The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 28, 2012)
Scrutinize problems of current lower house election system
衆院選抜本改革 現行制度の問題点を洗い出せ（2月27日付・読売社説）
To carry out drastic reform of the House of Representatives election system, it is indispensable to scrutinize the current system's problems and reflect on what politics should be.
衆院の選挙制度の抜本改革には、現行制度の問題点を洗い出し、あるべき政治の姿を考える作業が欠かせない。
In connection with the issue of rectifying the vote-value disparity, discussions continue in the Diet to drastically change the existing system, which combines single-seat constituencies and proportional representation, in addition to cutting the number of lower house seats.
国会では、「１票の格差」の是正問題を契機に、定数削減と合わせて、小選挙区比例代表並立制を抜本的に改めるべきだとの議論が続いている。
A suprapartisan parliamentary league of lawmakers seeking drastic reform of the lower house election system, for example, decided during its general meeting on Thursday that it will aim to introduce a multiple-seat constituency system.
超党派の「衆院選挙制度の抜本改革をめざす議員連盟」が２３日の総会で、中選挙区制の導入を目指すと決めたのもその一つだ。
More than 150 lawmakers from the ruling and opposition parties are members of the group, with former Liberal Democratic Party Secretary General Koichi Kato and Democratic Party of Japan Supreme Adviser Kozo Watanabe serving as representatives.
議連は、加藤紘一・自民党元幹事長と渡部恒三・民主党最高顧問が代表世話人を務め、１５０人超の与野党議員が参加している。
It is worth noting that the idea of reinstating the multiple-seat constituency system, which New Komeito and other political parties sought in the past, has become a suprapartisan movement involving members of the DPJ and the LDP.
かつて公明党などが求めていた中選挙区制の復活が、民主、自民両党を含む超党派の動きに広がったことは注目されよう。
Discussion documents prepared by the league argue that under the current single-seat constituency system, candidates only voice opinions that go down well with everyone.
議連が作成した討議資料は、現行の小選挙区制度について、「候補者が万人受けする主張ばかりをする」と指摘している。
Because candidates need support from a wide range of people to be elected, the league says they tend to get caught up in populism. It added that candidates' policy expertise becomes impaired and their quality as a whole deteriorates.
当選に幅広い支持が不可欠なため、候補者がポピュリズムに陥りやすいというものだ。政策的専門性が低下し、「候補者の資質が全体として劣化」したという。
===
Status quo yields lopsided results
In addition, as seen in the resounding victory of the LDP in the 2005 lower house election and of the DPJ in the 2009 lower house election, the documents also say the single-seat constituency system tends to make the number of seats won by a party either extremely large or very small, making politics rather unstable.
また、２００５年と０９年の衆院選で自民、民主各党がそれぞれ圧勝したように、獲得議席の振れ幅が極端になり、「政治をかえって不安定化する」とも明記した。
We share such concerns. However, the most important thing is whether reinstating the multiple-seat constituency system will lead to improved politics.
問題意識は共有できる。肝心なのは、中選挙区制の復活が政治の改善につながるかどうかだ。
The multiple-seat constituency system, which was in place until 1993, drew much criticism. Under that system, political parties and policies were not given top priority when election campaigns were fought. Instead, candidates competed by doing favors for voters, which costs a lot of money. In the LDP, faction-led politics dominated. It was also pointed out that a change in government was difficult to achieve.
１９９３年まで実施されていた旧中選挙区制には、多くの批判があった。選挙が政党・政策本位ではなく、個人のサービス競争に陥り、カネがかかる。自民党では、派閥政治がはびこった。政権交代が困難だとも指摘された。
The situation of politics and money has changed remarkably in the past 20 years, as has the status of faction-led politics, but a return to the harmful effects experienced in the past would be unworthy to be called reform.
この約２０年間で、政治とカネや、派閥政治のあり方は様変わりしたとは言え、かつての弊害を繰り返すのでは改革に値しない。
===
Many ideas in the arena
The league is discussing a plan to reduce the number of lower house seats from the current 480 to either 400 or 450. It is also considering creating constituencies with two to five seats and a new voting method. These ideas need to be thoroughly discussed.
議連は、総定数を現行４８０から４００または４５０に減らし、２人区～５人区を設ける案や投票方式を工夫することなどを検討している。十分な吟味が必要だ。
For drastic reform of the lower house election system, discussions are under way on various measures beside the proposed multiple-seat constituency system. Revisions to the current system are one idea. Another is a system combining single-seat constituencies and proportional representation with a new method of allotting proportional representation seats in a way beneficial to parties that hold a smaller number of seats from single-seat electoral contests. A proportional representation system is also being discussed.
抜本改革に向け、中選挙区制以外にも、現行制度の修正や小選挙区比例代表連用制、比例代表制なども議論の対象となっている。
One thing that must be kept in mind is that election system reform should make it difficult for a divided Diet to occur so political confusion will not be created. It is also important to think about the respective roles shouldered by the lower house and the House of Councillors, and create a lower house election system suitable for the lower house's role.
忘れてならないのは、衆参ねじれを起きにくくし、政治の混乱を招かないという視点だ。衆参の役割分担を考え、それにふさわしい選挙制度にすることも大切だ。
It is also necessary to deepen discussions by setting up an election system council of experts, rather than simply leaving the matter to politicians, who tend to care most of all about the rise and fall of their own parties.
自党の消長を第一に考えがちな政治家任せにせず、有識者による選挙制度審議会を設けて論議を深める必要もあろう。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 27, 2012)
（2012年2月27日01時08分 読売新聞）
2012/02/29
2012/02/28
風知草：どこで間違えたか＝山田孝男
カフェ友が読んだら怒り狂ってしまうような内容の記事ですが、あえて掲載しました。
AIJの事件はまだ真相がまったくわかりませんが、ライブドア事件みたいに日本の景気回復に悪影響を与えるのではないかと心配しています。
記事はイモーショナルに過ぎるきらいはありますが、楽しく読まさせていただけました。
やはり、どこまでも経済成長を続けないといけないということでしょうかね。それとも足下をみつめなおす。
団塊の世代はそれでも我慢しましたが、若者にそれと同じものを求めるのは酷なような気がしています。
我々の新入社員のときには土日も働くのがあたりまえでした（民間のみ）。
中にはそれが耐えられないで退職した人間もいましたが。そちらがまともだったのかも。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 27, 2012
Zero-growth plan from decades ago applies to Japan today
風知草：どこで間違えたか＝山田孝男
The scandal surrounding AIJ Investment Advisors Co., an asset-management firm where some 200 billion yen in corporate pension money has gone missing, follows the same plot as the American film "Tower Heist" (Japanese title: "Penthouse") that's currently showing in theaters across Japan.
投資顧問会社が、企業から預かった年金資金２０００億円をパーにした。公開中のハリウッド映画「ペントハウス」を地でいく事件である。
In the Hollywood version, Josh, the protagonist played by Ben Stiller, joins forces with ex-convict Slide, played by Eddy Murphy, to win back the hidden assets of wealthy businessman Arthur Shaw played by Alan Alda. In the unfolding Japanese case, it's still unclear who the bad guy is, and there are no prospects of the missing money being returned to its rightful owners.
映画の方は、金融王に年金資金を巻き上げられたベン・スティラーが、ムショ帰りの泥棒エディ・マーフィーと組み、金融王の隠し財産を奪い返す。現実の事件は、誰がどう悪いかまだ読めず、消えたカネが元に戻る見通しはない。
I read the transcript of a Feb. 8 lecture given in Osaka by investment banker Hideki Mitani, who even while working in the finance sector, has warned against the kind of avaricious capitalism that drives people to live large even if it means going into debt to do so.
折も折、金融業界にいながら「借金してでも羽振りよく」式の強欲資本主義に警鐘を鳴らす投資銀行家、神谷（みたに）秀樹（５８）の講演（８日、大阪市）の記録を興味深く読んだ。
Investment banks are financial institutions specialized in issuing corporate securities, brokering mergers and acquisitions, and offering investment advice. Following stints at Sumitomo Bank (now Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp.) and The Goldman Sachs Group, Mitani founded the investment bank Roberts Mitani in New York in 1992.
投資銀行というのは企業の証券発行や合併・買収の仲介、投資アドバイスを専門とする金融機関である。神谷は住友（現三井住友）銀行、米ゴールドマン・サックスを経て、９２年、ニューヨークで投資銀行ロバーツ・ミタニを創業した。
"The root of the problem lies in the belief that 'infinite growth equals good,'" Mitani said in the lecture. He explained that the Occupy Wall Street movement, the euro crisis and the Fukushima nuclear disaster are all consequences of "indiscreet financial expansion" that require fundamental change.
「誤りの原点は『無限の成長＝善』という信仰にある」と神谷は言う。ウォール街の占拠騒動も、ユーロ危機も、福島原発震災も、すべて「無分別な経済膨張」の帰結であり、根本から改めなければと。
I first learned of Mitani through a book titled "Nihon wa warukunai, waruino wa Amerika da" (It's Not Japan's Fault, It's America's), written by the late Osamu Shimomura, the brains behind Japanese economic policy rolled out during Hayato Ikeda's tenure as prime minister. The paperback edition of the book was published in 2009 and came with a preface written by Mitani that said: "This very book indicates the correct path that Japan should take."
私が神谷の名を初めて知ったのは、池田勇人元首相の経済ブレーンだった下村治の遺著「日本は悪くない／悪いのはアメリカだ」の文春文庫版が出た０９年である。神谷は文庫版の序文にこう書いた。「本書にこそ日本が進むべき『正しい道』が示されている」－－。
So what, then, is "the correct path?" It is the path in which we prepare ourselves for a worldwide depression, and start anew from a state of diminished equilibrium. It's a path in which we scrape away the gold-plated surface of our abnormally-bloated everyday lives, trim the fat, and move toward health. It's a path in which we are not swayed by frivolous money games, and instead reclaim a sober national economy.
正しい道はどんな道か。世界大不況を覚悟し、縮小均衡から再出発する道だ。異常に膨張した生活のメッキをはがし、ゼイ肉を落とし、健康体へ向かう道だ。浮薄なマネーゲームに振り回されず、堅実な国民経済を取り戻す道だ……。
It was in 1987 that Shimomura made these arguments, but Kamiya stated that they still applied to us today. At the time, Ronald Reagan was in his second term as U.S. president, and the administration of Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone was coming to an end. The biggest concern then was Japan's excess of exports over imports in its dealings with the U.S. A large number of Japanese called for a cooperative stance toward the U.S.; in other words, market liberalization.
下村がそう論じたのは８７年だが、今なお通用すると神谷は言う。当時、アメリカはレーガン政権２期目、日本は中曽根政権末期。日米間の懸案は日本の対米輸出超過だった。日本国内も対米協調優先、市場開放促進が大勢だった。
The 77-year-old Shimomura strongly objected to such thought. He pointed to Reaganomics -- which promoted excessive consumption through major tax cuts -- as distorting the U.S. economy, and said that there was no reason for Japan to buy U.S. products, or create unnecessary domestic demand simply because it feels apologetic for its trade surplus.
そこへ「バカを言うな」と斬り込んだのが、当時７７歳の下村だ。米国経済をゆがめているのは、大減税で過剰消費をあおるレーガンの政策ではないか、日本が恐縮して米国製品を買ったり、無用な内需を掘り起こす必要などどこにもない－－と火を噴く反撃に出た。
The book's title sounds so obviously exclusionist and aggressive, which matches the image of a lone aging economist's rage. Surely it was the publisher who decided on the title, but I suspect Shimomura green-lighted it not as an expression of his anger toward the U.S., but rather toward Japanese leaders who ingratiated themselves with the U.S.
「日本は悪くない／悪いのはアメリカだ」という書名はいかにも排外的、攻撃的だが、孤高の老エコノミストの憤怒と釣り合っている。決めたのは出版社に違いないが、下村は、アメリカではなく、相手がアメリカと見れば過度に卑屈になる日本の指導層への怒りを込めて受け入れたと想像する。
Mitani's father was Shimomura's subordinate in the Ministry of Finance. On the recommendation of his father, the younger Mitani familiarized himself with Shimomura's writings from the time he was a student. Although Shimomura was originally the theorist behind Japan's high-speed economic growth policy, this changed with the oil crisis in 1973, after which he advocated zero economic growth. "The conditions for growth have been lost," he explained.
神谷の厳父は大蔵省（現財務省）で下村の後輩だった。神谷は父の勧めで学生時代から下村の著作に親しんだ。下村は高度成長政策の理論的支柱だったが、７３年の石油危機からゼロ成長論に転じ、「成長の条件が失われた」と説明した。
With the spread of energy-saving technologies and policies, Japan once again ran headlong onto the path of growth. Shimomura was forgotten. As he had explained earlier, however, an increase in domestic demand led to the burst of the economic bubble, turning Japan into a country plagued by suicides and solitary deaths. The U.S., meanwhile, became a country in which the wealthiest 1 percent rode around in Ferraris while treating money like water.
省エネが進んで再び成長が始まり、下村は忘れられた。案の定、内需拡大の末にバブルがはじけ、日本は自殺と孤独死の国になった。アメリカは１％の富豪がフェラーリに乗って札ビラを切る格差大国になった。
Shimomura had been right.
下村は正しかった。
Mitani closed his aforementioned lecture with the following plea: "Why don't we reconfirm the meaning of Shimomura's turnabout from promoting high-speed economic growth to advocating zero growth?"
「下村が高度成長論からゼロ成長論に豹変（ひょうへん）した意義を、もう一度確かめようではありませんか」。そう呼びかけて神谷の講演は終わっている。
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
毎日新聞 2012年2月27日 東京朝刊
AIJの事件はまだ真相がまったくわかりませんが、ライブドア事件みたいに日本の景気回復に悪影響を与えるのではないかと心配しています。
記事はイモーショナルに過ぎるきらいはありますが、楽しく読まさせていただけました。
やはり、どこまでも経済成長を続けないといけないということでしょうかね。それとも足下をみつめなおす。
団塊の世代はそれでも我慢しましたが、若者にそれと同じものを求めるのは酷なような気がしています。
我々の新入社員のときには土日も働くのがあたりまえでした（民間のみ）。
中にはそれが耐えられないで退職した人間もいましたが。そちらがまともだったのかも。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 27, 2012
Zero-growth plan from decades ago applies to Japan today
風知草：どこで間違えたか＝山田孝男
The scandal surrounding AIJ Investment Advisors Co., an asset-management firm where some 200 billion yen in corporate pension money has gone missing, follows the same plot as the American film "Tower Heist" (Japanese title: "Penthouse") that's currently showing in theaters across Japan.
投資顧問会社が、企業から預かった年金資金２０００億円をパーにした。公開中のハリウッド映画「ペントハウス」を地でいく事件である。
In the Hollywood version, Josh, the protagonist played by Ben Stiller, joins forces with ex-convict Slide, played by Eddy Murphy, to win back the hidden assets of wealthy businessman Arthur Shaw played by Alan Alda. In the unfolding Japanese case, it's still unclear who the bad guy is, and there are no prospects of the missing money being returned to its rightful owners.
映画の方は、金融王に年金資金を巻き上げられたベン・スティラーが、ムショ帰りの泥棒エディ・マーフィーと組み、金融王の隠し財産を奪い返す。現実の事件は、誰がどう悪いかまだ読めず、消えたカネが元に戻る見通しはない。
I read the transcript of a Feb. 8 lecture given in Osaka by investment banker Hideki Mitani, who even while working in the finance sector, has warned against the kind of avaricious capitalism that drives people to live large even if it means going into debt to do so.
折も折、金融業界にいながら「借金してでも羽振りよく」式の強欲資本主義に警鐘を鳴らす投資銀行家、神谷（みたに）秀樹（５８）の講演（８日、大阪市）の記録を興味深く読んだ。
Investment banks are financial institutions specialized in issuing corporate securities, brokering mergers and acquisitions, and offering investment advice. Following stints at Sumitomo Bank (now Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp.) and The Goldman Sachs Group, Mitani founded the investment bank Roberts Mitani in New York in 1992.
投資銀行というのは企業の証券発行や合併・買収の仲介、投資アドバイスを専門とする金融機関である。神谷は住友（現三井住友）銀行、米ゴールドマン・サックスを経て、９２年、ニューヨークで投資銀行ロバーツ・ミタニを創業した。
"The root of the problem lies in the belief that 'infinite growth equals good,'" Mitani said in the lecture. He explained that the Occupy Wall Street movement, the euro crisis and the Fukushima nuclear disaster are all consequences of "indiscreet financial expansion" that require fundamental change.
「誤りの原点は『無限の成長＝善』という信仰にある」と神谷は言う。ウォール街の占拠騒動も、ユーロ危機も、福島原発震災も、すべて「無分別な経済膨張」の帰結であり、根本から改めなければと。
I first learned of Mitani through a book titled "Nihon wa warukunai, waruino wa Amerika da" (It's Not Japan's Fault, It's America's), written by the late Osamu Shimomura, the brains behind Japanese economic policy rolled out during Hayato Ikeda's tenure as prime minister. The paperback edition of the book was published in 2009 and came with a preface written by Mitani that said: "This very book indicates the correct path that Japan should take."
私が神谷の名を初めて知ったのは、池田勇人元首相の経済ブレーンだった下村治の遺著「日本は悪くない／悪いのはアメリカだ」の文春文庫版が出た０９年である。神谷は文庫版の序文にこう書いた。「本書にこそ日本が進むべき『正しい道』が示されている」－－。
So what, then, is "the correct path?" It is the path in which we prepare ourselves for a worldwide depression, and start anew from a state of diminished equilibrium. It's a path in which we scrape away the gold-plated surface of our abnormally-bloated everyday lives, trim the fat, and move toward health. It's a path in which we are not swayed by frivolous money games, and instead reclaim a sober national economy.
正しい道はどんな道か。世界大不況を覚悟し、縮小均衡から再出発する道だ。異常に膨張した生活のメッキをはがし、ゼイ肉を落とし、健康体へ向かう道だ。浮薄なマネーゲームに振り回されず、堅実な国民経済を取り戻す道だ……。
It was in 1987 that Shimomura made these arguments, but Kamiya stated that they still applied to us today. At the time, Ronald Reagan was in his second term as U.S. president, and the administration of Japanese Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone was coming to an end. The biggest concern then was Japan's excess of exports over imports in its dealings with the U.S. A large number of Japanese called for a cooperative stance toward the U.S.; in other words, market liberalization.
下村がそう論じたのは８７年だが、今なお通用すると神谷は言う。当時、アメリカはレーガン政権２期目、日本は中曽根政権末期。日米間の懸案は日本の対米輸出超過だった。日本国内も対米協調優先、市場開放促進が大勢だった。
The 77-year-old Shimomura strongly objected to such thought. He pointed to Reaganomics -- which promoted excessive consumption through major tax cuts -- as distorting the U.S. economy, and said that there was no reason for Japan to buy U.S. products, or create unnecessary domestic demand simply because it feels apologetic for its trade surplus.
そこへ「バカを言うな」と斬り込んだのが、当時７７歳の下村だ。米国経済をゆがめているのは、大減税で過剰消費をあおるレーガンの政策ではないか、日本が恐縮して米国製品を買ったり、無用な内需を掘り起こす必要などどこにもない－－と火を噴く反撃に出た。
The book's title sounds so obviously exclusionist and aggressive, which matches the image of a lone aging economist's rage. Surely it was the publisher who decided on the title, but I suspect Shimomura green-lighted it not as an expression of his anger toward the U.S., but rather toward Japanese leaders who ingratiated themselves with the U.S.
「日本は悪くない／悪いのはアメリカだ」という書名はいかにも排外的、攻撃的だが、孤高の老エコノミストの憤怒と釣り合っている。決めたのは出版社に違いないが、下村は、アメリカではなく、相手がアメリカと見れば過度に卑屈になる日本の指導層への怒りを込めて受け入れたと想像する。
Mitani's father was Shimomura's subordinate in the Ministry of Finance. On the recommendation of his father, the younger Mitani familiarized himself with Shimomura's writings from the time he was a student. Although Shimomura was originally the theorist behind Japan's high-speed economic growth policy, this changed with the oil crisis in 1973, after which he advocated zero economic growth. "The conditions for growth have been lost," he explained.
神谷の厳父は大蔵省（現財務省）で下村の後輩だった。神谷は父の勧めで学生時代から下村の著作に親しんだ。下村は高度成長政策の理論的支柱だったが、７３年の石油危機からゼロ成長論に転じ、「成長の条件が失われた」と説明した。
With the spread of energy-saving technologies and policies, Japan once again ran headlong onto the path of growth. Shimomura was forgotten. As he had explained earlier, however, an increase in domestic demand led to the burst of the economic bubble, turning Japan into a country plagued by suicides and solitary deaths. The U.S., meanwhile, became a country in which the wealthiest 1 percent rode around in Ferraris while treating money like water.
