（社説）中国ガス田 不信の連鎖に陥るな

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 24
EDITORIAL: Tokyo, Beijing must avert cycle of mutual distrust in East China Sea
（社説）中国ガス田　不信の連鎖に陥るな

China is developing gas fields in wide areas on the Chinese side of the median line between its shoreline and that of Japan in the East China Sea.
　中国が、東シナ海の日本と中国の中間線近くの中国側海域でガス田開発を進めている。

The Japanese government has released aerial photos of 16 offshore gas drilling platforms, including 12 structures that have been detected since June 2013.
日本政府は１３年６月以降に１２基の施設を確認したとして、それを含む計１６基の写真を公開した。

In June 2008, the governments of Japan and China agreed to pursue joint development of gas fields in areas around disputed waters. Although bilateral negotiations for joint gas development have been suspended because of a flare-up over the Senkaku Islands, the agreement has not been abrogated.
　日中両政府は０８年６月、ガス田の共同開発をめざすことで合意している。交渉は尖閣問題などで中断しているが、合意が破棄されたわけではない。

China’s unilateral moves to change the status quo are totally unacceptable. The Japanese government needs to demand that Beijing call off the development of gas fields and return to the negotiation table for joint gas development.
　中国の一方的な現状変更は、断じて容認できない。日本政府は中国に対し、開発の中止と共同開発に向けた交渉再開を求めていく必要がある。

Japan and China have been locked in a bitter diplomatic row over the extent of their respective exclusive economic zones in the East China Sea.
　東シナ海は、排他的経済水域の境界をめぐり日中間に争いがある。

The two countries were supposed to have agreed to develop gas fields together while avoiding provocative actions until a border demarcation accord is reached.
線引きが画定するまで互いに配慮しながら、ガス田の共同開発を進めるはずだった。

But China’s activities in the region indicate that it is trying to accumulate fait accomplis for its naval expansion as it is doing in the South China Sea, where it has been reclaiming disputed reefs.
　しかし現状は、中国が岩礁の埋め立てを進めてきた南シナ海と同様、既成事実を積み重ね、海洋進出をはかる動きにも見える。

Defense Minister Gen Nakatani pointed out the possibility that the platforms China has built in the East China Sea could be used to install military facilities like radars and heliports. China may use them “for security purposes,” he said.
中谷防衛相は東シナ海の施設について「（中国が）安全保障の観点から利用する可能性がある」と述べ、レーダーやヘリポートなど軍事目的で使用される可能性を指摘している。

There may be a political motive behind the Japanese government’s decision to publish information about Beijing’s gas development activities in the region at this time. The move may be aimed at winning greater public support for the security legislation it is seeking to enact by stressing the security threat posed by China.
　日本政府がこの時期に公表したのは、中国の脅威を強調し、安全保障関連法案への理解を求める意図もありそうだ。

But Japan should avoid taking actions that could heighten military tension in the East China Sea. The only way to solve the situation is through diplomatic efforts.
　だが、東シナ海の軍事的な緊張を高めることは避けなければならない。外交的に解決する以外に道はない。

It is difficult to understand why the Japanese government has not disclosed the information about the Chinese gas operations until now. Since China has clearly violated the bilateral agreement on gas development, Tokyo should have published the facts to broad audiences at home and abroad as soon as it became aware of them to obtain international understanding of Japan’s concerns.
　一方で、日本政府がこれまで中国側の動きを公表してこなかったのは理解に苦しむ。日中合意違反であり、把握した段階で広く内外に公表し、国際社会に理解を求めるべきだった。

What the two countries need to do most urgently is to make effective efforts to regain a certain degree of mutual trust.
　何よりも急務なのは、両国が一定の信頼を取り戻すことだ。

It is vital for their leaders to discuss the issue from a broad perspective and set basic principles for how the two nations should deal with the situation.
首脳同士が大局を見据えて話し合い、大きな方向性を打ち出すことが重要である。

In a bilateral summit held in 2008, the leaders of Japan and China at that time, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda and President Hu Jintao, signed a joint statement pledging to make the East China Sea “a sea of peace, cooperation and friendship.”
　０８年の日中首脳会談では当時の福田首相と胡錦濤（フーチンタオ）国家主席が「東シナ海を平和・協力・友好の海とする」ことを盛り込んだ日中共同声明に署名した。

Tokyo and Beijing are now considering a summit between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Chinese President Xi Jinping when the Japanese leader visits China in early September.
　日中両政府は、安倍首相が９月初旬に中国を訪問し、習近平（シーチンピン）国家主席と会談することを検討している。

