyo to sincerely present its stance on the issue of historical perceptions and continuously and resolutely rebuff China’s anti-Japan propaganda campaign.
こうした誤解を広めないためにも、日本政府は、歴史認識問題への真摯しんしな姿勢をアピールするとともに、中国の反日宣伝に毅然きぜんと反論し続けることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 1, 2014)
Xi’s unilateral claims on history issues must not go unanswered
習氏「南京」発言 一方的な主張は看過できない
While visiting another country, Chinese President Xi Jinping made assertions on history issues as if they were cut-and-dried facts, even though these issues are perceived differently by Japan. His remarks cannot be ignored.
中国の習近平国家主席が、日中で見解の異なる歴史問題を巡り、自らの一方的主張を客観的事実であるかのように第三国で訴えた。看過できない行為である。
In a recent lecture meeting in Germany, Xi stated that “more than 300,000 people were massacred” in the 1937 Nanjing Incident perpetrated by the former Imperial Japanese Army. He emphasized to the international community that China was a “victim” by mentioning only the figure claimed by his government.
習氏はドイツでの講演で、旧日本軍による１９３７年の南京事件について、「３０万人以上が虐殺された」と述べた。中国政府の主張する数字だけを示して、中国の「被害者」としての立場を国際社会に強調したものだ。
The Japanese government has admitted that the Nanjing Incident took place and the victims included noncombatants, but takes the stand that it is difficult to determine how many people died.
日本政府は、南京事件で非戦闘員の殺害などがあったことを認めている。だが、犠牲者数の確定は難しいとしている。
Xi’s statement in Germany disregarded Japan’s position, and it is reasonable to assume that his remarks were aimed at denigrating Japan’s image.
習氏の発言は、こうした日本の立場を無視しており、日本のイメージダウンを狙ったプロパガンダと言われても仕方あるまい。
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga criticized Xi’s statement, saying, “Amid a situation in which opinion differs [between the two countries] over the number of victims [in the Nanjing Incident], it is extremely unproductive for a Chinese leader to make such a statement in another country.” Suga’s criticism is a natural response.
菅官房長官が「（南京事件の）犠牲者数などで意見が分かれている中、中国の指導者が第三国で、あのような発言をしたことは極めて非生産的だ」と批判したのは、当然である。
The dominant view in Japan is that “over 300,000 victims” claimed by China is far in excess of the actual figure when the demographic statistics of Nanjing and other factors at that time are taken into consideration.
日本では、中国政府の言う「３０万人以上」は、当時の南京の人口動態などから、実際の犠牲者数とはかけ離れているのではないかとの見方が支配的だ。
Even in a report published by the Japan-China joint research committee on history in 2010, which was established based on an agreement by the two governments, the Japanese side pointed out that “there are various estimates of victim numbers ranging from 20,000 or 40,000 to 200,000.”
日中両政府の合意で発足した日中歴史共同研究委員会が２０１０年に発表した報告書でも、日本側は「２０万人を上限として、４万人、２万人などの様々な推計がなされている」と指摘している。
Differing victim numbers
Even John Rabe, a German who has been praised by Xi for protecting refugees at the time of Nanjing Incident, put the number of victims at “50,000 to 60,000” in a report he submitted to Adolf Hitler.
南京事件当時、避難民を保護したとして、習氏から称賛されたドイツ人ジョン・ラーベ氏も、ヒトラーへの上申書に、犠牲者は「５万～６万人」と記している。
Xi also said, “More than 35 million Chinese were killed and injured in the war of aggression committed under Japanese militarism,” but he failed to provide any evidence to support his claim.
習氏は「日本軍国主義による侵略戦争で中国人３５００万人以上が死傷した」とも述べたが、明確な拠より所は示されていない。
Xi’s hard-line stance is stronger than that of former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who demonstrated his anti-Japan position repeatedly in words and actions, leading to a deterioration of bilateral relations.
習氏の強硬姿勢は、反日的言動を繰り返し、対日関係を悪化させた、かつての江沢民国家主席を上回るものと言えよう。
The German government reportedly declined Xi’s request to visit the Holocaust Memorial during his visit to the country. This apparently was because of Berlin’s wariness about becoming involved in a dispute between Tokyo and Beijing.
今回、ドイツ政府は、習氏のホロコースト（ユダヤ人大虐殺）記念碑への訪問を断ったと伝えられている。日中間の対立に巻き込まれることを警戒したのだろう。
Efforts must be made to prevent erroneous information about historical perceptions from spreading in the international community. The New York Times, in a recent online edition, carried an editorial saying that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe asserted the Nanjing Incident did not happen.
歴史認識に関する誤った情報が国際社会に流布するのは阻止せねばならない。米紙ニューヨーク・タイムズ電子版は最近、安倍首相が南京事件は起きなかったと主張しているとの社説を掲載した。
To prevent such misapprehensions from prevailing, it is crucial for Tokyo to sincerely present its stance on the issue of historical perceptions and continuously and resolutely rebuff China’s anti-Japan propaganda campaign.
こうした誤解を広めないためにも、日本政府は、歴史認識問題への真摯しんしな姿勢をアピールするとともに、中国の反日宣伝に毅然きぜんと反論し続けることが肝要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, April 1, 2014)
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