省エネが進んで再び成長が始まり、下村は忘れられた。案の定、内需拡大の末にバブルがはじけ、日本は自殺と孤独死の国になった。アメリカは１％の富豪がフェラーリに乗って札ビラを切る格差大国になった。
Shimomura had been right.
下村は正しかった。
Mitani closed his aforementioned lecture with the following plea: "Why don't we reconfirm the meaning of Shimomura's turnabout from promoting high-speed economic growth to advocating zero growth?"
「下村が高度成長論からゼロ成長論に豹変（ひょうへん）した意義を、もう一度確かめようではありませんか」。そう呼びかけて神谷の講演は終わっている。
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
毎日新聞 2012年2月27日 東京朝刊
2012/02/27
海外Ｍ＆Ａ 強い円のメリットも生かそう
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 26, 2012)
Encourage offshore M&As that utilize yen's strength
海外Ｍ＆Ａ 強い円のメリットも生かそう（2月25日付・読売社説）
Taking advantage of the strong yen, an increasing number of Japanese companies have been boosting their overseas acquisitions.
「強い円」を武器に、日本企業が海外企業の買収を加速させている。
According to data recently released by Thompson Reuters, a major U.S. corporate information service company, the number of offshore mergers and acquisitions conducted by Japanese firms in 2011 was up a record 20 percent from the previous year. The total value of such deals rose 80 percent, also an all-time high.
米調査会社トムソン・ロイターの集計では、日本企業による海外企業のＭ＆Ａ（合併・買収）は昨年、件数で前年比２割増、金額では８割増と大幅に伸び、ともに過去最高を更新した。
Because of low growth due to the stagnant domestic economy and years of deflation, Japanese companies tend to operate defensively. The growing trend for Japanese firms to go on the offensive by venturing offshore is definitely welcome.
低成長とデフレで、日本企業の多くは「守りの経営」に閉じこもりがちだ。反転攻勢の機運が高まってきたことを歓迎したい。
If Japanese businesses can bring their overseas profits into this country, thereby leveraging their newly expanded overseas businesses to promote growth in the domestic economy and higher employment, they will surely help reinvigorate the national economy.
海外で稼いだ利益を国内に還流させ、新たな事業展開をテコに成長と雇用増加につなげれば、経済の活性化に役立つだろう。
===
Buyouts spreading to Asia
The total value of Japanese companies' foreign M&As in 2011 was about 70 billion dollars (about 5.5 trillion yen).
昨年の対外Ｍ＆Ａの総額は約７００億ドルで、円換算で約５・５兆円だ。
In 2008, the value of overseas corporate buyouts by Japanese firms was much the same in dollar terms as in 2011, but was worth about 7 trillion yen when converted into the Japanese currency.
ドルベースでは２００８年もほぼ同水準だったが、円に換算すると約７兆円だ。
This means the costs of overseas M&As have fallen remarkably thanks to the strength of the yen. We can safely say hyperappreciation of the yen spurs the expansion of Japanese firms spending capital offshore.
円高によって、投資負担が大きく軽減されたことになる。超円高は、対外投資の拡大にとって追い風といえる。
Although the sharp uptrend in the yen's strength seems to be pausing for the moment, Japan's currency remains at a historically high level. We hope Japanese companies stay on the offensive in their outbound M&A deals.
このところ、円相場の急騰は一服しているが、なお歴史的な円高水準にある。企業には、攻めのＭ＆Ａを期待したい。
Especially conspicuous among purchases of foreign firms by Japanese companies are large-scale deals by firms that were previously considered stay-at-home businesses, such as food processing companies. This is prompted by fears of a shrinking domestic market because of the nation's declining population.
海外企業の買収は、食品などの内需型産業で大型案件が目立つ。人口の減少で国内市場の縮小が懸念されているためだ。
Japanese firms have mainly sought foreign acquisitions in the United States and Europe, but they are becoming more active in China and other Asian countries. This reflects Japanese companies' strategy of expanding their businesses in emerging countries with high growth potential.
欧米が中心舞台だったＭ＆Ａが、中国などアジアでも活発になってきた。成長が続く新興国でのビジネス拡大が狙いだろう。
It is also noteworthy that major trading houses have been moving to boost their capital spending offshore, to secure resource development rights in anticipation of resources development projects becoming more profitable due to soaring prices of natural resources.
資源高による収益を見込み、大手商社が資源権益の拡大を図る動きも活発化している。
===
Bubble's bitter lessons
Japanese companies, however, should be scrupulous enough not to be overly optimistic when making outbound investments because they do not want to miss opportunities.
ただし好機を逃すまいとして、投資判断が甘くなるのは禁物である。
They should bear in mind that many Japanese companies during the high- growth days of the bubble economy suffered huge debacles in their overseas investments, including property deals.
多くの日本企業がバブル期、海外の不動産投資などで大失敗した教訓を忘れてはならない。
It is vital for Japanese companies to scrutinize the actual financial conditions and business prospects of foreign firms they are planning to buy out.
投資対象とする企業の経営実態や将来性などを、しっかり“目利き”することが重要だ。
The capabilities of financial institutions that advise Japanese firms in their offshore capital investments are being tested in this respect.
Ｍ＆Ａを仲介・助言する金融機関の力量も問われよう。
A stronger yen has such negative aspects as raising prices of export goods and resultant drops in sales competitiveness.
円高には、輸出品の価格上昇などによって国際競争力を低下させる負の側面もある。
Especially worrying in this connection is that an increasing number of Japanese companies, in particular such export industries as electric machinery and automobiles, have been shifting their production bases overseas, threatening to accelerate the hollowing-out of domestic industries.
懸念されるのは、電機や自動車など輸出産業を中心に、生産拠点を海外に移転する産業空洞化が進むことだ。
If Japanese companies' M&As are mainly an attempt to flee from the impact of a strong yen, their capital deals overseas could plunge into a vicious circle that further darkens already stagnant domestic business activity.
海外Ｍ＆Ａの主流が、円高の打撃をかわすための「逃避型」になれば、国内の経済活動が停滞する悪循環に陥りかねない。
In another move worthy of note, Toshiba Corp. and Sony Corp. have applied for loans from a government-backed "emergency fund to cope with the yen's appreciation" that was created last autumn to support Japanese firms' M&A operations abroad.
政府が昨秋、対外Ｍ＆Ａを後押しするため設けた「円高対応緊急基金」の活用に、東芝とソニーが名乗りを上げた。
The government and the private sector should continue to jointly propel growth in the national economy through outbound M&A deals.
今後も官民が連携し、Ｍ＆Ａによる成長戦略を推進する必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 25, 2012)
（2012年2月25日01時17分 読売新聞）
Encourage offshore M&As that utilize yen's strength
海外Ｍ＆Ａ 強い円のメリットも生かそう（2月25日付・読売社説）
Taking advantage of the strong yen, an increasing number of Japanese companies have been boosting their overseas acquisitions.
「強い円」を武器に、日本企業が海外企業の買収を加速させている。
According to data recently released by Thompson Reuters, a major U.S. corporate information service company, the number of offshore mergers and acquisitions conducted by Japanese firms in 2011 was up a record 20 percent from the previous year. The total value of such deals rose 80 percent, also an all-time high.
米調査会社トムソン・ロイターの集計では、日本企業による海外企業のＭ＆Ａ（合併・買収）は昨年、件数で前年比２割増、金額では８割増と大幅に伸び、ともに過去最高を更新した。
Because of low growth due to the stagnant domestic economy and years of deflation, Japanese companies tend to operate defensively. The growing trend for Japanese firms to go on the offensive by venturing offshore is definitely welcome.
低成長とデフレで、日本企業の多くは「守りの経営」に閉じこもりがちだ。反転攻勢の機運が高まってきたことを歓迎したい。
If Japanese businesses can bring their overseas profits into this country, thereby leveraging their newly expanded overseas businesses to promote growth in the domestic economy and higher employment, they will surely help reinvigorate the national economy.
海外で稼いだ利益を国内に還流させ、新たな事業展開をテコに成長と雇用増加につなげれば、経済の活性化に役立つだろう。
===
Buyouts spreading to Asia
The total value of Japanese companies' foreign M&As in 2011 was about 70 billion dollars (about 5.5 trillion yen).
昨年の対外Ｍ＆Ａの総額は約７００億ドルで、円換算で約５・５兆円だ。
In 2008, the value of overseas corporate buyouts by Japanese firms was much the same in dollar terms as in 2011, but was worth about 7 trillion yen when converted into the Japanese currency.
ドルベースでは２００８年もほぼ同水準だったが、円に換算すると約７兆円だ。
This means the costs of overseas M&As have fallen remarkably thanks to the strength of the yen. We can safely say hyperappreciation of the yen spurs the expansion of Japanese firms spending capital offshore.
円高によって、投資負担が大きく軽減されたことになる。超円高は、対外投資の拡大にとって追い風といえる。
Although the sharp uptrend in the yen's strength seems to be pausing for the moment, Japan's currency remains at a historically high level. We hope Japanese companies stay on the offensive in their outbound M&A deals.
このところ、円相場の急騰は一服しているが、なお歴史的な円高水準にある。企業には、攻めのＭ＆Ａを期待したい。
Especially conspicuous among purchases of foreign firms by Japanese companies are large-scale deals by firms that were previously considered stay-at-home businesses, such as food processing companies. This is prompted by fears of a shrinking domestic market because of the nation's declining population.
海外企業の買収は、食品などの内需型産業で大型案件が目立つ。人口の減少で国内市場の縮小が懸念されているためだ。
Japanese firms have mainly sought foreign acquisitions in the United States and Europe, but they are becoming more active in China and other Asian countries. This reflects Japanese companies' strategy of expanding their businesses in emerging countries with high growth potential.
欧米が中心舞台だったＭ＆Ａが、中国などアジアでも活発になってきた。成長が続く新興国でのビジネス拡大が狙いだろう。
It is also noteworthy that major trading houses have been moving to boost their capital spending offshore, to secure resource development rights in anticipation of resources development projects becoming more profitable due to soaring prices of natural resources.
資源高による収益を見込み、大手商社が資源権益の拡大を図る動きも活発化している。
===
Bubble's bitter lessons
Japanese companies, however, should be scrupulous enough not to be overly optimistic when making outbound investments because they do not want to miss opportunities.
ただし好機を逃すまいとして、投資判断が甘くなるのは禁物である。
They should bear in mind that many Japanese companies during the high- growth days of the bubble economy suffered huge debacles in their overseas investments, including property deals.
多くの日本企業がバブル期、海外の不動産投資などで大失敗した教訓を忘れてはならない。
It is vital for Japanese companies to scrutinize the actual financial conditions and business prospects of foreign firms they are planning to buy out.
投資対象とする企業の経営実態や将来性などを、しっかり“目利き”することが重要だ。
The capabilities of financial institutions that advise Japanese firms in their offshore capital investments are being tested in this respect.
Ｍ＆Ａを仲介・助言する金融機関の力量も問われよう。
A stronger yen has such negative aspects as raising prices of export goods and resultant drops in sales competitiveness.
円高には、輸出品の価格上昇などによって国際競争力を低下させる負の側面もある。
Especially worrying in this connection is that an increasing number of Japanese companies, in particular such export industries as electric machinery and automobiles, have been shifting their production bases overseas, threatening to accelerate the hollowing-out of domestic industries.
懸念されるのは、電機や自動車など輸出産業を中心に、生産拠点を海外に移転する産業空洞化が進むことだ。
If Japanese companies' M&As are mainly an attempt to flee from the impact of a strong yen, their capital deals overseas could plunge into a vicious circle that further darkens already stagnant domestic business activity.
海外Ｍ＆Ａの主流が、円高の打撃をかわすための「逃避型」になれば、国内の経済活動が停滞する悪循環に陥りかねない。
In another move worthy of note, Toshiba Corp. and Sony Corp. have applied for loans from a government-backed "emergency fund to cope with the yen's appreciation" that was created last autumn to support Japanese firms' M&A operations abroad.
政府が昨秋、対外Ｍ＆Ａを後押しするため設けた「円高対応緊急基金」の活用に、東芝とソニーが名乗りを上げた。
The government and the private sector should continue to jointly propel growth in the national economy through outbound M&A deals.
今後も官民が連携し、Ｍ＆Ａによる成長戦略を推進する必要がある。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 25, 2012)
（2012年2月25日01時17分 読売新聞）
2012/02/26
記者の目：「ウソ」で原発交付金＝古関俊樹
(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2012
Town's 'lies' show stronger checks needed in gov't use of precious tax money
記者の目：「ウソ」で原発交付金＝古関俊樹
◇「血税」の使途、チェック徹底を
A report in The Mainichi Shimbun revealed that the Oi Municipal Government in Fukui Prefecture, the location of Kansai Electric Power Co.'s Oi Nuclear Power Plant, received 2.5 billion yen in "nuclear power plant grants" after submitting a fake business proposal to the central government. Naturally, one can point the finger at the town assembly whose members all kept quiet despite knowing, in the words of one town official, that the town "lied to the government." Yet at the same time, the fact that the government's screening system could not see through this "lie" is problematic.
関西電力・大飯原発のある福井県おおい町が国に虚偽の事業計画を提出し、「原発交付金」２５億円を受け取っていたことが毎日新聞の報道で明るみに出た。「国にウソをついた」（町幹部）ことを町議会の議員全員が知りながら、それを黙認していた町も町だが、町の「ウソ」を見抜けなかった国の審査体制にも問題がある。
In the wake of the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant, reviews of the government's energy policies have been mulled, and the status of such grants, which are funded by taxes, has come under scrutiny. Unless an effective checking system is in place the public will not agree to having the grant system continue.
福島第１原発事故を機に、国のエネルギー政策の見直しが検討され、交付金のあり方も問題になっている。交付金の原資は税金だ。実効的なチェック体制がなければ、交付金制度継続への国民の理解は得られない。
◇原発マネー入り 貧しい町が一変
The public finances of Oi, a town of about 8,800 people cannot be separated from nuclear power facilities. In the 1960s, the town was so short of funds that it was unable to pay the wages of its town workers, but the when the Oi Nuclear Power Plant started operating in 1979, the situation changed completely. The town received a huge amount of nuclear power plant-related grants and fixed property tax and used the money to build hot spring facilities, a sports park and a stream of other lavish structures. Prefectural government officials said that as of fiscal 2009, the town had received 32.2 billion yen.
人口約８８００人のおおい町の経済は原発と切り離せない。１９６０年代、町は職員給与を支払えないほどの財政難だったが、７９年に大飯原発が稼働し始めると、状況が一変。多額の固定資産税や原発交付金が入り、温泉や総合運動公園など豪華施設が次々に整備された。県によると、０９年度までに町が受けた交付金は総額約３２２億円に上る。
As the cash flowed in, the town in 1991 established a plan to turn its image from a nuclear plant town into a resort town, and a marina and other facilities were prepared. However, when the town sought an operator for a hotel that was to be a centerpiece of the resort, it struggled to find anyone due to poor economic conditions. With no sightseeing spots in the area it was hardly a favorable location, and eventually only one party applied.
こうした中、町は９１年、「原発の町からリゾートの町に」を合言葉に、リゾート施設の整備計画を策定した。マリーナなどが整備されたが、０５年にその中核施設であるホテルの事業者を公募した際は、不況で募集が難航。周囲に観光地がないなど立地条件も悪く、結局、応募は１業者だけだった。
Here the town told its first "lie" to the government as it eyed more nuclear plant-related grants.
ここで町は、交付金の支給をあてこみ、国への申請で最初の「ウソ」をつく。
The hotel operator formulated a business plan stating that it expected about 60,000 visitors a year, with the total cost of the project reaching 5.9 billion yen (Plan A). The town meanwhile prepared a 6 billion yen plan (Plan B) that envisaged 105,000 visitors a year. The town made preparations to formally adopt Plan A, but when applying for a grant it presented Plan B to the central government, showing a higher number of visitors. At the time, business at facilities funded by grants was slow, leading to criticism. It is believed the town's submission of a fictitious business plan was based on the conclusion that projects which forecasted low profitability would be less likely to be eligible for grants.
業者は年間来場者を約６万人と予測し事業計画（総額約５９億円）＝仮にＡ計画＝を立てた。一方、町が事前に作った計画（同約６０億円）＝仮にＢ計画＝では、年間来場者を１０万５０００人と予測した。町は実際はＡ計画を正式採用し準備を進めたが、交付金申請の際は、利用者予測が多かったＢ計画を国に提出した。当時、交付金で建てた各地の施設の運営が低迷、批判されており、「採算性を低く見積もると交付金が出にくい」との判断が、この虚偽申請の背景にあったと見られる。
The town then told a second "lie."
さらに町は２度目の「ウソ」をつく。
When the government screened Plan B -- that is, the fake plan -- to decide whether or not to provide a grant, it judged that about 1 billion yen in operating expenses could be cut. The government urged the town to make these reductions, but the operator, which was already proceeding with Plan A responded, "It's impossible to make any cuts under our plan." Eventually the town decided to secretly cover about 700 million yen of the requested cuts to help make the amounts add up. Of course, it did not inform the government about this "covert operation."
Ｂ計画、すなわち虚偽の計画を基に交付金給付の可否を審査してきた国は、事業費のうち約１０億円の削減が可能だと判断。町にこれを求めた。だが、すでにＡ計画で事業を進めてきた業者が「我々の計画（Ａ計画）では削減は無理だ」と反発。結局、町は国が求めた削減分のうち約７億円をひそかに自ら負担することにし、つじつまを合わせた。無論、国には当時この「秘密工作」を知らせていない。
As a result, the project passed government screening, and 2.5 billion yen was paid out. Construction of the hotel was completed in 2009, but the occupancy rate last fiscal year stood at just 30 percent.
これで国の審査は通り、国は交付金２５億円を支給。ホテルは０９年完成したが、昨年度の稼働率は３割にすぎない。
◇透明性を高める外部審査委公開
There are two problem points in this case: Firstly, obviously, is the town's response. The background to the case was reported at a meeting of all members of the town assembly in 2007, and a town official confessed, "We lied to the government." But this was not brought forward as a problem, and at a plenary session of the town assembly two days later the project was approved. Town assembly members at the time pointed out that the project was already proceeding, and it could not be halted at such a late stage. But as a result, some 700 million yen of the town's tax funds were eaten up. There is no doubt that the town assembly checking system failed to function as a result of the town's reliance on grants for many years and its desensitization to the fact that it was using public funds.
問題点は二つある。まず、当然ながら町の対応だ。一連の経緯は０７年、町議会の全員協議会に報告され、町幹部が「国にウソをつきました」と告白した。だが問題にならず、２日後の本会議で事業は承認された。当時の町議らは「事業が進展しており、今さら反対できなかった」と弁明するが、それで約７億円もの町税が浪費された。議会のチェック機能が全く働かなかった背景には、交付金に長年依存し、公金感覚がマヒした町の体質があるのは間違いない。
Secondly is the central government's response. Being a case in which a local government was deceiving the central government, the central government was primarily a victim, but I think it has room for improvement. For example, it could open meetings of the external screening committee of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry's Agency for Natural Resources and Energy to the public. The agency says that meetings are not made public "to allow members to freely state their opinions," but in the Oi Municipal Government's case, it is likely that the town's false application would have been detected.
次に国の対応だ。「行政（町）が行政（国）を欺く」という構図の中、国は一義的には被害者だが、改善の余地はあると思う。例えば、透明性を高めるため、交付金の給付を審査する経済産業省資源エネルギー庁の外部審査委員会を公開してはどうか。同庁は「委員が自由に意見を言えるためにも、公開にはなじまない」と話すが、今回、公開されていれば、町の虚偽申請を見抜く可能性は十分あった。
I also want to mention the examination system after grants are paid out. The agency says that inspections are the responsibility of the Board of Audit of Japan, but it's possible Board of Audit inspections could come too late. There is rather a need to review the screening system of external screening committees. If such a screening were applied to the Oi Municipal Assembly and the hotel operator, the false claim could easily have been detected. And if the screening system is strengthened, this will help prevent false applications in the first place. If problems are found only after the building is constructed, then it will be extremely difficult to recover the grant money.