The two governments should make that summit happen to create a diplomatic environment in which it is possible for their leaders to confirm basic principles.
これを実現させ、両首脳が継続的に話し合える環境を整えるべきだ。

In its statement about Japan’s move to publish photos showing China’s gas development activities, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said it has not changed its policy of putting importance on taking actions in line with “shared recognitions concerning the East China Sea problem.” This passage could be interpreted as a signal that Beijing doesn’t want to close the door on cooperation with Japan.
　今回の日本の公表後、中国外務省は談話の中で「東シナ海問題での共通認識の履行を重視する立場は変わらない」とした。日本との協力に応じる余地を残したとも取れる。

Allowing the problem to trigger a cycle of mutual distrust would be detrimental to the interests of both countries.
　不信の連鎖に陥ることは日中双方の利益にならない。

Instead of doing what could cause the bilateral security confrontation to intensify, the two countries should use the situation as an opportunity to start moving toward expanded bilateral cooperation in the future.
安全保障上の対立をあおるより、今後の協力関係を発展させる糸口としなければならない。

中国ガス田開発 実態公開して自制を促したい

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Japan reveals truth to stop China from accelerating maritime advance
中国ガス田開発　実態公開して自制を促したい

China’s self-serving moves to develop marine resources in violation of a bilateral agreement with Japan cannot be allowed. Japan must persistently urge Beijing to refrain from such actions.
　日中間の合意に反して海洋資源を開発する中国の独善的な行為は容認できない。日本は、中国に粘り強く自制を促さねばならない。

The government announced Wednesday that China has been constructing a total of 12 new offshore platforms and related structures since June 2013 for the development of gas fields in the East China Sea, where Japan and China have yet to demarcate the boundaries.
　政府は、日中の境界が画定していない東シナ海で、中国がガス田開発のため、２０１３年６月以降、新たに１２基の海洋プラットホーム（海上施設）などを建設していると発表した。

The government also posted aerial photos of the structures and a map showing their locations on the Foreign Ministry’s website.
　施設の航空写真や地図も、外務省のホームページで公開した。

“It is extremely regrettable that China is unilaterally developing resources,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a press conference Wednesday.
　菅官房長官は記者会見で、「一方的な資源開発は極めて遺憾だ」と述べた。

It is appropriate for the government to convey the actual nature of China’s maritime advances to the international community, and try to restrain such actions.
中国の海洋進出の実態を国際社会に幅広く訴え、中国をけん制する狙いは適切である。

Suga said the government decided to release the map and the photos because the Chinese government has accelerated its development of natural resources in recent years, while refusing to resume negotiations on the implementation of an accord in which Japan and China agreed to cooperate on the development of natural resources in the East China Sea.
　公開した理由について、中国政府が日本との共同開発の交渉に応じない一方、開発を近年、加速させていることを挙げた。

Some within the government had called for caution about releasing the photos and the map, saying it would only cause China to take a tougher line. But Japan’s taking an excessively conciliatory stance would only benefit China, which is trying to secure its interests by accumulating a number of faits accomplis.
　中国が態度を硬化させるとして、政府には公開に慎重な意見があった。だが、過度の融和姿勢は既成事実を積み重ね、権益確保を狙う中国を利するだけだろう。

China’s foreign ministry responded to Japan’s criticism Wednesday by stressing that China’s development of gas fields in the East China Sea is “completely justified and legitimate.”
　中国外務省は、ガス田開発について「開発活動は完全に正当で、合法だ」と強弁した。

China’s reasoning flawed

As long as the bilateral boundaries have yet to be demarcated, the development sites are within disputed waters. It is illogical for China to try to justify its actions with the reasoning that the gas fields are on the Chinese side of the Japan-China median line.
　境界が未画定な以上、開発地点は、係争中の海域である。ガス田が日中中間線の中国側海域にあるという理由なら、筋が違う。

Japan and China agreed in 2008 that both countries will jointly develop the Shirakaba gas field located near the median line. Both countries also agreed to designate specific waters stretching over the median line as the joint development area.
　日中は０８年、中間線に隣接する白樺ガス田を共同開発し、中間線をまたぐ特定海域を共同開発区域とすることで合意した。

In 2010, China postponed treaty negotiations on the implementation of the 2008 accord, and the talks have been suspended ever since.
中国は１０年に合意実現への条約交渉を延期し、中断したままだ。

Japan needs to demand that China stop its unilateral development and call again for China to resume the talks at an early date.
　日本は、中国に開発の中止と、交渉の早期再開を改めて求める必要がある。