交付金支給後の検証体制にも触れたい。同庁は「検証は会計検査院の役目」と話すが、それでは遅きに失する可能性がある。やはり外部審査委員会の審査体制を見直すべきだ。今回、町議会や業者にあたれば簡単に虚偽申請はわかったはずだ。審査体制が強固になれば、虚偽申請の防止にも役立つ。建物の工事終了後に不正が見つかった場合、失われた交付金を回収するのは非常に困難になる。
In promoting nuclear power plants, the central government has enticed local bodies to host plants with a huge amount of grants. But the grants are originally collected as taxes on top of electricity charges. Officials need to be more aware that each grant they dish out is hard-earned tax money.
国は原発推進で立地自治体に交付金という「アメ」を大量につぎ込んできた。だが交付金の原資は国民の電気料金に上乗せして徴収される税金だ。交付金が「血税」だということを関係者は再認識すべき時にきている。
(By Toshiki Koseki, Osaka City News Department)
（大阪社会部）
毎日新聞 2012年2月23日 0時22分
Town's 'lies' show stronger checks needed in gov't use of precious tax money
記者の目：「ウソ」で原発交付金＝古関俊樹
◇「血税」の使途、チェック徹底を
A report in The Mainichi Shimbun revealed that the Oi Municipal Government in Fukui Prefecture, the location of Kansai Electric Power Co.'s Oi Nuclear Power Plant, received 2.5 billion yen in "nuclear power plant grants" after submitting a fake business proposal to the central government. Naturally, one can point the finger at the town assembly whose members all kept quiet despite knowing, in the words of one town official, that the town "lied to the government." Yet at the same time, the fact that the government's screening system could not see through this "lie" is problematic.
関西電力・大飯原発のある福井県おおい町が国に虚偽の事業計画を提出し、「原発交付金」２５億円を受け取っていたことが毎日新聞の報道で明るみに出た。「国にウソをついた」（町幹部）ことを町議会の議員全員が知りながら、それを黙認していた町も町だが、町の「ウソ」を見抜けなかった国の審査体制にも問題がある。
In the wake of the disaster at the Fukushima No. 1 Nuclear Power Plant, reviews of the government's energy policies have been mulled, and the status of such grants, which are funded by taxes, has come under scrutiny. Unless an effective checking system is in place the public will not agree to having the grant system continue.
福島第１原発事故を機に、国のエネルギー政策の見直しが検討され、交付金のあり方も問題になっている。交付金の原資は税金だ。実効的なチェック体制がなければ、交付金制度継続への国民の理解は得られない。
◇原発マネー入り 貧しい町が一変
The public finances of Oi, a town of about 8,800 people cannot be separated from nuclear power facilities. In the 1960s, the town was so short of funds that it was unable to pay the wages of its town workers, but the when the Oi Nuclear Power Plant started operating in 1979, the situation changed completely. The town received a huge amount of nuclear power plant-related grants and fixed property tax and used the money to build hot spring facilities, a sports park and a stream of other lavish structures. Prefectural government officials said that as of fiscal 2009, the town had received 32.2 billion yen.
人口約８８００人のおおい町の経済は原発と切り離せない。１９６０年代、町は職員給与を支払えないほどの財政難だったが、７９年に大飯原発が稼働し始めると、状況が一変。多額の固定資産税や原発交付金が入り、温泉や総合運動公園など豪華施設が次々に整備された。県によると、０９年度までに町が受けた交付金は総額約３２２億円に上る。
As the cash flowed in, the town in 1991 established a plan to turn its image from a nuclear plant town into a resort town, and a marina and other facilities were prepared. However, when the town sought an operator for a hotel that was to be a centerpiece of the resort, it struggled to find anyone due to poor economic conditions. With no sightseeing spots in the area it was hardly a favorable location, and eventually only one party applied.
こうした中、町は９１年、「原発の町からリゾートの町に」を合言葉に、リゾート施設の整備計画を策定した。マリーナなどが整備されたが、０５年にその中核施設であるホテルの事業者を公募した際は、不況で募集が難航。周囲に観光地がないなど立地条件も悪く、結局、応募は１業者だけだった。
Here the town told its first "lie" to the government as it eyed more nuclear plant-related grants.
ここで町は、交付金の支給をあてこみ、国への申請で最初の「ウソ」をつく。
The hotel operator formulated a business plan stating that it expected about 60,000 visitors a year, with the total cost of the project reaching 5.9 billion yen (Plan A). The town meanwhile prepared a 6 billion yen plan (Plan B) that envisaged 105,000 visitors a year. The town made preparations to formally adopt Plan A, but when applying for a grant it presented Plan B to the central government, showing a higher number of visitors. At the time, business at facilities funded by grants was slow, leading to criticism. It is believed the town's submission of a fictitious business plan was based on the conclusion that projects which forecasted low profitability would be less likely to be eligible for grants.
業者は年間来場者を約６万人と予測し事業計画（総額約５９億円）＝仮にＡ計画＝を立てた。一方、町が事前に作った計画（同約６０億円）＝仮にＢ計画＝では、年間来場者を１０万５０００人と予測した。町は実際はＡ計画を正式採用し準備を進めたが、交付金申請の際は、利用者予測が多かったＢ計画を国に提出した。当時、交付金で建てた各地の施設の運営が低迷、批判されており、「採算性を低く見積もると交付金が出にくい」との判断が、この虚偽申請の背景にあったと見られる。
The town then told a second "lie."
さらに町は２度目の「ウソ」をつく。
When the government screened Plan B -- that is, the fake plan -- to decide whether or not to provide a grant, it judged that about 1 billion yen in operating expenses could be cut. The government urged the town to make these reductions, but the operator, which was already proceeding with Plan A responded, "It's impossible to make any cuts under our plan." Eventually the town decided to secretly cover about 700 million yen of the requested cuts to help make the amounts add up. Of course, it did not inform the government about this "covert operation."
Ｂ計画、すなわち虚偽の計画を基に交付金給付の可否を審査してきた国は、事業費のうち約１０億円の削減が可能だと判断。町にこれを求めた。だが、すでにＡ計画で事業を進めてきた業者が「我々の計画（Ａ計画）では削減は無理だ」と反発。結局、町は国が求めた削減分のうち約７億円をひそかに自ら負担することにし、つじつまを合わせた。無論、国には当時この「秘密工作」を知らせていない。
As a result, the project passed government screening, and 2.5 billion yen was paid out. Construction of the hotel was completed in 2009, but the occupancy rate last fiscal year stood at just 30 percent.
これで国の審査は通り、国は交付金２５億円を支給。ホテルは０９年完成したが、昨年度の稼働率は３割にすぎない。
◇透明性を高める外部審査委公開
There are two problem points in this case: Firstly, obviously, is the town's response. The background to the case was reported at a meeting of all members of the town assembly in 2007, and a town official confessed, "We lied to the government." But this was not brought forward as a problem, and at a plenary session of the town assembly two days later the project was approved. Town assembly members at the time pointed out that the project was already proceeding, and it could not be halted at such a late stage. But as a result, some 700 million yen of the town's tax funds were eaten up. There is no doubt that the town assembly checking system failed to function as a result of the town's reliance on grants for many years and its desensitization to the fact that it was using public funds.
問題点は二つある。まず、当然ながら町の対応だ。一連の経緯は０７年、町議会の全員協議会に報告され、町幹部が「国にウソをつきました」と告白した。だが問題にならず、２日後の本会議で事業は承認された。当時の町議らは「事業が進展しており、今さら反対できなかった」と弁明するが、それで約７億円もの町税が浪費された。議会のチェック機能が全く働かなかった背景には、交付金に長年依存し、公金感覚がマヒした町の体質があるのは間違いない。
Secondly is the central government's response. Being a case in which a local government was deceiving the central government, the central government was primarily a victim, but I think it has room for improvement. For example, it could open meetings of the external screening committee of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry's Agency for Natural Resources and Energy to the public. The agency says that meetings are not made public "to allow members to freely state their opinions," but in the Oi Municipal Government's case, it is likely that the town's false application would have been detected.
次に国の対応だ。「行政（町）が行政（国）を欺く」という構図の中、国は一義的には被害者だが、改善の余地はあると思う。例えば、透明性を高めるため、交付金の給付を審査する経済産業省資源エネルギー庁の外部審査委員会を公開してはどうか。同庁は「委員が自由に意見を言えるためにも、公開にはなじまない」と話すが、今回、公開されていれば、町の虚偽申請を見抜く可能性は十分あった。
I also want to mention the examination system after grants are paid out. The agency says that inspections are the responsibility of the Board of Audit of Japan, but it's possible Board of Audit inspections could come too late. There is rather a need to review the screening system of external screening committees. If such a screening were applied to the Oi Municipal Assembly and the hotel operator, the false claim could easily have been detected. And if the screening system is strengthened, this will help prevent false applications in the first place. If problems are found only after the building is constructed, then it will be extremely difficult to recover the grant money.
交付金支給後の検証体制にも触れたい。同庁は「検証は会計検査院の役目」と話すが、それでは遅きに失する可能性がある。やはり外部審査委員会の審査体制を見直すべきだ。今回、町議会や業者にあたれば簡単に虚偽申請はわかったはずだ。審査体制が強固になれば、虚偽申請の防止にも役立つ。建物の工事終了後に不正が見つかった場合、失われた交付金を回収するのは非常に困難になる。
In promoting nuclear power plants, the central government has enticed local bodies to host plants with a huge amount of grants. But the grants are originally collected as taxes on top of electricity charges. Officials need to be more aware that each grant they dish out is hard-earned tax money.
国は原発推進で立地自治体に交付金という「アメ」を大量につぎ込んできた。だが交付金の原資は国民の電気料金に上乗せして徴収される税金だ。交付金が「血税」だということを関係者は再認識すべき時にきている。
(By Toshiki Koseki, Osaka City News Department)
（大阪社会部）
毎日新聞 2012年2月23日 0時22分
2012/02/25
新規就農支援 魅力ある産業へ若者呼び込め
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 24, 2012)
Make farming attractive to young generations
新規就農支援 魅力ある産業へ若者呼び込め（2月23日付・読売社説）
We hope that enticing young generations to the farming industry will be a step to reinvigorate the nation's agriculture.
若者たちを呼び込むことで、日本農業を活性化させる契機としたい。
From fiscal 2012, the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry will introduce a new measure to encourage people to enter farming.
農林水産省が新たな就農支援策を、２０１２年度から導入する。
It will be the first item to be introduced as part of the government's program for revitalizing the nation's farming industry, which was decided on in autumn with an eye on Japan's entry into talks regarding the Trans-Pacific Partnership multilateral trade framework.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）の交渉参加をにらみ、政府が昨秋に決定した農業再生計画の第１弾である。
The nation's agricultural population has decreased 20 percent in five years to 2.6 million, and it is expected to decrease by another 1 million over the next 10 years.
日本の農業人口は５年間で２割減り、２６０万人となった。今後１０年でさらに１００万人減少すると予想されている。
The accelerated graying of farmers is another cause for concern, as the average age of farmers has reached 66.
農家の平均年齢は６６歳に達し、高齢化の加速も憂慮すべき状況だ。
It is essential to recruit ambitious people from various regions and industries to develop a robust agriculture industry that can withstand the wave of trade liberalization.
貿易の自由化に耐えられる強い農業を実現するには、広範な地域や業種から、意欲ある人材を確保することが欠かせない。
===
Cash for new farmers
Under the new measure, the government will provide 1.5 million yen annually for up to seven years, including a two-year training period, to people under 45 who wish to begin farming.
新制度は、農業を志す４５歳未満の人を対象に、２年間の研修を含めて最長７年間、毎年１５０万円ずつ支給する。
Each newcomer can receive a maximum total of 10.5 million yen. The government has secured more than 10 billion yen in the budget for the inaugural year.
１人当たり最大１０５０万円で、初年度の予算は１００億円超にのぼる。
The new measure differs from available government support to new farmers, such as providing interest-free loans and subsidizing the purchase of farm machines and tools. The government has taken a decisive step to cover newcomers' expected shortage of income by directly giving them cash.
無利子融資や農機具購入の助成といった従来型の支援と違い、補助金の直接支給による収入補填(ほてん)方式に踏み込んだ。
One of the reasons young people hesitate to become farmers is concern their earnings are likely to be low in the early years.
若い世代が農業を敬遠する一因は、就農直後の低収入への不安だ。
The government aims to double the number of young people entering farming, now at about 10,000 each year, by easing their anxiety about income.
それを和らげ、年間１万人程度にとどまる若手新規就農者を２万人に倍増する狙いがある。
The model for this new measure is a similar support program introduced in France in the 1970s.
１９７０年代に同様の支援策を実施したフランスが、今回のモデルとなっている。
The proportion of farmers aged under 40 doubled in 30 years to 30 percent in that country, according to sources.
４０歳未満の農業者比率が３０年間で３割に倍増する効果を上げたという。
===
Help farmers stand on own feet
The government needs to be careful that the new measure does not end up as a mere handout policy.
注意したいのは、新たなばらまき政策に終わらせないことだ。
The agriculture ministry and local governments need to check on new farmers and give them thorough instruction on how to stand on their own feet in the future.
農水省や自治体は、新規就農者の経営状態をチェックすると同時に、常に自立への指導を徹底する必要がある。
We hope the ministry and local governments will create an environment in which support for new farmers is effective enough to keep them in the industry.
支援が十分効果を上げ、就農者が農業を継続できる環境整備を図ってもらいたい。
The important point in increasing the number of new young farmers over the medium and long term is to make the agricultural industry attractive to young generations and make it possible for farmers to profit sufficiently.
中長期的に若手の就農者を増やすポイントは、何よりも若者が魅力を感じる農業、稼げる農業に再生することである。
The farming industry would become a growth field if farmers and agricultural corporations accelerated their advancement into food processing and marketing. Agriculture should no longer be satisfied to exist in a primary-industry framework and should add elements of secondary and tertiary industries.
農家や農業法人がもっと食品加工や販売分野に進出し、１次産業に２次、３次をプラスした「６次産業化」を目指せば、農業は成長産業に変わるはずだ。
There are already successful examples of people who have moved from the information technology, financial and other industries to the farming industry, developing agricultural businesses free from conventional mind-sets.
情報技術（ＩＴ）や金融など異業種から参入した人材が、旧来の発想にとらわれない農業ビジネスを展開している成功例は多い。
Such successful people have increased their earning power by producing high-value-added farm products after studying the tastes of customers and finding markets abroad.
顧客の好みを把握し、付加価値の高い農産物を作ったり、海外に販路を開拓したりして、収益力を高めている。
We want to urge the agriculture ministry to review various laws, regulations and customs, such as the Agricultural Land Law, which limits corporations' entry into agriculture.
農水省は、企業の農業参入を制限する農地法など様々な法規や慣行を見直すことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 23, 2012)
（2012年2月23日01時13分 読売新聞）
Make farming attractive to young generations
新規就農支援 魅力ある産業へ若者呼び込め（2月23日付・読売社説）
We hope that enticing young generations to the farming industry will be a step to reinvigorate the nation's agriculture.
若者たちを呼び込むことで、日本農業を活性化させる契機としたい。
From fiscal 2012, the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry will introduce a new measure to encourage people to enter farming.
農林水産省が新たな就農支援策を、２０１２年度から導入する。
It will be the first item to be introduced as part of the government's program for revitalizing the nation's farming industry, which was decided on in autumn with an eye on Japan's entry into talks regarding the Trans-Pacific Partnership multilateral trade framework.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）の交渉参加をにらみ、政府が昨秋に決定した農業再生計画の第１弾である。
The nation's agricultural population has decreased 20 percent in five years to 2.6 million, and it is expected to decrease by another 1 million over the next 10 years.
日本の農業人口は５年間で２割減り、２６０万人となった。今後１０年でさらに１００万人減少すると予想されている。
The accelerated graying of farmers is another cause for concern, as the average age of farmers has reached 66.
農家の平均年齢は６６歳に達し、高齢化の加速も憂慮すべき状況だ。
It is essential to recruit ambitious people from various regions and industries to develop a robust agriculture industry that can withstand the wave of trade liberalization.
貿易の自由化に耐えられる強い農業を実現するには、広範な地域や業種から、意欲ある人材を確保することが欠かせない。
===
Cash for new farmers
Under the new measure, the government will provide 1.5 million yen annually for up to seven years, including a two-year training period, to people under 45 who wish to begin farming.
新制度は、農業を志す４５歳未満の人を対象に、２年間の研修を含めて最長７年間、毎年１５０万円ずつ支給する。
Each newcomer can receive a maximum total of 10.5 million yen. The government has secured more than 10 billion yen in the budget for the inaugural year.
１人当たり最大１０５０万円で、初年度の予算は１００億円超にのぼる。
The new measure differs from available government support to new farmers, such as providing interest-free loans and subsidizing the purchase of farm machines and tools. The government has taken a decisive step to cover newcomers' expected shortage of income by directly giving them cash.
無利子融資や農機具購入の助成といった従来型の支援と違い、補助金の直接支給による収入補填(ほてん)方式に踏み込んだ。
One of the reasons young people hesitate to become farmers is concern their earnings are likely to be low in the early years.
若い世代が農業を敬遠する一因は、就農直後の低収入への不安だ。
The government aims to double the number of young people entering farming, now at about 10,000 each year, by easing their anxiety about income.
それを和らげ、年間１万人程度にとどまる若手新規就農者を２万人に倍増する狙いがある。
The model for this new measure is a similar support program introduced in France in the 1970s.
１９７０年代に同様の支援策を実施したフランスが、今回のモデルとなっている。
The proportion of farmers aged under 40 doubled in 30 years to 30 percent in that country, according to sources.
４０歳未満の農業者比率が３０年間で３割に倍増する効果を上げたという。
===
Help farmers stand on own feet
The government needs to be careful that the new measure does not end up as a mere handout policy.
注意したいのは、新たなばらまき政策に終わらせないことだ。
The agriculture ministry and local governments need to check on new farmers and give them thorough instruction on how to stand on their own feet in the future.
農水省や自治体は、新規就農者の経営状態をチェックすると同時に、常に自立への指導を徹底する必要がある。
We hope the ministry and local governments will create an environment in which support for new farmers is effective enough to keep them in the industry.
支援が十分効果を上げ、就農者が農業を継続できる環境整備を図ってもらいたい。
The important point in increasing the number of new young farmers over the medium and long term is to make the agricultural industry attractive to young generations and make it possible for farmers to profit sufficiently.
中長期的に若手の就農者を増やすポイントは、何よりも若者が魅力を感じる農業、稼げる農業に再生することである。
The farming industry would become a growth field if farmers and agricultural corporations accelerated their advancement into food processing and marketing. Agriculture should no longer be satisfied to exist in a primary-industry framework and should add elements of secondary and tertiary industries.
農家や農業法人がもっと食品加工や販売分野に進出し、１次産業に２次、３次をプラスした「６次産業化」を目指せば、農業は成長産業に変わるはずだ。
There are already successful examples of people who have moved from the information technology, financial and other industries to the farming industry, developing agricultural businesses free from conventional mind-sets.
情報技術（ＩＴ）や金融など異業種から参入した人材が、旧来の発想にとらわれない農業ビジネスを展開している成功例は多い。
Such successful people have increased their earning power by producing high-value-added farm products after studying the tastes of customers and finding markets abroad.
顧客の好みを把握し、付加価値の高い農産物を作ったり、海外に販路を開拓したりして、収益力を高めている。
We want to urge the agriculture ministry to review various laws, regulations and customs, such as the Agricultural Land Law, which limits corporations' entry into agriculture.
農水省は、企業の農業参入を制限する農地法など様々な法規や慣行を見直すことが求められる。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 23, 2012)
（2012年2月23日01時13分 読売新聞）
2012/02/24
ギリシャ支援策 危機を回避できても残る懸念
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 23, 2012)
2nd bailout for Greece not an end to debt crisis
ギリシャ支援策 危機を回避できても残る懸念（2月22日付・読売社説）
A second bailout plan by the European Union and other concerned parties to deal with Greece's debts has finally been sealed by eurozone finance ministers.
欧州連合（ＥＵ）などによるギリシャ向けの第２次支援策の実施が、ようやく決まった。
Greece, which is suffering from an ever-worsening debt crisis, is scheduled to redeem a large amount of government bonds on March 20. Without further debt relief measures, it would have been difficult for the country to collect funds, resulting in a default that surely would have an adverse effect that will rock global markets.
財政危機のギリシャは３月２０日に国債の大量償還を予定する。支援が滞ると資金繰りに行き詰まり、世界の市場を揺るがす債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥るほかない。
We welcome this development. The Europeans were able to arrive at the bailout agreement in the 11th hour, a step forward in averting default for the time being.
土壇場で支援決定にこぎつけ、当面のデフォルト回避へ前進したことをひとまず歓迎したい。
The second bailout plan agreed on by the eurozone finance ministers has two main components. The first is a 130 billion euros (about 14 trillion yen) rescue package by the EU and the International Monetary Fund. Second, private financial institutions holding Greek debt in the form of government bonds will take further losses on their nominal value.
ユーロ圏財務相会合が合意した第２次支援策は、ＥＵと国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）による１３００億ユーロ（約１４兆円）の融資と、民間金融機関が保有するギリシャ国債の元本削減が柱である。
===
Distrust delayed agreement
An outline of the new program had been drawn up in autumn last year. But at the time, eurozone members' distrust of Greece, which by then had already broken several times its promise to rehabilitate its finances, was strong, resulting in a delay to the agreement.
支援の大枠は昨秋固まったが、財政再建の公約を何度も破ってきたギリシャに対する不信感は根強く、決定が大幅に遅れた。
Last week, the Greek parliament passed an austerity bill that was demanded by eurozone countries and the IMF as one of the conditions for extending the second bailout. It includes additional measures to cut its fiscal spending, and leaders of the country's ruling coalition parties have submitted written promises to European leaders, pledging the politicians' continued efforts at fiscal rehabilitation.
ギリシャは先週、ユーロ圏などから条件として求められた関連法を成立させ、追加の歳出削減策をまとめた。連立与党は財政改革に取り組む誓約書も提出した。
France, Germany and other countries have recognized these efforts by deciding in favor of the second bailout. We think the decision is not only brave, but also appropriate. It will no doubt contribute to the stabilization of the euro, too.
独仏両国などが、こうした努力を評価し、２次支援策を決断したのは妥当と言える。通貨ユーロの安定にも寄与しよう。
That said, worries about the future remain.
だが、先行きに不安も残る。
Greece is likely to hold a general election in April. Antonis Samaras, the leader of the second largest party in the ruling coalition, which leads in voter polls, pledged his party will remain committed to the austerity measures to be implemented by the current administration. However, he also hinted at a possibility they will be reviewed.
ギリシャでは４月にも総選挙が行われる。優勢が伝えられる与党第２党の党首は、現政権の緊縮策を引き継ぐとしているが、見直しの可能性も示唆している。
Demonstrations against the austerity measures have been ongoing in Greece. The EU and IMF must keep a watchful eye to ensure the country's administration does not go along with public opinion and loosen its firm stance on fiscal reform.
国内では、緊縮策に反対するデモが続いている。世論に迎合し、政府の改革姿勢が緩まないかどうか、ＥＵとＩＭＦは厳しく監視しなければならない。
===
Walk the walk
Greece is now committed to cutting its debt to 120.5 percent of its gross domestic product in 2020 from the current rate of about 160 percent. However, there are fears the country's economy could further deteriorate, resulting in less progress in fiscal reform.
ギリシャは、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）に対する債務残高比率を現在の約１６０％から２０２０年に約１２０％に低下させる計画だ。しかし、景気が一段と悪化し、財政再建が進まない恐れがある。
The path ahead for Greece is thus a thorny one: It must carry out biting fiscal rehabilitation measures, while at the same time making efforts to rejuvenate the economy. The Greek government will need strong determination to get things done.
ギリシャにとっては、財政再建を着実に実行しつつ、景気回復も図らねばならない茨の道が続く。断固たる実行力が求められる。
If Greece were to stop short of reforming its state finances and asked again for further assistance, countries such as Germany and France would become incensed and refuse additional rescue packages.
改革にまたも行き詰まり、さらなる追加支援を仰ぐ事態を招けば独仏などの反発は必至だ。
In such a situation, the cooperative bond among eurozone countries would lose strength and the idea of a eurozone without Greece could become closer to reality.
その時は、ユーロ圏の連携が揺らぎ、ギリシャのユーロ離脱論も現実味を帯びることだろう。
Finance ministers and central bank chiefs from the Group of 20 nations, including Japan, the United States, European countries and newly emerging economies, are scheduled to hold a two-day meeting in Mexico this weekend.
今週末からメキシコで、日米欧と新興国による主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）の財務相・中央銀行総裁会議が開かれる予定だ。
The G-20 needs to urge Greece and other European nations afresh to continue doing all they can do toward overcoming the debt crisis. At the same time, the G-20 nations must reaffirm their ties and aim at stabilizing the global economy.
Ｇ２０は、ギリシャと欧州に、危機克服への継続した努力を改めて求める必要がある。併せて、Ｇ２０の結束を再確認し、世界経済の安定を目指さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 22, 2012)
（2012年2月22日01時25分 読売新聞）
2nd bailout for Greece not an end to debt crisis
ギリシャ支援策 危機を回避できても残る懸念（2月22日付・読売社説）
A second bailout plan by the European Union and other concerned parties to deal with Greece's debts has finally been sealed by eurozone finance ministers.
欧州連合（ＥＵ）などによるギリシャ向けの第２次支援策の実施が、ようやく決まった。
Greece, which is suffering from an ever-worsening debt crisis, is scheduled to redeem a large amount of government bonds on March 20. Without further debt relief measures, it would have been difficult for the country to collect funds, resulting in a default that surely would have an adverse effect that will rock global markets.
財政危機のギリシャは３月２０日に国債の大量償還を予定する。支援が滞ると資金繰りに行き詰まり、世界の市場を揺るがす債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥るほかない。
We welcome this development. The Europeans were able to arrive at the bailout agreement in the 11th hour, a step forward in averting default for the time being.
土壇場で支援決定にこぎつけ、当面のデフォルト回避へ前進したことをひとまず歓迎したい。
The second bailout plan agreed on by the eurozone finance ministers has two main components. The first is a 130 billion euros (about 14 trillion yen) rescue package by the EU and the International Monetary Fund. Second, private financial institutions holding Greek debt in the form of government bonds will take further losses on their nominal value.
ユーロ圏財務相会合が合意した第２次支援策は、ＥＵと国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）による１３００億ユーロ（約１４兆円）の融資と、民間金融機関が保有するギリシャ国債の元本削減が柱である。
===
Distrust delayed agreement
An outline of the new program had been drawn up in autumn last year. But at the time, eurozone members' distrust of Greece, which by then had already broken several times its promise to rehabilitate its finances, was strong, resulting in a delay to the agreement.
支援の大枠は昨秋固まったが、財政再建の公約を何度も破ってきたギリシャに対する不信感は根強く、決定が大幅に遅れた。
Last week, the Greek parliament passed an austerity bill that was demanded by eurozone countries and the IMF as one of the conditions for extending the second bailout. It includes additional measures to cut its fiscal spending, and leaders of the country's ruling coalition parties have submitted written promises to European leaders, pledging the politicians' continued efforts at fiscal rehabilitation.
ギリシャは先週、ユーロ圏などから条件として求められた関連法を成立させ、追加の歳出削減策をまとめた。連立与党は財政改革に取り組む誓約書も提出した。
France, Germany and other countries have recognized these efforts by deciding in favor of the second bailout. We think the decision is not only brave, but also appropriate. It will no doubt contribute to the stabilization of the euro, too.
独仏両国などが、こうした努力を評価し、２次支援策を決断したのは妥当と言える。通貨ユーロの安定にも寄与しよう。
That said, worries about the future remain.
だが、先行きに不安も残る。
Greece is likely to hold a general election in April. Antonis Samaras, the leader of the second largest party in the ruling coalition, which leads in voter polls, pledged his party will remain committed to the austerity measures to be implemented by the current administration. However, he also hinted at a possibility they will be reviewed.
ギリシャでは４月にも総選挙が行われる。優勢が伝えられる与党第２党の党首は、現政権の緊縮策を引き継ぐとしているが、見直しの可能性も示唆している。
Demonstrations against the austerity measures have been ongoing in Greece. The EU and IMF must keep a watchful eye to ensure the country's administration does not go along with public opinion and loosen its firm stance on fiscal reform.
国内では、緊縮策に反対するデモが続いている。世論に迎合し、政府の改革姿勢が緩まないかどうか、ＥＵとＩＭＦは厳しく監視しなければならない。
===
Walk the walk
Greece is now committed to cutting its debt to 120.5 percent of its gross domestic product in 2020 from the current rate of about 160 percent. However, there are fears the country's economy could further deteriorate, resulting in less progress in fiscal reform.
ギリシャは、国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）に対する債務残高比率を現在の約１６０％から２０２０年に約１２０％に低下させる計画だ。しかし、景気が一段と悪化し、財政再建が進まない恐れがある。
The path ahead for Greece is thus a thorny one: It must carry out biting fiscal rehabilitation measures, while at the same time making efforts to rejuvenate the economy. The Greek government will need strong determination to get things done.
ギリシャにとっては、財政再建を着実に実行しつつ、景気回復も図らねばならない茨の道が続く。断固たる実行力が求められる。
If Greece were to stop short of reforming its state finances and asked again for further assistance, countries such as Germany and France would become incensed and refuse additional rescue packages.
改革にまたも行き詰まり、さらなる追加支援を仰ぐ事態を招けば独仏などの反発は必至だ。
In such a situation, the cooperative bond among eurozone countries would lose strength and the idea of a eurozone without Greece could become closer to reality.
その時は、ユーロ圏の連携が揺らぎ、ギリシャのユーロ離脱論も現実味を帯びることだろう。
Finance ministers and central bank chiefs from the Group of 20 nations, including Japan, the United States, European countries and newly emerging economies, are scheduled to hold a two-day meeting in Mexico this weekend.
今週末からメキシコで、日米欧と新興国による主要２０か国・地域（Ｇ２０）の財務相・中央銀行総裁会議が開かれる予定だ。
The G-20 needs to urge Greece and other European nations afresh to continue doing all they can do toward overcoming the debt crisis. At the same time, the G-20 nations must reaffirm their ties and aim at stabilizing the global economy.
Ｇ２０は、ギリシャと欧州に、危機克服への継続した努力を改めて求める必要がある。併せて、Ｇ２０の結束を再確認し、世界経済の安定を目指さねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 22, 2012)
（2012年2月22日01時25分 読売新聞）
2012/02/23
社説：毎日創刊１４０年 今こそ新聞の気概で
英文でも日本文でもすなおに感動させていただきました。
まったくその通りだと感じました。
語彙、
raison d'etre レイゾンデトラ 存在理由（語源フランス語）
paleolithic ペイリオリティク 旧石器（時代）の
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) February 21, 2012
Editorial: Mainichi vows to be forum of constructive opinions as it marks 140th anniversary
社説：毎日創刊１４０年 今こそ新聞の気概で
Feb. 21, 2012, marks the 140th anniversary of the publication of the Mainichi Shimbun's inaugural issue. Over the past 140 years, society has undergone drastic changes, and roles that the public expects newspapers to play have also greatly changed.
毎日新聞は今日、創刊１４０年を迎えた。長い年月の間に社会のあり様は大きく変わり、人々が新聞に求める機能も変化してきた。
The role of newspapers to report news speedily and accurately has remained unchanged. At the same time, however, the spread of the Internet has called into question the raison d'etre of printed media including newspapers.
迅速で正確な報道は変わらずに大切な仕事だが、一方でインターネットが浸透する中、活字媒体そのものの存在意義も問われる時代となった。
We would like to consider the roles that newspapers should play in modern society from the viewpoints of unearthing news and dispatching our news analysis and opinions.
ここでは、現代における新聞の役割を「ニュースの掘り起こし」と「解説・オピニオン発信」の二つをキーワードに考えたい。
To unearth hidden news, it is necessary for journalists to question common knowledge, be aware of their role of serving public interests and patiently gather materials.
ニュースを掘り起こすためには世間の常識を疑い、報道の公益性を自覚し、粘り強い取材をすることが必要だ。
One example of such efforts is a Mainichi Shimbun scoop in 2000, which uncovered that what a researcher claimed was the excavation of paleolithic stoneware was a fabrication. The reporter who covered the case confirmed the fabrication by repeatedly examining what the researcher called the excavation site.
たとえば、旧石器発掘が捏造（ねつぞう）だったことを暴いた２０００年の毎日新聞のスクープは、定説に疑問を持ち、捏造を続けていた研究家の発掘現場を継続的に取材することで実現した。
In a campaign from 2008 that called for relief measures for children who were not covered by public insurance programs, a reporter who learned that there were children who cannot receive medical treatment because their parents failed to pay national health insurance premiums patiently examined and confirmed the details of the matter.
０８年からの「無保険の子」救済キャンペーンは、親の国民健康保険料の滞納が原因で医者にかかれない子供がいることを知った記者が、実態を地道に調べて実ったものだった。
The Mainichi's scoop on the fabrication of the excavation of paleolithic stoneware forced publishers to rewrite their school textbooks' descriptions of the old stone age, while the campaign on children not covered by public health insurance programs led to the enactment on new legislation. We are determined to continue such news coverage.
前者は教科書を書き換え、後者は新しい法律ができるきっかけになった。今後もこういった報道をめざしていきたいと私たちは思う。
Newspapers are expected to play an increasingly important role in analyzing various social issues and publish commentaries and a range of opinions on these matters. Such analysis and opinions are supposed to shed light on background factors behind various issues, present options to solve them and clarify the risk involved in them. To do so, we need to eliminate rigid views and view various matters from a broad viewpoint.
内外で起こっている事象を解説し、それに対しての多様な意見を掲載する機能も今後、ますます重要さを増す新聞の役割だろう。その問題の背景は何なのか。どんな選択肢があるのか。その場合のリスクは何か。大切なのは硬直した考え方を排し、立体的に物事を見据える姿勢だ。
Japanese society is now filled with a sense of stagnation due partly to the prolonged recession and the public's distrust of politics. Moreover, the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake that devastated extensive areas of northeastern Honshu has highlighted various problems involving Japan.
長引く不況や政治への信頼失墜もあって、今、社会には閉塞（へいそく）感が漂っている。また、昨年の東日本大震災は、この国のさまざまな課題を浮き彫りにした。
History has shown that in such an age, narrow-minded nationalism and overly emotional opinions tend to be prevalent. We must not forget lessons we have learned from newspapers' involvement in Japan's moves to proceed to World War II against the backdrop of such nationalism.
こういう時には得てして、偏狭なナショナリズムや情緒的な意見がはびこりやすいのは歴史が教える通りだ。先の大戦へと突き進んだ流れに新聞も加担したことへの自省は、いつまでも忘れてはならない。
The Mainichi Shimbun is determined to serve as an intersection for various level-headed and constructive opinions and as a place in which we offer materials for discussion that can help our readers develop their own opinions.
毎日新聞は冷静で建設的なオピニオンが多彩に飛び交う交差点でありたい。さまざまに考えるきっかけや材料を提供し、読者が考えを深める広場でありたいと思う。
With a bit of self-pride, we would like to cite a sense of humor and a spirit of unfettered discussion as the characteristics of the Mainichi Shimbun. The career of those working for newspaper companies would quickly end if they became bureaucratic. We would like to adhere to the basics of newspaper workers of raising their awareness about various issues and checking up on authorities.
いささかの自負を込めて、毎日新聞の特質として野性味とユーモアを挙げたい。新聞社で働く人間が官僚的になったらオシマイだ。一人一人が問題意識を持ち、権力をチェックする。そんな新聞人の原点を大切にしたいと思う。
It is important for the Mainichi to have human empathy in its news coverage. A sense of humor and empathy can derive from objectiveness with which one views oneself through the eyes of others. We are determined to continue to boldly and humbly make history as a news organization with our readers right beside us.
また、報道に際しては人情を忘れないようにしたい。ユーモアやぬくもりとは、自分自身を他人の目で見るような客観性から生まれるものだろう。果敢に、しかし謙虚さを忘れず、読者のみなさんとともに新しい歴史を刻んでいきたい。
毎日新聞 2012年2月21日 2時31分
まったくその通りだと感じました。
語彙、
raison d'etre レイゾンデトラ 存在理由（語源フランス語）
paleolithic ペイリオリティク 旧石器（時代）の
（スラチャイ）
(Mainichi Japan) February 21, 2012
Editorial: Mainichi vows to be forum of constructive opinions as it marks 140th anniversary
社説：毎日創刊１４０年 今こそ新聞の気概で
Feb. 21, 2012, marks the 140th anniversary of the publication of the Mainichi Shimbun's inaugural issue. Over the past 140 years, society has undergone drastic changes, and roles that the public expects newspapers to play have also greatly changed.
毎日新聞は今日、創刊１４０年を迎えた。長い年月の間に社会のあり様は大きく変わり、人々が新聞に求める機能も変化してきた。
The role of newspapers to report news speedily and accurately has remained unchanged. At the same time, however, the spread of the Internet has called into question the raison d'etre of printed media including newspapers.
迅速で正確な報道は変わらずに大切な仕事だが、一方でインターネットが浸透する中、活字媒体そのものの存在意義も問われる時代となった。
We would like to consider the roles that newspapers should play in modern society from the viewpoints of unearthing news and dispatching our news analysis and opinions.
ここでは、現代における新聞の役割を「ニュースの掘り起こし」と「解説・オピニオン発信」の二つをキーワードに考えたい。
To unearth hidden news, it is necessary for journalists to question common knowledge, be aware of their role of serving public interests and patiently gather materials.
ニュースを掘り起こすためには世間の常識を疑い、報道の公益性を自覚し、粘り強い取材をすることが必要だ。
One example of such efforts is a Mainichi Shimbun scoop in 2000, which uncovered that what a researcher claimed was the excavation of paleolithic stoneware was a fabrication. The reporter who covered the case confirmed the fabrication by repeatedly examining what the researcher called the excavation site.
たとえば、旧石器発掘が捏造（ねつぞう）だったことを暴いた２０００年の毎日新聞のスクープは、定説に疑問を持ち、捏造を続けていた研究家の発掘現場を継続的に取材することで実現した。
In a campaign from 2008 that called for relief measures for children who were not covered by public insurance programs, a reporter who learned that there were children who cannot receive medical treatment because their parents failed to pay national health insurance premiums patiently examined and confirmed the details of the matter.
０８年からの「無保険の子」救済キャンペーンは、親の国民健康保険料の滞納が原因で医者にかかれない子供がいることを知った記者が、実態を地道に調べて実ったものだった。
The Mainichi's scoop on the fabrication of the excavation of paleolithic stoneware forced publishers to rewrite their school textbooks' descriptions of the old stone age, while the campaign on children not covered by public health insurance programs led to the enactment on new legislation. We are determined to continue such news coverage.
前者は教科書を書き換え、後者は新しい法律ができるきっかけになった。今後もこういった報道をめざしていきたいと私たちは思う。
Newspapers are expected to play an increasingly important role in analyzing various social issues and publish commentaries and a range of opinions on these matters. Such analysis and opinions are supposed to shed light on background factors behind various issues, present options to solve them and clarify the risk involved in them. To do so, we need to eliminate rigid views and view various matters from a broad viewpoint.
内外で起こっている事象を解説し、それに対しての多様な意見を掲載する機能も今後、ますます重要さを増す新聞の役割だろう。その問題の背景は何なのか。どんな選択肢があるのか。その場合のリスクは何か。大切なのは硬直した考え方を排し、立体的に物事を見据える姿勢だ。
Japanese society is now filled with a sense of stagnation due partly to the prolonged recession and the public's distrust of politics. Moreover, the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake that devastated extensive areas of northeastern Honshu has highlighted various problems involving Japan.
長引く不況や政治への信頼失墜もあって、今、社会には閉塞（へいそく）感が漂っている。また、昨年の東日本大震災は、この国のさまざまな課題を浮き彫りにした。
History has shown that in such an age, narrow-minded nationalism and overly emotional opinions tend to be prevalent. We must not forget lessons we have learned from newspapers' involvement in Japan's moves to proceed to World War II against the backdrop of such nationalism.
こういう時には得てして、偏狭なナショナリズムや情緒的な意見がはびこりやすいのは歴史が教える通りだ。先の大戦へと突き進んだ流れに新聞も加担したことへの自省は、いつまでも忘れてはならない。
The Mainichi Shimbun is determined to serve as an intersection for various level-headed and constructive opinions and as a place in which we offer materials for discussion that can help our readers develop their own opinions.
毎日新聞は冷静で建設的なオピニオンが多彩に飛び交う交差点でありたい。さまざまに考えるきっかけや材料を提供し、読者が考えを深める広場でありたいと思う。
With a bit of self-pride, we would like to cite a sense of humor and a spirit of unfettered discussion as the characteristics of the Mainichi Shimbun. The career of those working for newspaper companies would quickly end if they became bureaucratic. We would like to adhere to the basics of newspaper workers of raising their awareness about various issues and checking up on authorities.