The possibility that China will utilize the offshore facilities for military purposes is worrying.
　懸念されるのは、海上施設の軍事利用である。

China has been conducting reclamation work on rock reefs in the South China Sea and moving ahead with making these reclaimed reefs into military strongholds.
　中国は南シナ海で岩礁を埋め立て、軍事拠点化を進めている。

Defense Minister Gen Nakatani has pointed out the possibility of Chinese forces also utilizing the offshore facilities in the East China Sea to deploy radar and serve as operational bases for reconnaissance helicopters.
　中谷防衛相は、東シナ海の海上施設についても、中国軍がレーダーを配備したり、偵察のためのヘリコプターの活動拠点として利用したりする可能性を指摘する。

China unilaterally announced in November 2013 the establishment of an air defense identification zone over the East China Sea, a zone that includes the airspace over the Senkaku Islands of Okinawa Prefecture.
　中国は１３年１１月、沖縄県の尖閣諸島上空を含む防空識別圏（ＡＤＩＺ）の設定を一方的に発表した。

Deploying radar near the median line would make it possible for China to cover areas that the radar on its mainland cannot.
中間線付近でのレーダー配備が実現すれば、中国本土のレーダーでカバーできなかった隙間を埋めることが可能になる。

Japan must heighten its vigilance by closely cooperating with the United States. It is also urgent to introduce a bilateral maritime liaison mechanism to avoid accidental clashes between aircraft or vessels of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Chinese forces.
　日本は米国と緊密に連携し、警戒を強化しなければならない。自衛隊と中国軍の航空機や艦船の偶発的な衝突を防ぐ「海上連絡メカニズム」の実現も急ぎたい。

It is likewise important for Japan to improve bilateral relations from the viewpoint of a strategically reciprocal relationship with China, while also continuing to assert its position regarding Japan’s sovereignty.
　日本の主権に関わる主張は守りつつ、戦略的互恵の観点から日中関係を改善することも大切だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 23, 2015)

（社説）防衛白書 法制を急ぐ必要はない

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 22
EDITORIAL: Defense white paper shows that security legislation can wait
（社説）防衛白書　法制を急ぐ必要はない

Where, really, was the urgency to railroad national security bills through the Lower House in the absence of public support?
　国民の納得がえられないままで、安全保障関連法案の採決を強行する切迫性があったのか。

This was the question we had to ask anew upon reading the Defense Ministry's 2015 white paper, submitted to the Cabinet on July 21.
きのう閣議報告された１５年版の防衛白書を読むと、改めてそんな疑問を禁じえない。

The annual report serves to show the direction of Japan's defense policy for both domestic and overseas readerships. Predictably, this year's main topic was Japan's relations with China.
　防衛白書は、日本の防衛政策の方向性を内外に示す役割がある。多くのページを割いたのはやはり中国との関係だ。

With regard to the activities of Chinese government vessels in waters around the disputed Senkaku Islands, the white paper stated, "There is a trend toward routinization, and it is possible that rules such as guidelines on the operation of the vessels have been set in place." The report also noted that "larger vessels are coming into use."
　尖閣諸島周辺の中国公船の活動について、白書は「ルーチン（日常業務）化の傾向が見られる。運用要領などの基準が定まった可能性も考えられる」「公船は大型化が図られている」と分析した。

According to the Defense Ministry, Chinese government vessels are entering Japanese waters at regular intervals of three times a month--early in the month, mid-month and late in the month. The usual pattern is that two or three ships would arrive in the morning, and then leave after about two hours.
　防衛省によると、中国公船が日本領海に侵入する回数は毎月３回で、上旬、中旬、下旬に１回ずつ。２、３隻が午前中に入って約２時間で出ていくパターンになっているという。

This suggests that the ships could be under Beijing's control to some degree.
　だとすれば、中国当局の一定のコントロール下にあるとの見方もできる。

The Japan Coast Guard is responsible for dealing with Chinese government vessels in Japanese waters. Given that larger vessels are coming into use, discussions of a nonmilitary nature are called for, such as with respect to prioritized allocation of the defense budget to the Japan Coast Guard.
　中国公船への対応は海上保安庁が担っている。公船の大型化に対しても、海上保安庁への予算の重点配分など軍事だけでない議論が必要だ。

As for clarifying the division of roles between the Japan Coast Guard and the Maritime Self-Defense Force, a package of maritime policing bills, sponsored by opposition parties, warrants discussion. However, there has been little progress on this to date.
　海保と自衛隊との役割分担を明確にする点では、野党提出の領域警備法案の議論も大事だが、なお生煮えのままだ。