いささかの自負を込めて、毎日新聞の特質として野性味とユーモアを挙げたい。新聞社で働く人間が官僚的になったらオシマイだ。一人一人が問題意識を持ち、権力をチェックする。そんな新聞人の原点を大切にしたいと思う。
It is important for the Mainichi to have human empathy in its news coverage. A sense of humor and empathy can derive from objectiveness with which one views oneself through the eyes of others. We are determined to continue to boldly and humbly make history as a news organization with our readers right beside us.
また、報道に際しては人情を忘れないようにしたい。ユーモアやぬくもりとは、自分自身を他人の目で見るような客観性から生まれるものだろう。果敢に、しかし謙虚さを忘れず、読者のみなさんとともに新しい歴史を刻んでいきたい。
毎日新聞 2012年2月21日 2時31分
2012/02/22
風知草：東電、どう変える？＝山田孝男
(Mainichi Japan) February 20, 2012
Changing TEPCO in wake of nuclear disaster
風知草：東電、どう変える？＝山田孝男
Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Yukio Edano and Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) President Toshio Nishizawa have clashed over the utility's future, with Edano demanding that TEPCO hand its management rights to the government in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster, and Nishizawa arguing that private operation of the company should be retained.
Will reforms be forced through by state power, or will they be implemented independently by TEPCO? In this tense situation I think it is TEPCO that has the weaker hand.
枝野幸男経済産業相（４７）が東京電力に「経営権を渡しなさい」と迫り、東電の西沢俊夫社長（６０）が「民間のままが望ましい」と粘っている。国家権力による強制的改革か、自主的改革かという攻防だが、東電の分が悪いと私は思う。
興味深い逸話がある。
The Jan. 22 morning edition of the Nikkei business newspaper's Tokyo edition featured the front-page headline "Smart meters to be introduced by TEPCO in 17 million households -- almost every home."
日経新聞１月２２日朝刊（東京版）の１面トップは「スマートメーター／東電、１７００万世帯に導入／ほぼ全家庭に」というニュースだった。
Smart meters are digital power meters that do not simply display the total electricity usage like analog meters, but enable users to constantly check -- and control -- how much power they use. They do not need to be checked by meter inspectors, and have been touted as instruments that could contribute to power conservation while helping cut management costs.
スマートメーター（ｓｍａｒｔｍｅｔｅｒ）はデジタル式の電力メーターである。使用量の累計を示すだけの従来のアナログ式と違い、どれくらい使っているか、利用者は常にチェックし、制御できる。検針員もいらない。省エネと経営コスト削減の切り札になると言われている。
The introduction of smart meters is one of the special features of a comprehensive special business plan that TEPCO will compile next month. But from where the company will acquire these meters remains a point of controversy.
その導入計画は、東電が来月まとめる総合特別事業計画の目玉の一つである。注目の論点はスマートメーターをどこから調達するかだった。
Under a TEPCO draft, the meters were to be purchased from a group company for 20,000 to 30,000 yen apiece -- despite the fact that the standard price for overseas manufacturers was about 10,000 yen each. Smart meters have already been put to use in the United States, Germany and Canada.
東電の原案は系列企業から１台２万～３万円の特注機器を３００万台調達するというものだった。海外メーカーの標準は１台１万円程度（米、独、カナダが先行）なのに。
At this point, the Nuclear Damage Liability Facilitation Fund stepped in. The fund is an amalgamated union of members from the public and private sectors backing up TEPCO, amid its financial woes in the wake of the nuclear disaster. To TEPCO, it is like an occupation army. Its stance of seeking nationalization of the utility is no different from that of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry.
そこで「原子力損害賠償支援機構」が動いた。これは破綻しかけた東電をバックアップする官民合同組織。東電から見れば占領軍のような存在だ。東電の国有化を探る立場は経産相と同じ。
The fund dismissed the utility's draft -- formed under a "TEPCO village" mentality favoring family companies -- and altered it to allow international bidding. The Nikkei reported the amended plan and the background behind it.
この機構が、ファミリー企業優先の「東電ムラ」感覚の原案を差し止め、国際入札方式に修正した。日経は経緯も含めて修正案を伝えた。
According to those with background knowledge on the amendments, it was around late November or early December last year that TEPCO presented its draft to the liability facilitation fund. It was an urgent report that the company said would be publicly announced two days later. But the fund reportedly fiercely opposed the sudden move, asking TEPCO what on earth it was doing.
修正の経緯を知る関係者によれば、東電が原案を機構に示したのは昨年１１月末か１２月初めのこと。それも「あさって発表します」という切羽詰まった通告だった。機構側が「どういうことだ」と反発、激しいやりとりになったという。
Digitalization is convenient, but the system becomes delicate as a result. Furthermore, TEPCO cannot suddenly adopt a ruthless approach toward meter checkers and employees of affiliated companies. Outstanding issues remain, but at the same time, the challenge of overcoming conservatism and efforts to break away from inertia should not be viewed lightly. Isn't this a lesson we have learned from the nuclear disaster that occurred against a backdrop of collusive relationships and slack attitudes?
デジタル化は便利だが、システムは脆弱（ぜいじゃく）になる。検針員や系列企業の社員の雇用に無慈悲でいいということはない。課題は残るが、旧弊を破る挑戦、惰性を断ち切る努力を軽く見るべきではない。それが、癒着とたるみを背景に起きた原発事故の教訓ではなかったか。
In exchange for formulating a general special business plan, the government is to inject 1 trillion yen into TEPCO. But the minister of economy, trade and industry, setting his sights squarely on the TEPCO president, said Feb. 13 that unless TEPCO gives the government a level of voting rights that correspond to the level of funding, then he has no intention of accepting the business plan while he remains in office.
総合特別事業計画の策定と引き換えに政府は東電に１兆円出資する。経産相が東電社長を見据え、出資に見合う議決権をくれなければ「私がこの任にある限り（計画を）認定するつもりは全くありません」とタンカを切った（１３日）。
"A level corresponding with the level of funding" means a two-thirds share of voting rights at general shareholders meetings. If the government obtains this share, it will be able to realign TEPCO's operations. This enables split handling of TEPCO's power generation and distribution businesses.
出資に見合うレベルとは株主総会の議決権の３分の２超。それを握れば、政府は東電の事業を再編できる。今は一体の発電と送電を別々に営むこと（発送電分離）もできる。
Some have received this idea in the hope that it will bring life to the economy. Others, however, have criticized it, saying that it could result in an unstable supply of power and end up destroying economic foundations.
それで経済が活性化するという期待と、電力供給が不安定化して逆に経済基盤を壊すという批判がある。
So is the government aiming to separate the power generation and distribution businesses?
政府は分離を目指すのか。
One government official deeply involved in the process commented, "We have no interest in dogmatic adherence to plans to separate power generation and distribution. What we essentially want to do is review the high economic growth system in which investment in infrastructure surged with the construction of nuclear power plants, and change it to a system suiting an age of power conservation in which no new nuclear power plants are constructed. We think someone should be brought in from outside to head the company (TEPCO)."
渦中の政府関係者に聞くと、こう答えた。
「教条主義的な発送電分離論に関心はない。原発増設で設備投資が急伸した高度成長の体制を見直し、原発新設ゼロと節電の時代に合う体制に変えることが基本。旗振り役のトップは社外から迎えたい」
I respect Nishizawa for fighting his cause without remuneration, but the limits of internal reform at TEPCO have already become apparent.
無給で奮闘の西沢社長には頭が下がるが、体制内改革の限界は既に明らかだ。
The Ministry of Finance is opposed to the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry acquiring a two-thirds share of voting rights, as it will have to foot the financial bill if those rights are obtained.
財務省は３分の２の議決権掌握に反対だ。握れば財政負担を迫られるから。
The prime minister, who has his mind set on increasing the consumption tax, has little interest in TEPCO reform. 「増税」一点突破主義の首相は東電改革に関心が薄い。
That may be the case, but at the same time I don't want the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry to lose hope.
それが現実だが、経産相にメゲてもらっては困る。
I'm looking forward to seeing the government lead the company forward.
政治主導に期待する。（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年2月20日 東京朝刊
Changing TEPCO in wake of nuclear disaster
風知草：東電、どう変える？＝山田孝男
Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Yukio Edano and Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) President Toshio Nishizawa have clashed over the utility's future, with Edano demanding that TEPCO hand its management rights to the government in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster, and Nishizawa arguing that private operation of the company should be retained.
Will reforms be forced through by state power, or will they be implemented independently by TEPCO? In this tense situation I think it is TEPCO that has the weaker hand.
枝野幸男経済産業相（４７）が東京電力に「経営権を渡しなさい」と迫り、東電の西沢俊夫社長（６０）が「民間のままが望ましい」と粘っている。国家権力による強制的改革か、自主的改革かという攻防だが、東電の分が悪いと私は思う。
興味深い逸話がある。
The Jan. 22 morning edition of the Nikkei business newspaper's Tokyo edition featured the front-page headline "Smart meters to be introduced by TEPCO in 17 million households -- almost every home."
日経新聞１月２２日朝刊（東京版）の１面トップは「スマートメーター／東電、１７００万世帯に導入／ほぼ全家庭に」というニュースだった。
Smart meters are digital power meters that do not simply display the total electricity usage like analog meters, but enable users to constantly check -- and control -- how much power they use. They do not need to be checked by meter inspectors, and have been touted as instruments that could contribute to power conservation while helping cut management costs.
スマートメーター（ｓｍａｒｔｍｅｔｅｒ）はデジタル式の電力メーターである。使用量の累計を示すだけの従来のアナログ式と違い、どれくらい使っているか、利用者は常にチェックし、制御できる。検針員もいらない。省エネと経営コスト削減の切り札になると言われている。
The introduction of smart meters is one of the special features of a comprehensive special business plan that TEPCO will compile next month. But from where the company will acquire these meters remains a point of controversy.
その導入計画は、東電が来月まとめる総合特別事業計画の目玉の一つである。注目の論点はスマートメーターをどこから調達するかだった。
Under a TEPCO draft, the meters were to be purchased from a group company for 20,000 to 30,000 yen apiece -- despite the fact that the standard price for overseas manufacturers was about 10,000 yen each. Smart meters have already been put to use in the United States, Germany and Canada.
東電の原案は系列企業から１台２万～３万円の特注機器を３００万台調達するというものだった。海外メーカーの標準は１台１万円程度（米、独、カナダが先行）なのに。
At this point, the Nuclear Damage Liability Facilitation Fund stepped in. The fund is an amalgamated union of members from the public and private sectors backing up TEPCO, amid its financial woes in the wake of the nuclear disaster. To TEPCO, it is like an occupation army. Its stance of seeking nationalization of the utility is no different from that of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry.
そこで「原子力損害賠償支援機構」が動いた。これは破綻しかけた東電をバックアップする官民合同組織。東電から見れば占領軍のような存在だ。東電の国有化を探る立場は経産相と同じ。
The fund dismissed the utility's draft -- formed under a "TEPCO village" mentality favoring family companies -- and altered it to allow international bidding. The Nikkei reported the amended plan and the background behind it.
この機構が、ファミリー企業優先の「東電ムラ」感覚の原案を差し止め、国際入札方式に修正した。日経は経緯も含めて修正案を伝えた。
According to those with background knowledge on the amendments, it was around late November or early December last year that TEPCO presented its draft to the liability facilitation fund. It was an urgent report that the company said would be publicly announced two days later. But the fund reportedly fiercely opposed the sudden move, asking TEPCO what on earth it was doing.
修正の経緯を知る関係者によれば、東電が原案を機構に示したのは昨年１１月末か１２月初めのこと。それも「あさって発表します」という切羽詰まった通告だった。機構側が「どういうことだ」と反発、激しいやりとりになったという。
Digitalization is convenient, but the system becomes delicate as a result. Furthermore, TEPCO cannot suddenly adopt a ruthless approach toward meter checkers and employees of affiliated companies. Outstanding issues remain, but at the same time, the challenge of overcoming conservatism and efforts to break away from inertia should not be viewed lightly. Isn't this a lesson we have learned from the nuclear disaster that occurred against a backdrop of collusive relationships and slack attitudes?
デジタル化は便利だが、システムは脆弱（ぜいじゃく）になる。検針員や系列企業の社員の雇用に無慈悲でいいということはない。課題は残るが、旧弊を破る挑戦、惰性を断ち切る努力を軽く見るべきではない。それが、癒着とたるみを背景に起きた原発事故の教訓ではなかったか。
In exchange for formulating a general special business plan, the government is to inject 1 trillion yen into TEPCO. But the minister of economy, trade and industry, setting his sights squarely on the TEPCO president, said Feb. 13 that unless TEPCO gives the government a level of voting rights that correspond to the level of funding, then he has no intention of accepting the business plan while he remains in office.
総合特別事業計画の策定と引き換えに政府は東電に１兆円出資する。経産相が東電社長を見据え、出資に見合う議決権をくれなければ「私がこの任にある限り（計画を）認定するつもりは全くありません」とタンカを切った（１３日）。
"A level corresponding with the level of funding" means a two-thirds share of voting rights at general shareholders meetings. If the government obtains this share, it will be able to realign TEPCO's operations. This enables split handling of TEPCO's power generation and distribution businesses.
出資に見合うレベルとは株主総会の議決権の３分の２超。それを握れば、政府は東電の事業を再編できる。今は一体の発電と送電を別々に営むこと（発送電分離）もできる。
Some have received this idea in the hope that it will bring life to the economy. Others, however, have criticized it, saying that it could result in an unstable supply of power and end up destroying economic foundations.
それで経済が活性化するという期待と、電力供給が不安定化して逆に経済基盤を壊すという批判がある。
So is the government aiming to separate the power generation and distribution businesses?
政府は分離を目指すのか。
One government official deeply involved in the process commented, "We have no interest in dogmatic adherence to plans to separate power generation and distribution. What we essentially want to do is review the high economic growth system in which investment in infrastructure surged with the construction of nuclear power plants, and change it to a system suiting an age of power conservation in which no new nuclear power plants are constructed. We think someone should be brought in from outside to head the company (TEPCO)."
渦中の政府関係者に聞くと、こう答えた。
「教条主義的な発送電分離論に関心はない。原発増設で設備投資が急伸した高度成長の体制を見直し、原発新設ゼロと節電の時代に合う体制に変えることが基本。旗振り役のトップは社外から迎えたい」
I respect Nishizawa for fighting his cause without remuneration, but the limits of internal reform at TEPCO have already become apparent.
無給で奮闘の西沢社長には頭が下がるが、体制内改革の限界は既に明らかだ。
The Ministry of Finance is opposed to the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry acquiring a two-thirds share of voting rights, as it will have to foot the financial bill if those rights are obtained.
財務省は３分の２の議決権掌握に反対だ。握れば財政負担を迫られるから。
The prime minister, who has his mind set on increasing the consumption tax, has little interest in TEPCO reform. 「増税」一点突破主義の首相は東電改革に関心が薄い。
That may be the case, but at the same time I don't want the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry to lose hope.
それが現実だが、経産相にメゲてもらっては困る。
I'm looking forward to seeing the government lead the company forward.
政治主導に期待する。（敬称略）（毎週月曜日掲載）
(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年2月20日 東京朝刊
2012/02/21
東電処理と電力改革（下）―消費者が選ぶ時代に
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 17
EDITORIAL: Consumers should lead the charge to reform power industry
東電処理と電力改革（下）―消費者が選ぶ時代に
The process of putting the embattled Tokyo Electric Power Co. under state control will likely serve as the ace in the hole for efforts to reform the electric power industry.
国有化を通じた東京電力の処理は、電力システム改革の切り札になる。
The objective is to create an electric power market in which new entrants can compete on an equal footing with major players.
めざすのは、新規参入者が公平に競争できる電力市場だ。
This would help ensure a stable power supply, the most formidable challenge facing Japan as it grapples with ways to lessen its dependence on nuclear energy.
それは、日本が原発への依存度を減らしていくにあたって、最大の課題である電力の確保にも結びつく。
First, there should be more companies that generate electricity.
まず、発電の担い手を増やさなければいけない。
Given the growing urgency to fight global warming, efforts must focus on renewable energy sources and natural gas.
温暖化対策を考えれば、自然エネルギーや天然ガスの分野が中心だ。
At the same time, efforts must be made to reduce the redundancy of electric facilities and equipment by linking distant power plants with areas where demand for electricity is great.
同時に、全国各地の発電所と需要地を効率よく結んで、電力設備のムダをなくす。
To accomplish these goals, the government has no choice but to dissolve the current setup in which electric utilities have regional monopolies. This would also mean doing away with the system in which a single utility handles all power generation, transmission and distribution.
どちらも、全国を分割して支配する「地域独占」「発電・送電・配電一体」という電力体制を改めることが不可欠だ。
Since the 1990s, the market for power generation and distribution has been nominally opened to new entrants.
９０年代以降、制度上は発電や小売りの自由化が進められた。
But major power suppliers with vested interests have resorted to various means to block the entry of new businesses.
Liberalization of the market is, in fact, in name only. The framework for the power industry needs to be drastically redesigned.
だが、既得権者の電力大手がさまざまな手で新規参入を阻み、有名無実化している。制度設計をやり直す必要がある。
Changes are taking place, however.
すでに変化は起きている。
The March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami served as a wake-up call for quite a few companies and local governments. They now realize the risks of relying solely on TEPCO for power supply. Moves to switch contracts to new suppliers are gaining momentum.
震災を機に、東電だけに電力を依存する危うさを実感した企業や自治体は少なくない。新規事業者に契約を切り替えようとする動きが加速している。
For their part, those start-ups have been hoping to expand their power generation facilities to bolster their supply capability.
新規事業者も、供給力を上げるために発電設備を増やしたいところだ。
Clear direction needed
■政権の意思を明確に
However, they remain skeptical of the government’s commitment to overhaul the power industry and are unable to decide whether to go ahead with their plans. Operators of renewables must be harboring similar doubts.
しかし、いまのところ踏み切れずにいる。国が本当に電力改革に踏み込むのか、疑心暗鬼だからだ。自然エネルギーの発電業者も同じ心境だろう。
The administration of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda must make its stance on this issue explicit and announce that it will drastically liberalize the electricity market.
野田政権は大胆な電力自由化への意思を明確にすべきだ。
The administration would signal it is deadly serious about implementing bold reform if it sticks to its resolve to nationalize TEPCO.
東電の国有化に向けた断固たる姿勢は、その象徴となる。
If it is to encourage new investments in the power industry, the government must also create a mechanism that allows power companies to sell electricity freely.
新たな投資を促すには、電力をもっと自由に売れる仕組みを整えることも重要になる。
The key to the creation of such a setup is the electricity wholesale market. An electric power exchange system has already been established to spur price competition through trading by adjusting demand and supply efficiently.
ポイントは電力卸売市場だ。売買を通じて価格競争を促し、需給を効率的に調整するため取引所が設けられている。
But the exchange has failed to generate the intended result because of the low volume of transactions. Utilities that control transmission networks are to blame for this because they are reluctant to invigorate the electricity market.
ところが、実際には取引量が限られ、思ったような効果をあげていない。送電網を握る電力大手が市場の活用には冷ややかだからだ。
After the reactor meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and damage to thermal power plants created a power shortage last year, TEPCO restricted the use of transmission networks by other power companies to manage supply and demand in an integrated manner. As a result, trading at the exchange stopped.
震災で電力不足に陥った際、東電は需給を一元的に管理するため、送電網の利用を制限し、取引所での売買はとまった。
Companies that had contracts with other suppliers were also affected by rolling blackouts implemented by TEPCO.
東電以外の事業者と契約していた企業も、計画停電に巻き込まれた。
But they did not openly complain about or criticize TEPCO, apparently in fear that any sign of resistance would incur the wrath of this all-powerful utility.
それでも、表立った苦情や批判が少なかった背景には、後々のことを考えて、強大な支配力をもつ東電に逆らうことへの不安があった。
Given this background, we cannot expect diversified players to enter the market. The government should not allow a single company to disrupt, for selfish reasons, stable power supply by competitors. Transmission networks must become part of an infrastructure that anyone can use equally.
これでは多様なプレーヤーの参入は望めない。１社の都合で他社の安定供給まで妨げられる事態を避けるためにも、送電網は誰もが公平に利用できるインフラにしなければならない。
This is why the transmission and generation of power needs to be separate.
送電部門を発電部門から切り離す「発送電分離」が求められるゆえんである。
Transmission networks for larger areas
■送電網の広域運用を
The government is weighing three plans, from one that separates power generation, transmission and distribution to one in which different companies own each function.
政府内では、機能を分離する形から所有会社を別々にする方法まで３案が検討されている。
Currently, transmission networks are owned by regional utilities. Apart from TEPCO, which will be brought under state control, a new law should be established to separate transmission networks from those utilities.
送電網は現在、電力大手の設備だ。国有化される東電はともかく、他の電力会社が持つ送電網を完全に切り離すには、新たな法律が必要になろう。
Even though it will take much time and effort, companies that are separate from electric utilities should handle transmission networks. That would ensure their independence. The final blueprint should be presented to the power industry so that the separation of the functions can be implemented in phases.
だが、手間がかかっても将来的にはまったく別の企業にして独立性を確保すべきだ。そうした最終的な姿を示し、段階的に分離を進めることだ。
TEPCO should be split up into separate companies responsible for power transmission and generation, respectively. Then, the foundation for setting up a streamlined, neutral transmission company should be laid out. In this context, the cost structure of transmission networks must be made transparent.
New entrants have often complained about expensive fees for using transmission networks. The basis for cost calculation should also be made transparent.
東電を分社化し、送電部門を発電部門と別会社にする。そのうえで、送電網のコスト構造を明らかにし、合理化して中立的な送電会社に向けた基盤をつくる。新規業者が「高すぎる」と批判する送電網の使用料も、算出根拠を透明にする。
Transmission network infrastructures can be used more efficiently when they cover wider areas.
もともと送電網は、広域になるほど効率的に運用できる。
However, different frequencies are used in western and eastern Japan despite the country’s small size, and lines connecting between utilities are not equipped to handle a large amount of electricity in the event of a power crunch. This situation is the inevitable outcome of the existing system in which regional utilities dominate.
それなのに、日本は狭い国土の東西で周波数が異なり、電力会社間の連携線も細い。地域独占を続けてきた結果だ。
Why not start by getting TEPCO’s transmission subsidiary to operate the transmission networks of Tohoku Electric Power Co. and Hokkaido Electric Power Co., both of which are in the 50-hertz zone. Since the Tohoku region and Hokkaido are particularly suited for wind-power generation, this could lead to the increased use of renewable energy.
東電の送電子会社を軸に、５０ヘルツ帯の東北電力、北海道電力と一体運用するところから始めてはどうか。東北、北海道は風力発電の適地であり、自然エネルギーの普及にもつながる。
A public watchdog is also needed to monitor the use of transmission networks. It should be authorized to coordinate supply and demand by working in tandem with the electricity wholesale market. If it is empowered to instruct power generation companies in emergencies, it would lead to the establishment of a power market where fairness is secured.
送電網の運用を監視する公的機関も必要だ。電力卸売市場と連携して、需給の調整を担わせる。いざというときは発電会社にさまざまな命令を出せるようにすれば、市場機能を生かした公正な電力市場にできる。
■地域独占による弊害
For households, the installation of “smart meters” should be promoted as soon as possible. Diversified fee structures should also be made available. If consumers can buy electricity generated by renewables and choose payment plans to suit their lifestyle, power companies will move to meet their needs.
家庭向けでは、通信機能がついた「スマートメーター」の普及を急ぎ、料金体系を多様化させる。消費者が自然エネルギーによる電力を購入したり、自分の生活に合わせた料金メニューを選んだりするようになれば、電力会社は利用者の意向を反映するようになる。
The Fukushima disaster drove home to us the closed nature of the power industry and the harmful nature of maintaining regional monopolies. To clean up the mess left by the disaster, we, as a nation, have no choice but to shoulder a financial burden.
私たちは原発事故を通じて、電力会社の閉鎖性や地域独占の弊害を嫌というほど味わった。事故の後始末で、経済的な負担も背負わざるをえない。
We need to reinvent the power industry, changing it from one manipulated by suppliers to one allowing consumers to take the initiative.
供給者側に都合のいい電力体制から、利用者が主導権を握る時代へ。
Our awareness of the urgency to revamp the power industry will pave the way for such reform.
私たちの問題意識が改革への原動力となる。
EDITORIAL: Consumers should lead the charge to reform power industry
東電処理と電力改革（下）―消費者が選ぶ時代に
The process of putting the embattled Tokyo Electric Power Co. under state control will likely serve as the ace in the hole for efforts to reform the electric power industry.
国有化を通じた東京電力の処理は、電力システム改革の切り札になる。
The objective is to create an electric power market in which new entrants can compete on an equal footing with major players.
めざすのは、新規参入者が公平に競争できる電力市場だ。
This would help ensure a stable power supply, the most formidable challenge facing Japan as it grapples with ways to lessen its dependence on nuclear energy.
それは、日本が原発への依存度を減らしていくにあたって、最大の課題である電力の確保にも結びつく。
First, there should be more companies that generate electricity.
まず、発電の担い手を増やさなければいけない。
Given the growing urgency to fight global warming, efforts must focus on renewable energy sources and natural gas.
温暖化対策を考えれば、自然エネルギーや天然ガスの分野が中心だ。
At the same time, efforts must be made to reduce the redundancy of electric facilities and equipment by linking distant power plants with areas where demand for electricity is great.
同時に、全国各地の発電所と需要地を効率よく結んで、電力設備のムダをなくす。
To accomplish these goals, the government has no choice but to dissolve the current setup in which electric utilities have regional monopolies. This would also mean doing away with the system in which a single utility handles all power generation, transmission and distribution.
どちらも、全国を分割して支配する「地域独占」「発電・送電・配電一体」という電力体制を改めることが不可欠だ。
Since the 1990s, the market for power generation and distribution has been nominally opened to new entrants.
９０年代以降、制度上は発電や小売りの自由化が進められた。
But major power suppliers with vested interests have resorted to various means to block the entry of new businesses.
Liberalization of the market is, in fact, in name only. The framework for the power industry needs to be drastically redesigned.
だが、既得権者の電力大手がさまざまな手で新規参入を阻み、有名無実化している。制度設計をやり直す必要がある。
Changes are taking place, however.
すでに変化は起きている。
The March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami served as a wake-up call for quite a few companies and local governments. They now realize the risks of relying solely on TEPCO for power supply. Moves to switch contracts to new suppliers are gaining momentum.
震災を機に、東電だけに電力を依存する危うさを実感した企業や自治体は少なくない。新規事業者に契約を切り替えようとする動きが加速している。
For their part, those start-ups have been hoping to expand their power generation facilities to bolster their supply capability.
新規事業者も、供給力を上げるために発電設備を増やしたいところだ。
Clear direction needed
■政権の意思を明確に
However, they remain skeptical of the government’s commitment to overhaul the power industry and are unable to decide whether to go ahead with their plans. Operators of renewables must be harboring similar doubts.
しかし、いまのところ踏み切れずにいる。国が本当に電力改革に踏み込むのか、疑心暗鬼だからだ。自然エネルギーの発電業者も同じ心境だろう。
The administration of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda must make its stance on this issue explicit and announce that it will drastically liberalize the electricity market.
野田政権は大胆な電力自由化への意思を明確にすべきだ。
The administration would signal it is deadly serious about implementing bold reform if it sticks to its resolve to nationalize TEPCO.
東電の国有化に向けた断固たる姿勢は、その象徴となる。
If it is to encourage new investments in the power industry, the government must also create a mechanism that allows power companies to sell electricity freely.
新たな投資を促すには、電力をもっと自由に売れる仕組みを整えることも重要になる。
The key to the creation of such a setup is the electricity wholesale market. An electric power exchange system has already been established to spur price competition through trading by adjusting demand and supply efficiently.
ポイントは電力卸売市場だ。売買を通じて価格競争を促し、需給を効率的に調整するため取引所が設けられている。
But the exchange has failed to generate the intended result because of the low volume of transactions. Utilities that control transmission networks are to blame for this because they are reluctant to invigorate the electricity market.
ところが、実際には取引量が限られ、思ったような効果をあげていない。送電網を握る電力大手が市場の活用には冷ややかだからだ。
After the reactor meltdowns at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant and damage to thermal power plants created a power shortage last year, TEPCO restricted the use of transmission networks by other power companies to manage supply and demand in an integrated manner. As a result, trading at the exchange stopped.
震災で電力不足に陥った際、東電は需給を一元的に管理するため、送電網の利用を制限し、取引所での売買はとまった。
Companies that had contracts with other suppliers were also affected by rolling blackouts implemented by TEPCO.
東電以外の事業者と契約していた企業も、計画停電に巻き込まれた。
But they did not openly complain about or criticize TEPCO, apparently in fear that any sign of resistance would incur the wrath of this all-powerful utility.
それでも、表立った苦情や批判が少なかった背景には、後々のことを考えて、強大な支配力をもつ東電に逆らうことへの不安があった。
Given this background, we cannot expect diversified players to enter the market. The government should not allow a single company to disrupt, for selfish reasons, stable power supply by competitors. Transmission networks must become part of an infrastructure that anyone can use equally.
これでは多様なプレーヤーの参入は望めない。１社の都合で他社の安定供給まで妨げられる事態を避けるためにも、送電網は誰もが公平に利用できるインフラにしなければならない。
This is why the transmission and generation of power needs to be separate.
送電部門を発電部門から切り離す「発送電分離」が求められるゆえんである。
Transmission networks for larger areas
■送電網の広域運用を
The government is weighing three plans, from one that separates power generation, transmission and distribution to one in which different companies own each function.
政府内では、機能を分離する形から所有会社を別々にする方法まで３案が検討されている。
Currently, transmission networks are owned by regional utilities. Apart from TEPCO, which will be brought under state control, a new law should be established to separate transmission networks from those utilities.
送電網は現在、電力大手の設備だ。国有化される東電はともかく、他の電力会社が持つ送電網を完全に切り離すには、新たな法律が必要になろう。
Even though it will take much time and effort, companies that are separate from electric utilities should handle transmission networks. That would ensure their independence. The final blueprint should be presented to the power industry so that the separation of the functions can be implemented in phases.
だが、手間がかかっても将来的にはまったく別の企業にして独立性を確保すべきだ。そうした最終的な姿を示し、段階的に分離を進めることだ。
TEPCO should be split up into separate companies responsible for power transmission and generation, respectively. Then, the foundation for setting up a streamlined, neutral transmission company should be laid out. In this context, the cost structure of transmission networks must be made transparent.
New entrants have often complained about expensive fees for using transmission networks. The basis for cost calculation should also be made transparent.
東電を分社化し、送電部門を発電部門と別会社にする。そのうえで、送電網のコスト構造を明らかにし、合理化して中立的な送電会社に向けた基盤をつくる。新規業者が「高すぎる」と批判する送電網の使用料も、算出根拠を透明にする。
Transmission network infrastructures can be used more efficiently when they cover wider areas.
もともと送電網は、広域になるほど効率的に運用できる。
However, different frequencies are used in western and eastern Japan despite the country’s small size, and lines connecting between utilities are not equipped to handle a large amount of electricity in the event of a power crunch. This situation is the inevitable outcome of the existing system in which regional utilities dominate.
それなのに、日本は狭い国土の東西で周波数が異なり、電力会社間の連携線も細い。地域独占を続けてきた結果だ。
Why not start by getting TEPCO’s transmission subsidiary to operate the transmission networks of Tohoku Electric Power Co. and Hokkaido Electric Power Co., both of which are in the 50-hertz zone. Since the Tohoku region and Hokkaido are particularly suited for wind-power generation, this could lead to the increased use of renewable energy.
東電の送電子会社を軸に、５０ヘルツ帯の東北電力、北海道電力と一体運用するところから始めてはどうか。東北、北海道は風力発電の適地であり、自然エネルギーの普及にもつながる。
A public watchdog is also needed to monitor the use of transmission networks. It should be authorized to coordinate supply and demand by working in tandem with the electricity wholesale market. If it is empowered to instruct power generation companies in emergencies, it would lead to the establishment of a power market where fairness is secured.
送電網の運用を監視する公的機関も必要だ。電力卸売市場と連携して、需給の調整を担わせる。いざというときは発電会社にさまざまな命令を出せるようにすれば、市場機能を生かした公正な電力市場にできる。
■地域独占による弊害
For households, the installation of “smart meters” should be promoted as soon as possible. Diversified fee structures should also be made available. If consumers can buy electricity generated by renewables and choose payment plans to suit their lifestyle, power companies will move to meet their needs.
家庭向けでは、通信機能がついた「スマートメーター」の普及を急ぎ、料金体系を多様化させる。消費者が自然エネルギーによる電力を購入したり、自分の生活に合わせた料金メニューを選んだりするようになれば、電力会社は利用者の意向を反映するようになる。
The Fukushima disaster drove home to us the closed nature of the power industry and the harmful nature of maintaining regional monopolies. To clean up the mess left by the disaster, we, as a nation, have no choice but to shoulder a financial burden.
私たちは原発事故を通じて、電力会社の閉鎖性や地域独占の弊害を嫌というほど味わった。事故の後始末で、経済的な負担も背負わざるをえない。
We need to reinvent the power industry, changing it from one manipulated by suppliers to one allowing consumers to take the initiative.
供給者側に都合のいい電力体制から、利用者が主導権を握る時代へ。
Our awareness of the urgency to revamp the power industry will pave the way for such reform.
私たちの問題意識が改革への原動力となる。
2012/02/20
松田喬和の首相番日誌：浮上するか、公選制
(Mainichi Japan) February 18, 2012
With parties foundering, now may be time for direct election of PMs
松田喬和の首相番日誌：浮上するか、公選制
The support rate for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda has been declining. Recent opinion polls by media organizations all show that his administration's approval rating has plunged to somewhere in the 30 percent neighborhood, while the disapproval rate has climbed to some 50 percent.
野田佳彦政権の内閣支持率低下が依然続いている。最近出されたマスコミ各社の調査では、軒並み支持率は３０％前後に下落。逆に不支持率は５０％前後まで上昇した。
"Basically, I should take the results seriously," said Prime Minister Noda during a House of Representatives Budget Committee session when asked about the unpopularity of his Cabinet. However, he also stressed that sometimes the prime minister "has to be ready to convince the public even when faced with harsh opinions at a particular moment."
この点を衆院予算委でただされた野田首相は「基本的には真摯（しんし）に受け取るべきだ」と述べる一方「現状では厳しい世論であっても、それを説得することを覚悟しなくてはならない場面もあると思う」と強調した。
Noda is absolutely determined to raise the consumption tax -- something which most opinion poll respondents oppose. On the other hand, with Japan facing an increasingly greying society, members of the public are becoming more aware that it would be impossible to maintain the current social security system without a consumption tax hike. Noda is apparently encouraged by this growing recognition.
野田首相が不退転の決意で臨んでいる消費増税について、世論調査では反対論が上回っている。一方、一層進む高齢化社会で、消費増税なしに社会保障制度を維持することは不可能との認識も広まっている。これに野田首相も意を強くしたようだ。
Nevertheless, the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has seen its party approval rate fall, while the largest opposition Liberal Democratic Party's support rate remains stuck in neutral. As a result, the number of independents has jumped from somewhere around 50 percent to nearly 70 percent, according to one survey.
ただ、政党支持率では民主党は下落し、自民党も伸び悩み。結果として無党派層が増え、半数前後から７割近くという調査結果が出ている。
This demographic is the target of the host of newly emerging parties across the nation.
この層をターゲットとする新党作りが各地で起きている。
One of them, "Osaka Ishin no Kai" (Osaka Restoration Association), a regional party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto, has drawn up a manifesto called "Senchu Hassaku" -- the same title given to policy proposals thought to have been drafted by the late-Edo era revolutionary hero Sakamoto Ryoma.
橋下徹大阪市長率いる大阪維新の会は公約集「船中八策」を早くも打ち出した。
Prime Minister Noda hailed the local party's policy pledges, saying, "It's good to raise questions about the way this country should be from various perspectives." Mayor Hashimoto was apparently flattered by the remarks, responding, "I'm glad the prime minister commented on what one local political group has been doing."
予算委で「船中八策」への感想を求められた野田首相は、「国のあるべき姿を、いろんな立場から問題提起することはよい」と歓迎。それを聞いた橋下市長も「一ローカルの政治グループのやっていることにコメントしていただき、うれしい」と呼応した。
The Hashimoto-version of "Senchu Hassaku" (literally, eight proposals made aboard ship) advocates direct election of the prime minister. Such a system has often been proposed in times of political chaos. In a recent opinion poll, over 70 percent of respondents favored the direct election of prime ministers.
「船中八策」で注目すべきは、首相公選制だ。過去にも政治が機能不全に見舞われると、首相公選制が浮上していたが、今回も７割以上が賛成の調査結果も出ている。
Former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who has been advocating direct election of prime ministers for some 50 years under the slogan, "Let's be able to choose our lovers and our prime ministers," underscores the advantages of the system.
「恋人と首相は自分で選ぶ」を、キャッチコピーに半世紀前から首相公選制を提唱している中曽根康弘元首相は、そのメリットを力説する。
"What is appropriate for Japan as a communal nation is a system to elect the people by the people.
「共同体国家の日本にふさわしいのは、国民を国民が選ぶ制度だ。
If we set the (prime minister's) term at four years, with a maximum of two terms, the country's executive power would be stable.
任期を４年とし、再選までとすれば、国の執行権は安定する。
It is irrational that while people can directly elect the heads of their local governments, they can't do the same with the prime minister.
自治体の首長を直接選びながら、首相は別というのはおかしい。
Based on past experience, the Japanese people should have enough self-esteem to know they have the right to elect their own prime minister.
これまでの経験から、国民は首相を選べる有資格者と自負しているはずだ。
Once elected, the person would be appointed as prime minister by the Emperor," Nakasone said.
選出された首相を天皇が任命すればよい」
(By Takakazu Matsuda, Expert Senior Writer, Age 66)
（専門編集委員、６６歳）
毎日新聞 2012年2月18日 東京朝刊
With parties foundering, now may be time for direct election of PMs
松田喬和の首相番日誌：浮上するか、公選制
The support rate for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda has been declining. Recent opinion polls by media organizations all show that his administration's approval rating has plunged to somewhere in the 30 percent neighborhood, while the disapproval rate has climbed to some 50 percent.
野田佳彦政権の内閣支持率低下が依然続いている。最近出されたマスコミ各社の調査では、軒並み支持率は３０％前後に下落。逆に不支持率は５０％前後まで上昇した。
"Basically, I should take the results seriously," said Prime Minister Noda during a House of Representatives Budget Committee session when asked about the unpopularity of his Cabinet. However, he also stressed that sometimes the prime minister "has to be ready to convince the public even when faced with harsh opinions at a particular moment."
この点を衆院予算委でただされた野田首相は「基本的には真摯（しんし）に受け取るべきだ」と述べる一方「現状では厳しい世論であっても、それを説得することを覚悟しなくてはならない場面もあると思う」と強調した。
Noda is absolutely determined to raise the consumption tax -- something which most opinion poll respondents oppose. On the other hand, with Japan facing an increasingly greying society, members of the public are becoming more aware that it would be impossible to maintain the current social security system without a consumption tax hike. Noda is apparently encouraged by this growing recognition.
野田首相が不退転の決意で臨んでいる消費増税について、世論調査では反対論が上回っている。一方、一層進む高齢化社会で、消費増税なしに社会保障制度を維持することは不可能との認識も広まっている。これに野田首相も意を強くしたようだ。
Nevertheless, the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has seen its party approval rate fall, while the largest opposition Liberal Democratic Party's support rate remains stuck in neutral. As a result, the number of independents has jumped from somewhere around 50 percent to nearly 70 percent, according to one survey.
ただ、政党支持率では民主党は下落し、自民党も伸び悩み。結果として無党派層が増え、半数前後から７割近くという調査結果が出ている。
This demographic is the target of the host of newly emerging parties across the nation.
この層をターゲットとする新党作りが各地で起きている。
One of them, "Osaka Ishin no Kai" (Osaka Restoration Association), a regional party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimoto, has drawn up a manifesto called "Senchu Hassaku" -- the same title given to policy proposals thought to have been drafted by the late-Edo era revolutionary hero Sakamoto Ryoma.
橋下徹大阪市長率いる大阪維新の会は公約集「船中八策」を早くも打ち出した。
Prime Minister Noda hailed the local party's policy pledges, saying, "It's good to raise questions about the way this country should be from various perspectives." Mayor Hashimoto was apparently flattered by the remarks, responding, "I'm glad the prime minister commented on what one local political group has been doing."
予算委で「船中八策」への感想を求められた野田首相は、「国のあるべき姿を、いろんな立場から問題提起することはよい」と歓迎。それを聞いた橋下市長も「一ローカルの政治グループのやっていることにコメントしていただき、うれしい」と呼応した。
The Hashimoto-version of "Senchu Hassaku" (literally, eight proposals made aboard ship) advocates direct election of the prime minister. Such a system has often been proposed in times of political chaos. In a recent opinion poll, over 70 percent of respondents favored the direct election of prime ministers.
「船中八策」で注目すべきは、首相公選制だ。過去にも政治が機能不全に見舞われると、首相公選制が浮上していたが、今回も７割以上が賛成の調査結果も出ている。
Former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, who has been advocating direct election of prime ministers for some 50 years under the slogan, "Let's be able to choose our lovers and our prime ministers," underscores the advantages of the system.
「恋人と首相は自分で選ぶ」を、キャッチコピーに半世紀前から首相公選制を提唱している中曽根康弘元首相は、そのメリットを力説する。
"What is appropriate for Japan as a communal nation is a system to elect the people by the people.
「共同体国家の日本にふさわしいのは、国民を国民が選ぶ制度だ。
If we set the (prime minister's) term at four years, with a maximum of two terms, the country's executive power would be stable.
任期を４年とし、再選までとすれば、国の執行権は安定する。
It is irrational that while people can directly elect the heads of their local governments, they can't do the same with the prime minister.
自治体の首長を直接選びながら、首相は別というのはおかしい。
Based on past experience, the Japanese people should have enough self-esteem to know they have the right to elect their own prime minister.
これまでの経験から、国民は首相を選べる有資格者と自負しているはずだ。
Once elected, the person would be appointed as prime minister by the Emperor," Nakasone said.
選出された首相を天皇が任命すればよい」
(By Takakazu Matsuda, Expert Senior Writer, Age 66)
（専門編集委員、６６歳）
毎日新聞 2012年2月18日 東京朝刊
2012/02/19
東電処理と電力改革（上）―国民負担は避けられない
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 16
EDITORIAL: Put TEPCO under new management as part of restructuring effort
東電処理と電力改革（上）―国民負担は避けられない
■国の責任でリストラ徹底
Japan is beset by an unprecedented nuclear disaster. In this editorial, one of two devoted to the issue, we outline steps the government is being forced to consider to reform the nation's troubled power industry.
Central to this issue is the future of Tokyo Electric Power Co., the embattled operator of Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, which faces financial ruin.
かつてない原発事故を起こした東京電力をどのように処理していくか。それは、電力システム改革への試金石ともなる。
２回にわけて、私たちの考え方を示したい。
◇ ◇ ◇
Few people would dispute that TEPCO has an obligation to shoulder the bulk of the colossal costs associated with the catastrophe at the Fukushima plant.
福島第一原発の事故にともなう巨額の費用は、東電に徹底的に負担させる。ほとんどの人は異論あるまい。
Clearly, it is impossible for the utility to bear all the costs. There is no doubt that taxpayers will end up footing a substantial portion of the bill through higher electricity rates or taxes.
しかし、とても追いつかないだろう。最後は、電気料金や税金の形で国民が負担せざるをえない。
This is the reality confronting TEPCO in determining the company's future.
これが東電処理の現実だ。
But first, let us take a look at the plan the government is drawing up to ride out the crisis.
政府がいま進めている計画を確認しておこう。
It has decided to inject public funds totaling 1 trillion yen ($12.75 billion) into the company, which has little chance of surviving on its own.
経営難に陥っている東電に対し、１兆円の国費を資本注入することは既定路線だ。
The huge injection of taxpayer money is aimed at preventing disruptions in electricity supply and turmoil in financial markets.
電力の供給が滞ったり、金融市場が混乱したりするのを避けるための措置である。
But the Finance Ministry is voicing doubts about the wisdom of the government acquiring a more than two-thirds stake in the company, which would make it directly responsible for the utility’s management. That, the ministry fears, could entail an additional fiscal burden for the government in the future.
ところが、東電の３分の２超の株式を取得して、経営に直接、責任を負うことには、財務省から慎重論が出ている。将来的な財政負担につながりかねないという理由からだ。
Instead, it wants the government to provide funds to tide over TEPCO for the time being. Under this scenario, TEPCO would remain as a private-sector company and eventually pay back the money it receives from the government.
国が必要な資金を出すにしても、あくまで「当面」のこと。民間企業としての東電を残し、いずれは返してもらう――。そんな思惑である。
At first glance, this idea is attractive, at least from the viewpoint of minimizing the financial burden on the public. This is because the nuclear damage liability facilitation fund law, enacted to enable the government to help TEPCO pay compensation to victims of the nuclear disaster, is also rooted in this concept.
国民負担の回避という点で、この理屈は一見、もっともらしい。東電の賠償資金を国が支援するために施行された原子力損害賠償支援機構法も、そうした考え方に立っている。
But does it really make sense, from a long-term perspective, to allow TEPCO to continue to exist in its current form?
だが、長い目で見て、いまの東電を存続させることは合理的なシナリオだろうか。
For TEPCO to pay back the money, the government would have to maximize the profits the company earns. To protect TEPCO’s monopoly on the regional power market, the government would have to make it almost impossible for other players to enter the market.
東電から確実に返済させるには、できるだけ稼いでもらわなければならない。それには、東電の地域独占を守り、電力市場への新規参入はできるだけ少なくしたほうが得策だ。
In short, there would be a powerful disincentive for the government to embark on reforming the nation’s electricity supply system.
つまり、電力改革にはまともに手をつけないということになる。
There would be no momentum for drastic restructuring and selling off power plants.
発電所売却などの思い切ったリストラも進まない。
The TEPCO management would have a strong incentive to minimize the compensation it pays to victims. This could result in further delays in the company’s negotiations with victims over compensation.
経営陣には、賠償額をできるだけ抑えようという誘因がはたらく。被害者との交渉は、いま以上に遅れかねない。
Still, it would be a tall order for TEPCO to raise the necessary funds to stay in business.
それでも、東電が必要な資金を捻出するのは至難のわざだ。
The job of cleaning up the nuclear mess could be a financial black hole. As for the costs of decommissioning the crippled reactors, it is not even clear how the melted nuclear fuel could be recovered.
廃炉費用ひとつとっても、溶け出した核燃料の回収は手法のめどすら立っていない。
It is generally estimated that tens of billions of yen are needed to decommission a reactor that has reached the end of its useful life. But TEPCO must deal with four reactors that have been disabled by the accident. It will take three to four decades to dismantle these facilities. The total bill will most definitely balloon to more than 1 trillion yen.
ふつうに寿命を迎えた原発でも、廃炉には数百億円かかるとされる。ましてや事故炉が４基だ。最終撤去まで３０～４０年かかる。総額が兆円単位に膨らむことは間違いない。
The cost will further grow if the two remaining reactors at the Fukushima No. 1 plant and the four reactors at the Fukushima No. 2 plant are factored in.
福島第一原発の残り２基と福島第二原発の４基も含めれば、費用はさらに増える。
The company is already under financial strain due to growing fuel costs resulting from expanded use of thermal power generation.
足元では、火力発電の増強による燃料代の高騰が経営をゆさぶる。
It is impossible to estimate how much money will be needed to decontaminate areas hit by radioactive fallout.
除染の費用は、いくらになるか見当もつかない。
TEPCO has no choice but to cut back on new investment. In doing so, it runs the risk of seriously undermining its ability to provide proper maintenance of its power supply facilities. That, in turn, could jeopardize the electricity supply situation to the Tokyo metropolitan area.
追い込まれる東電は新規投資を手控えるだろう。電力設備の保守すら危うくなれば、首都圏の電力供給に支障が出る。
If the government wanted to avoid providing public funds to bail out TEPCO by making sure the firm will generate sufficient profits, it would have no choice but to force businesses and households in Tokyo and surrounding areas to accept exorbitant hikes in electricity bills.
結局、財政負担を回避するため、東電に利益を確保させようとすると、首都圏の企業や家庭に、法外な料金値上げを求めざるをえない。
Another option would be for the government to take control of TEPCO's management, fully expecting to be forced to use taxpayer money.
もう一方の道は、国民負担を覚悟のうえで、国が経営権を握るルートだ。
The responsibility for the catastrophe rests primarily with TEPCO. That said, the government had been promoting nuclear power generation as a national policy.
今回の事故の責任は一義的には東電にあるが、原子力発電は「国策」でもあった。
It had prompted the expansion of nuclear power generation, permitted the construction of the nuclear power plant and overlooked the company’s failure to take sufficient safety measures. Nobody would argue that the government shares in the responsibility for the accident.
政府が推進し、建設を許可し、安全対策への怠慢を放置してきた。国にまったく責任がないと考える人はいないはずだ。
In the scandal over cases of AIDS contracted from contaminated blood products and hepatitis B contracted from childhood vaccination, the government has decided to provide financial relief and pay compensation to victims. In doing so, it is taking responsibility for the policy mistakes that led to the public health disasters.
薬害エイズやＢ型肝炎では、政策責任をとって国が被害者の救済や賠償を担った。
If the government decides to assume ultimate responsibility to deal with the aftermath of the nuclear disaster triggered by the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, it would be able to use the process to open up new possibilities for the nation’s power market.
今回の後始末も、最後は国として引き受ける。そこさえ腹を決めれば、東電処理を電力市場の新しい可能性へとつなげられる。
Herein lies the biggest significance of nationalizing the utility.
国有化の最大の意味は、そこにある。
Obviously, the financial burden to the public should be kept to a minimum.
もちろん、国民負担は最小限にとどめるべきだ。
That would require the government to exhaustively restructure TEPCO to scrape up as much cash as possible to pay off the debt.
そのためには、まず東電のリストラを徹底し、負債にあてる原資を最大限ひねり出す必要がある。
TEPCO is effectively in a state of negative net worth as its liabilities exceed its assets.
東電は実質的に債務超過の状態だ。
Free market principles would dictate that the company should go face legal bankruptcy procedures.
本来なら、市場のルールに従って破綻（はたん）処理されるはずの企業である。
The company’s stock should be declared valueless. Even though it has used up a big chunk of its capital surplus to deal with the situation, TEPCO still has some 900 billion yen in equity capital.
株式の価値はゼロにする。東電は剰余金を相当取り崩したものの、９千億円ほどの資本金がある。
As long as taxpayer money is used to deal with the utility mess, shareholders should accept the loss of their investment in the company.
国民の税金が投じられる以上、株主が損失を負担するのは当然だ。
The government should also require the company’s creditor banks to forgive at least part of the debts owed by TEPCO to them.
金融機関にも一定の債権放棄を求める。
Financial institutions are supposed to impose market discipline on corporate financing by lending money to companies at interest rates that reflect the risks of their businesses assessed through rigorous examinations.
融資先の事業リスクを審査してリスクに見合った金利をつけることで市場の規律を働かせるのが金融の役割だ。
But the banks had been providing funds to TEPCO at favorable terms. That’s because there was a tacit understanding that the government would protect regional power monopolies at any cost.
にもかかわらず、銀行は東電に有利な条件で資金を提供してきた。地域独占の電力会社は何があっても政府が守るという暗黙の理解があったからだ。
That attitude reflects their underestimation of the safety risks of nuclear power generation. The financial institutions should pay the price for that.
それは、原発リスクを過小評価してきたことの裏返しでもある。金融機関は結果責任をとらなければならない。
It is not easy to decide how to deal with TEPCO bonds, which are secured by specific company assets.
社債（東電債）は担保付きであり、扱いはむずかしい。
But the value of the company’s electricity business has been deeply compromised. There should be a reasonable way to reduce the value of the bonds in line with the decline in the value of the underlying assets.
ただ東電の電気事業の価値そのものは大きく毀損（きそん）している。担保の目減りを社債の償還額に反映させる考え方もあるはずだ。
The government should figure out what to do through dialogue with the market.
市場との対話を重ねながら、方法を探るべきだ。
The funds thus raised should be used primarily to pay compensation to victims. This problem should be settled as quickly as possible to move the process of handling the TEPCO mess to the next step.
得られた資金は被害者への賠償に優先的にあてる。次のステップに進むため、できるだけ早く解決しなければならない。
Clearly, the management team should be replaced. Not only the top management posts, but also key leadership positions at major sections should be filled with people committed to reform, to be recruited from both inside and outside the company. This way, employees would be encouraged to point out problems with the company and contribute ideas for fixing them.
もちろん、経営陣は交代させる。トップだけでなく主要な部署のリーダーには社内外から改革の意思のある人物をつけ、社員の問題意識や新しいアイデアを引き出す。
The company’s assets, including power plants, should be sold or spun off boldly. Shady business transactions with affiliated firms should be terminated. The salaries of employees need to be reviewed fundamentally.
発電所などの資産を大胆に売却したり、切り離したりする。関連会社との不透明な取引は排除する。社員の処遇は根本的に見直す。
In addition, TEPCO’s pension program should be treated as that of a failed company. Getting the consent of former employees for cuts in their pension benefits should be done as soon as possible.
企業年金も破綻企業と同じ扱いとし、ＯＢから早期に減額への合意をとりつける。
The shortfall of funds left after all these efforts would have to be covered through rate increases. But the hikes would be much smaller if these radical restructuring steps are taken.
それでも足りない分は、やはり料金値上げに頼らざるをえない。ただし、リストラを徹底するぶん、上げ幅は小さくできるはずだ。
If neither of the two options results in a financial burden on the public through electricity rate increases, then it would clearly be better if the government takes control of the company’s management.
どちらを選んでも、料金値上げという国民負担が避けられないのなら、国が経営権を握るほうがいいのは明らかだ。
It is almost impossible at this moment to estimate the total amount of damages caused by the nuclear accident.
原発事故による損失の総額を現時点で見通すことはむずかしい。
Power market liberalization would prompt more businesses and households in the region to switch from TEPCO to other power suppliers.
電力改革が進むと、他の事業者に乗り換える企業や家庭も増えるだろう。
Since TEPCO itself is dismantled in the process, there will be a limit to how much money the company can receive from electricity charges.
東電自体、解体が進むため電気料金による回収にも限界がある。
In the end, the government, which is responsible for the expansion of nuclear power generation in this country, will have to consider using taxpayer money to cover the shortfall while reorganizing its nuclear power budget.
最後は、原発を推進してきた国の責任として、原子力予算を組み替えつつ、税金での穴埋めを検討する必要がある。
Given the fiscal crunch, it is also necessary to take new measures to increase tax revenue, such as taxing the use of TEPCO’s power transmission network. That would spread the burden to all the consumers of electricity within the region served by the utility.
国の財源に余裕がないことを考えれば、例えば東電の送電網を利用することに課税してはどうか。そうすれば東電管内の電気を使うすべての人が負担することになる。
If all these steps fail to raise the necessary amount of money, the government will have to expand the national tax base. In that case, it will be necessary to adopt special measures to win public support for the tax increase, such as imposing higher tax rates within the region served by TEPCO.
なお不十分な場合は、全国的に課税ベースを広げる。東電管内だけ税率を高くするなどして、納得を得る努力も必要になるだろう。
It is vital to minimize the negative effects on people’s daily lives and the nation’s economy as a whole.
できるだけ日常生活や経済への影響を少なくするよう工夫したい。
None of the ideas discussed here would be easy to implement.
どれも簡単ではない。
But the entire nation needs to rise to the challenges created by the nuclear disaster.
だが、原発事故が提起した問題には、国民全員で向き合うしかない。
By doing so, we would be able to consider the situation of people in Fukushima as our own problem and start thinking seriously about the future of our nation’s energy policy.
それが、福島の人たちを自分のことと考え、一人ひとりが今後のエネルギー政策を真剣に考えることにつながる。
EDITORIAL: Put TEPCO under new management as part of restructuring effort
東電処理と電力改革（上）―国民負担は避けられない
■国の責任でリストラ徹底
Japan is beset by an unprecedented nuclear disaster. In this editorial, one of two devoted to the issue, we outline steps the government is being forced to consider to reform the nation's troubled power industry.
Central to this issue is the future of Tokyo Electric Power Co., the embattled operator of Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, which faces financial ruin.
かつてない原発事故を起こした東京電力をどのように処理していくか。それは、電力システム改革への試金石ともなる。
２回にわけて、私たちの考え方を示したい。
◇ ◇ ◇
Few people would dispute that TEPCO has an obligation to shoulder the bulk of the colossal costs associated with the catastrophe at the Fukushima plant.
福島第一原発の事故にともなう巨額の費用は、東電に徹底的に負担させる。ほとんどの人は異論あるまい。
Clearly, it is impossible for the utility to bear all the costs. There is no doubt that taxpayers will end up footing a substantial portion of the bill through higher electricity rates or taxes.
しかし、とても追いつかないだろう。最後は、電気料金や税金の形で国民が負担せざるをえない。
This is the reality confronting TEPCO in determining the company's future.
これが東電処理の現実だ。
But first, let us take a look at the plan the government is drawing up to ride out the crisis.
政府がいま進めている計画を確認しておこう。
It has decided to inject public funds totaling 1 trillion yen ($12.75 billion) into the company, which has little chance of surviving on its own.
経営難に陥っている東電に対し、１兆円の国費を資本注入することは既定路線だ。
The huge injection of taxpayer money is aimed at preventing disruptions in electricity supply and turmoil in financial markets.
電力の供給が滞ったり、金融市場が混乱したりするのを避けるための措置である。
But the Finance Ministry is voicing doubts about the wisdom of the government acquiring a more than two-thirds stake in the company, which would make it directly responsible for the utility’s management. That, the ministry fears, could entail an additional fiscal burden for the government in the future.
ところが、東電の３分の２超の株式を取得して、経営に直接、責任を負うことには、財務省から慎重論が出ている。将来的な財政負担につながりかねないという理由からだ。
Instead, it wants the government to provide funds to tide over TEPCO for the time being. Under this scenario, TEPCO would remain as a private-sector company and eventually pay back the money it receives from the government.
国が必要な資金を出すにしても、あくまで「当面」のこと。民間企業としての東電を残し、いずれは返してもらう――。そんな思惑である。
At first glance, this idea is attractive, at least from the viewpoint of minimizing the financial burden on the public. This is because the nuclear damage liability facilitation fund law, enacted to enable the government to help TEPCO pay compensation to victims of the nuclear disaster, is also rooted in this concept.
国民負担の回避という点で、この理屈は一見、もっともらしい。東電の賠償資金を国が支援するために施行された原子力損害賠償支援機構法も、そうした考え方に立っている。
But does it really make sense, from a long-term perspective, to allow TEPCO to continue to exist in its current form?
だが、長い目で見て、いまの東電を存続させることは合理的なシナリオだろうか。
For TEPCO to pay back the money, the government would have to maximize the profits the company earns. To protect TEPCO’s monopoly on the regional power market, the government would have to make it almost impossible for other players to enter the market.
東電から確実に返済させるには、できるだけ稼いでもらわなければならない。それには、東電の地域独占を守り、電力市場への新規参入はできるだけ少なくしたほうが得策だ。
In short, there would be a powerful disincentive for the government to embark on reforming the nation’s electricity supply system.
つまり、電力改革にはまともに手をつけないということになる。
There would be no momentum for drastic restructuring and selling off power plants.
発電所売却などの思い切ったリストラも進まない。
The TEPCO management would have a strong incentive to minimize the compensation it pays to victims. This could result in further delays in the company’s negotiations with victims over compensation.
経営陣には、賠償額をできるだけ抑えようという誘因がはたらく。被害者との交渉は、いま以上に遅れかねない。
Still, it would be a tall order for TEPCO to raise the necessary funds to stay in business.
それでも、東電が必要な資金を捻出するのは至難のわざだ。
The job of cleaning up the nuclear mess could be a financial black hole. As for the costs of decommissioning the crippled reactors, it is not even clear how the melted nuclear fuel could be recovered.
廃炉費用ひとつとっても、溶け出した核燃料の回収は手法のめどすら立っていない。
It is generally estimated that tens of billions of yen are needed to decommission a reactor that has reached the end of its useful life. But TEPCO must deal with four reactors that have been disabled by the accident. It will take three to four decades to dismantle these facilities. The total bill will most definitely balloon to more than 1 trillion yen.
ふつうに寿命を迎えた原発でも、廃炉には数百億円かかるとされる。ましてや事故炉が４基だ。最終撤去まで３０～４０年かかる。総額が兆円単位に膨らむことは間違いない。
The cost will further grow if the two remaining reactors at the Fukushima No. 1 plant and the four reactors at the Fukushima No. 2 plant are factored in.
福島第一原発の残り２基と福島第二原発の４基も含めれば、費用はさらに増える。
The company is already under financial strain due to growing fuel costs resulting from expanded use of thermal power generation.
足元では、火力発電の増強による燃料代の高騰が経営をゆさぶる。
It is impossible to estimate how much money will be needed to decontaminate areas hit by radioactive fallout.
除染の費用は、いくらになるか見当もつかない。
TEPCO has no choice but to cut back on new investment. In doing so, it runs the risk of seriously undermining its ability to provide proper maintenance of its power supply facilities. That, in turn, could jeopardize the electricity supply situation to the Tokyo metropolitan area.
追い込まれる東電は新規投資を手控えるだろう。電力設備の保守すら危うくなれば、首都圏の電力供給に支障が出る。
If the government wanted to avoid providing public funds to bail out TEPCO by making sure the firm will generate sufficient profits, it would have no choice but to force businesses and households in Tokyo and surrounding areas to accept exorbitant hikes in electricity bills.
結局、財政負担を回避するため、東電に利益を確保させようとすると、首都圏の企業や家庭に、法外な料金値上げを求めざるをえない。
Another option would be for the government to take control of TEPCO's management, fully expecting to be forced to use taxpayer money.
もう一方の道は、国民負担を覚悟のうえで、国が経営権を握るルートだ。
The responsibility for the catastrophe rests primarily with TEPCO. That said, the government had been promoting nuclear power generation as a national policy.
今回の事故の責任は一義的には東電にあるが、原子力発電は「国策」でもあった。
It had prompted the expansion of nuclear power generation, permitted the construction of the nuclear power plant and overlooked the company’s failure to take sufficient safety measures. Nobody would argue that the government shares in the responsibility for the accident.
政府が推進し、建設を許可し、安全対策への怠慢を放置してきた。国にまったく責任がないと考える人はいないはずだ。
In the scandal over cases of AIDS contracted from contaminated blood products and hepatitis B contracted from childhood vaccination, the government has decided to provide financial relief and pay compensation to victims. In doing so, it is taking responsibility for the policy mistakes that led to the public health disasters.
薬害エイズやＢ型肝炎では、政策責任をとって国が被害者の救済や賠償を担った。
If the government decides to assume ultimate responsibility to deal with the aftermath of the nuclear disaster triggered by the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, it would be able to use the process to open up new possibilities for the nation’s power market.
今回の後始末も、最後は国として引き受ける。そこさえ腹を決めれば、東電処理を電力市場の新しい可能性へとつなげられる。
Herein lies the biggest significance of nationalizing the utility.
国有化の最大の意味は、そこにある。
Obviously, the financial burden to the public should be kept to a minimum.
もちろん、国民負担は最小限にとどめるべきだ。
That would require the government to exhaustively restructure TEPCO to scrape up as much cash as possible to pay off the debt.
そのためには、まず東電のリストラを徹底し、負債にあてる原資を最大限ひねり出す必要がある。
TEPCO is effectively in a state of negative net worth as its liabilities exceed its assets.
東電は実質的に債務超過の状態だ。
Free market principles would dictate that the company should go face legal bankruptcy procedures.
本来なら、市場のルールに従って破綻（はたん）処理されるはずの企業である。
The company’s stock should be declared valueless. Even though it has used up a big chunk of its capital surplus to deal with the situation, TEPCO still has some 900 billion yen in equity capital.
株式の価値はゼロにする。東電は剰余金を相当取り崩したものの、９千億円ほどの資本金がある。
As long as taxpayer money is used to deal with the utility mess, shareholders should accept the loss of their investment in the company.
国民の税金が投じられる以上、株主が損失を負担するのは当然だ。
The government should also require the company’s creditor banks to forgive at least part of the debts owed by TEPCO to them.
金融機関にも一定の債権放棄を求める。
Financial institutions are supposed to impose market discipline on corporate financing by lending money to companies at interest rates that reflect the risks of their businesses assessed through rigorous examinations.
融資先の事業リスクを審査してリスクに見合った金利をつけることで市場の規律を働かせるのが金融の役割だ。
But the banks had been providing funds to TEPCO at favorable terms. That’s because there was a tacit understanding that the government would protect regional power monopolies at any cost.
にもかかわらず、銀行は東電に有利な条件で資金を提供してきた。地域独占の電力会社は何があっても政府が守るという暗黙の理解があったからだ。
That attitude reflects their underestimation of the safety risks of nuclear power generation. The financial institutions should pay the price for that.
それは、原発リスクを過小評価してきたことの裏返しでもある。金融機関は結果責任をとらなければならない。
It is not easy to decide how to deal with TEPCO bonds, which are secured by specific company assets.
社債（東電債）は担保付きであり、扱いはむずかしい。
But the value of the company’s electricity business has been deeply compromised. There should be a reasonable way to reduce the value of the bonds in line with the decline in the value of the underlying assets.
ただ東電の電気事業の価値そのものは大きく毀損（きそん）している。担保の目減りを社債の償還額に反映させる考え方もあるはずだ。
The government should figure out what to do through dialogue with the market.
市場との対話を重ねながら、方法を探るべきだ。
The funds thus raised should be used primarily to pay compensation to victims. This problem should be settled as quickly as possible to move the process of handling the TEPCO mess to the next step.
得られた資金は被害者への賠償に優先的にあてる。次のステップに進むため、できるだけ早く解決しなければならない。
Clearly, the management team should be replaced. Not only the top management posts, but also key leadership positions at major sections should be filled with people committed to reform, to be recruited from both inside and outside the company. This way, employees would be encouraged to point out problems with the company and contribute ideas for fixing them.
もちろん、経営陣は交代させる。トップだけでなく主要な部署のリーダーには社内外から改革の意思のある人物をつけ、社員の問題意識や新しいアイデアを引き出す。
The company’s assets, including power plants, should be sold or spun off boldly. Shady business transactions with affiliated firms should be terminated. The salaries of employees need to be reviewed fundamentally.
発電所などの資産を大胆に売却したり、切り離したりする。関連会社との不透明な取引は排除する。社員の処遇は根本的に見直す。
In addition, TEPCO’s pension program should be treated as that of a failed company. Getting the consent of former employees for cuts in their pension benefits should be done as soon as possible.
企業年金も破綻企業と同じ扱いとし、ＯＢから早期に減額への合意をとりつける。
The shortfall of funds left after all these efforts would have to be covered through rate increases. But the hikes would be much smaller if these radical restructuring steps are taken.
それでも足りない分は、やはり料金値上げに頼らざるをえない。ただし、リストラを徹底するぶん、上げ幅は小さくできるはずだ。
If neither of the two options results in a financial burden on the public through electricity rate increases, then it would clearly be better if the government takes control of the company’s management.
どちらを選んでも、料金値上げという国民負担が避けられないのなら、国が経営権を握るほうがいいのは明らかだ。
It is almost impossible at this moment to estimate the total amount of damages caused by the nuclear accident.
原発事故による損失の総額を現時点で見通すことはむずかしい。
Power market liberalization would prompt more businesses and households in the region to switch from TEPCO to other power suppliers.
電力改革が進むと、他の事業者に乗り換える企業や家庭も増えるだろう。
Since TEPCO itself is dismantled in the process, there will be a limit to how much money the company can receive from electricity charges.
東電自体、解体が進むため電気料金による回収にも限界がある。
In the end, the government, which is responsible for the expansion of nuclear power generation in this country, will have to consider using taxpayer money to cover the shortfall while reorganizing its nuclear power budget.
最後は、原発を推進してきた国の責任として、原子力予算を組み替えつつ、税金での穴埋めを検討する必要がある。
Given the fiscal crunch, it is also necessary to take new measures to increase tax revenue, such as taxing the use of TEPCO’s power transmission network. That would spread the burden to all the consumers of electricity within the region served by the utility.
国の財源に余裕がないことを考えれば、例えば東電の送電網を利用することに課税してはどうか。そうすれば東電管内の電気を使うすべての人が負担することになる。
If all these steps fail to raise the necessary amount of money, the government will have to expand the national tax base. In that case, it will be necessary to adopt special measures to win public support for the tax increase, such as imposing higher tax rates within the region served by TEPCO.
なお不十分な場合は、全国的に課税ベースを広げる。東電管内だけ税率を高くするなどして、納得を得る努力も必要になるだろう。
It is vital to minimize the negative effects on people’s daily lives and the nation’s economy as a whole.
できるだけ日常生活や経済への影響を少なくするよう工夫したい。
None of the ideas discussed here would be easy to implement.
どれも簡単ではない。
But the entire nation needs to rise to the challenges created by the nuclear disaster.
だが、原発事故が提起した問題には、国民全員で向き合うしかない。
By doing so, we would be able to consider the situation of people in Fukushima as our own problem and start thinking seriously about the future of our nation’s energy policy.
それが、福島の人たちを自分のことと考え、一人ひとりが今後のエネルギー政策を真剣に考えることにつながる。
2012/02/18
水説：ビスマルクの年金＝潮田道夫
(Mainichi Japan) February 16, 2012
Bismarck's pension system
水説：ビスマルクの年金＝潮田道夫
＜ｓｕｉ－ｓｅｔｓｕ＞
The world's first modern pension system was introduced by Chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck in the 19th century. The move was designed to propitiate the German people at a time when the newly forged empire was trying to stamp out the rising appeal of socialism.
年金制度は１９世紀プロイセンのビスマルク首相にさかのぼる。台頭しつつあった社会主義勢力を弾圧する一方、年金で国民を懐柔した。有名な「アメとムチ」政策のアメ。
Bismarck's pension system was based on the assumption that workers would pass away just a few years after retirement in their mid-50s on, according to Michael W. Hodin, a member of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations.
米外交問題評議会のマイケル・Ｗ・ホーディン氏（人口問題担当）によれば、「ビスマルクモデルは人々が５０代半ば、あるいはその後半まで働いた後に引退し、その後数年間でこの世を去るというシナリオを前提にしていた」（フォーリン・アフェアーズリポート１１年２月号）。
Since people at the time had a shorter lifespan, the government did not have to spend much money on pension benefits. One theory has it that Bismarck even set up the system with the aim of diverting part of the pension premiums to help finance Germany's hefty military expenditures.
当時の人々の寿命は短かったから、国は年金をたいして払わなくても済んだ。一説には、ビスマルクは積み立てた年金を戦費に回すのが狙いだった、ともいう。
In the United States, President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced a pension system in 1935 under the Social Security Act. Under the system, pension eligibility started at 65. However, since the average lifespan in the country was 61 at the time, only those who lived very long lives were around to collect.
米国ではルーズベルト大統領が１９３５年社会保障法で年金制度を導入した。この年金も支給開始年齢は６５歳。当時の平均寿命は６１歳であり、例外的に長生きした人でないと年金をもらえなかった。
University of Tokyo professor Fumiaki Kubo says pension systems were originally set up to support those who lived longer than average. In other words, pension systems were part of policy measures to care for those who grew too old to work.
久保文明東大教授の説くところでは、年金制度の目的はそもそも平均寿命を超えて生きてしまった人々の面倒を見るためであった。つまりは働けないほどの老人向け施策だったわけだ。
Currently, the average lifespan of a Japanese woman is 86.39 years, while that of a Japanese man is 79.64. If the spirit of Bismarck's pension system were applied, Japanese women would become eligible for benefits at the age of about 88, and men at around 82.
日本人の平均寿命はいま、女性が８６・３９歳、男性が７９・６４歳だ。ビスマルク流にやると、年金の支給開始は女性で８８歳ぐらい、男性で８２歳ぐらいということになろう。
Bismarck's and Roosevelt's systems would not be worthy of the term "pension" as it is understood today.
ひどいね。ビスマルクにしろルーズベルトにしろ、彼らの年金は今日的感覚では年金の名に値しない。
The social security programs we now have are far better than those introduced by these two bygone leaders, but may also be a bit too generous.
私たちの社会保障制度はビスマルクやルーズベルトよりはるかに充実している。しかし、少々、気前が良すぎるのかもしれない。
Japan can sustain its pension programs right now because the ratio of premium-paying workers to pensioners is three to one. However, the ratio will be one to one in the not-too-distant future. If social programs remain as they are now, this will put an unsustainable burden on workers paying premiums.
日本はいま現役３人に対し高齢者１人の人口比率だからなんとかなっているが、早晩この比率は１対１になる。制度が現状のままなら現役の負担が大き過ぎて、社会保障制度は維持できない。
Considering these problems, we can no longer laugh at Bismarck's stinginess. Any great social security program is meaningless unless it is sustainable.
こうなってみると、ビスマルクのけちを笑っている場合でない。維持できなければどんなに立派な社会保障制度をつくっても無意味である。
The government's plan to reform the tax and social security systems together, which has created great confusion and disturbance in the Diet, is aimed at reducing costs and increasing income. Nevertheless, discussions are focused excessively on a consumption tax hike to increase revenue while failing to come up with concrete cost reduction ideas.
いま国会でもみくちゃになっている「税と社会保障の一体改革」。「出を制して入るを図る」が万古不易の再建策のはずだが、「入る」の消費増税だけが突出して、削るほうが甘い。
For example, Japan has delayed a decision on raising the pension eligibility age, though Germany has hiked its eligibility age from 65 to 67. In other words, Japanese political leaders are avoiding a decision that would be highly unpopular among the elderly.
例えば年金支給開始年齢。あのドイツでさえ６５歳を６７歳にすることにしたのに、日本は先送り。一事が万事。年配層に嫌われるようなことから逃げまくっている。
Bismarck says, "People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war or before an election."
ビスマルクが言っている。「人がウソをつくのは狩りの後、戦争の最中、そして選挙の前」
(By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年2月15日 東京朝刊
Bismarck's pension system
水説：ビスマルクの年金＝潮田道夫
＜ｓｕｉ－ｓｅｔｓｕ＞
The world's first modern pension system was introduced by Chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck in the 19th century. The move was designed to propitiate the German people at a time when the newly forged empire was trying to stamp out the rising appeal of socialism.
年金制度は１９世紀プロイセンのビスマルク首相にさかのぼる。台頭しつつあった社会主義勢力を弾圧する一方、年金で国民を懐柔した。有名な「アメとムチ」政策のアメ。
Bismarck's pension system was based on the assumption that workers would pass away just a few years after retirement in their mid-50s on, according to Michael W. Hodin, a member of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations.
米外交問題評議会のマイケル・Ｗ・ホーディン氏（人口問題担当）によれば、「ビスマルクモデルは人々が５０代半ば、あるいはその後半まで働いた後に引退し、その後数年間でこの世を去るというシナリオを前提にしていた」（フォーリン・アフェアーズリポート１１年２月号）。
Since people at the time had a shorter lifespan, the government did not have to spend much money on pension benefits. One theory has it that Bismarck even set up the system with the aim of diverting part of the pension premiums to help finance Germany's hefty military expenditures.
当時の人々の寿命は短かったから、国は年金をたいして払わなくても済んだ。一説には、ビスマルクは積み立てた年金を戦費に回すのが狙いだった、ともいう。
In the United States, President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced a pension system in 1935 under the Social Security Act. Under the system, pension eligibility started at 65. However, since the average lifespan in the country was 61 at the time, only those who lived very long lives were around to collect.
米国ではルーズベルト大統領が１９３５年社会保障法で年金制度を導入した。この年金も支給開始年齢は６５歳。当時の平均寿命は６１歳であり、例外的に長生きした人でないと年金をもらえなかった。
University of Tokyo professor Fumiaki Kubo says pension systems were originally set up to support those who lived longer than average. In other words, pension systems were part of policy measures to care for those who grew too old to work.
久保文明東大教授の説くところでは、年金制度の目的はそもそも平均寿命を超えて生きてしまった人々の面倒を見るためであった。つまりは働けないほどの老人向け施策だったわけだ。
Currently, the average lifespan of a Japanese woman is 86.39 years, while that of a Japanese man is 79.64. If the spirit of Bismarck's pension system were applied, Japanese women would become eligible for benefits at the age of about 88, and men at around 82.
日本人の平均寿命はいま、女性が８６・３９歳、男性が７９・６４歳だ。ビスマルク流にやると、年金の支給開始は女性で８８歳ぐらい、男性で８２歳ぐらいということになろう。
Bismarck's and Roosevelt's systems would not be worthy of the term "pension" as it is understood today.
ひどいね。ビスマルクにしろルーズベルトにしろ、彼らの年金は今日的感覚では年金の名に値しない。
The social security programs we now have are far better than those introduced by these two bygone leaders, but may also be a bit too generous.
私たちの社会保障制度はビスマルクやルーズベルトよりはるかに充実している。しかし、少々、気前が良すぎるのかもしれない。
Japan can sustain its pension programs right now because the ratio of premium-paying workers to pensioners is three to one. However, the ratio will be one to one in the not-too-distant future. If social programs remain as they are now, this will put an unsustainable burden on workers paying premiums.
日本はいま現役３人に対し高齢者１人の人口比率だからなんとかなっているが、早晩この比率は１対１になる。制度が現状のままなら現役の負担が大き過ぎて、社会保障制度は維持できない。
Considering these problems, we can no longer laugh at Bismarck's stinginess. Any great social security program is meaningless unless it is sustainable.
こうなってみると、ビスマルクのけちを笑っている場合でない。維持できなければどんなに立派な社会保障制度をつくっても無意味である。
The government's plan to reform the tax and social security systems together, which has created great confusion and disturbance in the Diet, is aimed at reducing costs and increasing income. Nevertheless, discussions are focused excessively on a consumption tax hike to increase revenue while failing to come up with concrete cost reduction ideas.
いま国会でもみくちゃになっている「税と社会保障の一体改革」。「出を制して入るを図る」が万古不易の再建策のはずだが、「入る」の消費増税だけが突出して、削るほうが甘い。
For example, Japan has delayed a decision on raising the pension eligibility age, though Germany has hiked its eligibility age from 65 to 67. In other words, Japanese political leaders are avoiding a decision that would be highly unpopular among the elderly.
例えば年金支給開始年齢。あのドイツでさえ６５歳を６７歳にすることにしたのに、日本は先送り。一事が万事。年配層に嫌われるようなことから逃げまくっている。
Bismarck says, "People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war or before an election."
ビスマルクが言っている。「人がウソをつくのは狩りの後、戦争の最中、そして選挙の前」
(By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞 2012年2月15日 東京朝刊
2012/02/17
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か
意を決して乗り込んだ希望（のぞみ）の船が、かちかち山のどろ船だったら浮かばれませんが、他に乗るべき船が見当たらないのが現実です。若い人を中心に、選挙では、この平成の坂本竜馬に人気が集中するのでしょう。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か
February 15, 2012
Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。
The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。
The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。
We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。
But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。
Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。
It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。
Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。
In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。
The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。
In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。
And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。
The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。
But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。
We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。
Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。
These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。
In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。
Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。
Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。
Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。
Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。
The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。
（スラチャイ）
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か
February 15, 2012
Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。
The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。
The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。
We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。
But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。
Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。
It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。
Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。
In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。
The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。
In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。
And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。
The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。
But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。
We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。
Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。
These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。
In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。
Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。
Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。
Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。
Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。
The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。
2012/02/16
ビルマよりの手紙： ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出
インターネットのまだ無い時代に文通だけでここまで人間関係を構築できているのに驚嘆しました。
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。
スラチャイ
Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙： ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出
Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.
It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.
It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."
When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.
A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?
Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.
"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."
I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.
(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。
スラチャイ
Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙： ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出
Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.
It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.
It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."
When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.
A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?
Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.
"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."
I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.
(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012
2012/02/15
ギリシャ緊縮策 危機封じ込めに必要な実行力
BBCでギリシアの混乱の状態を見ていると、とても今回の二回目の緊急支援を受ける体制ではありません。
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。
srachai
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策 危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）
Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。
The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。
The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。
The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。
In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。
To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。
The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。
If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。
It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。
===
Waiting on parliament
Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。
Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。
The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。
The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。
The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。
Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。
The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。
===
Public backlash
One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。
If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。
The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。
Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。
It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。
Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。
European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分 読売新聞）
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。
srachai
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策 危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）
Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。
The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。
The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。
The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。
In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。
To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。
The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。
If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。
It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。
===
Waiting on parliament
Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。
Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。
The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。
The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。
The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。
Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。
The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。
===
Public backlash
One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。
If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。
The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。
Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。
It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。
Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。
European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分 読売新聞）
2012/02/14
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち ／東京
精神科医香山リカさんの記事には時としてイモーショナルにすぎるきらいの記事が多い。
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。
単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち ／東京
There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。
In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など
Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。
I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。
It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。
As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。
In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。
Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。
During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。
Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。
As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。
For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。
As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。
Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。
In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。
If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、
This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。
To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。
You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。
Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。
If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 地方版
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。
単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。
スラチャイ
(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち ／東京
There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。
In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など
Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。
I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。
It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。
As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。
In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。
Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。
During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。
Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。
As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。
For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。
As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。
Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。
In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。
If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、
This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。
To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。
You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。
Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。
If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2012年2月7日 地方版
登録:
投稿 (Atom)