What the nation needs most is a crisis management policy to prevent accidental military encounters. It can be appreciated that Tokyo-Beijing talks are advancing on the early opening of a communication mechanism, such as a special hotline, between officials in the naval and air forces of the two nations. In addition, creating an environment where the leaders of the two nations can talk candidly to each other is vital to the establishment of peace and stability in the region.
　最も重要なのは、偶発的な軍事衝突を回避する危機管理策であり、「日中海空連絡メカニズム」の運用開始に向けて協議が進んでいることは評価できる。さらに首脳同士が率直に語り合える環境をつくることこそ、地域の平和と安定につながる。

While China's military expansion and aggressive maritime advancement cannot be overlooked, nothing can be resolved by just harping on about the perceived threat posed by China. Diplomatic efforts to ease the tensions are urgently needed.
　中国の軍事力の拡大や強引な海洋進出は見過ごせないが、脅威をあおるだけで解決はできない。緊張を下げる外交努力を急がねばならない。

Another major security-related challenge concerns extremist Islamic State militants and other international terrorist organizations. The white paper stated: "A situation has arisen that can never be considered irrelevant to Japan."
　もうひとつ、安全保障上の大きな課題は、過激派組織「イスラム国」（ＩＳ）をはじめとする国際テロへの対応だ。白書では「わが国も無縁とは決して言えない状況が起きている」と警戒感を示した。

But it is generally agreed that there are limits to the effectiveness of military action against acts of international terrorism that are not state sponsored. In this sense, there is no denying that the nation's proposed security legislation, which leans heavily toward the use of armed force, comes across as "behind the times."
　ただ、非国家の国際テロに対しては軍事力の限界を指摘する声が一般的である。軍事に偏った安保法案は「周回遅れ」の印象がぬぐえない。

Japan is in its element when it makes nonmilitary contributions such as measures to combat poverty and contagious diseases and providing education. Japan definitely needs to hold more realistic discussions on how best to make use of its "pacifist nation" brand that has been cultivated over the last 70 years since the end of World War II.
　貧困対策や感染症対策、教育支援などテロの根を断つ非軍事の貢献こそ日本にふさわしい。戦後７０年かけて培ってきた「平和国家日本」のブランドをどう生かしていくか、現実的な議論をもっと深める必要がある。

The defense white paper is read closely by China and other neighboring nations. We would like it to become more of a vehicle for conveying constructive messages that will foster greater mutual trust with each nation.
　防衛白書は中国をはじめ近隣諸国も注目している。白書の記述を通じて、各国と信頼醸成をはかる。そんな建設的な発信ができないものか。

（社説）弁護士拘束 中国国民の権利損なう

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 19
EDITORIAL: 1.3 billion Chinese lose in Xi’s crackdown on human rights lawyers
（社説）弁護士拘束　中国国民の権利損なう

July 10 is now known as “Black Friday” by people concerned about human rights in China.
　中国の人権問題に関心を寄せる人々の間で７月１０日は「暗黒の金曜日」と呼ばれている。

On that day, police detained human rights lawyers and activists in various parts of the nation in a large-scale concerted crackdown on people working for the cause.
各地で人権派の弁護士、活動家が警察によって一斉に連行された。その後も摘発が続き、取り調べの対象者は２００人を超えた。見過ごせない暴挙である。

Chinese authorities have continued the roundup in the ensuing days, interrogating more than 200 people so far. This is an outrageous act that cannot be overlooked.
The main target of the crackdown is Fengrui, a law firm in Beijing. People linked to Fengrui are still being held in custody.
　主な標的となったのは北京の弁護士事務所で、その関係者は拘束されたままだ。

Those who were rounded up in other parts of the nation, such as Hunan province, Shanghai and Henan province, are suspected to have links to Fengrui.
ほかに湖南省、上海、河南省など各地で取り調べを受けた人々は、この事務所と関係があると見なされたようだ。

These civil-rights lawyers have been acting as defenders of the rights of ordinary people petitioning the authorities in various cases, including forced evictions from their homes.
　弁護士らは、立ち退きなど様々な問題に巻き込まれて役所に陳情する庶民に寄り添ってきた。

The lawyers play an important role for improving the human rights situation in China, and such an attack on these lawyers and activists could cause serious damage to the rights of the entire Chinese public.
中国社会の人権を巡る状況を改善していくうえで貴重な担い手である。彼らを狙い撃ちにする行為は、ひろく国民の権利全体を損なうことにつながる。

Beijing has used the state-controlled media to demonize the law firm as “a criminal organization that has disturbed social order.”
　中国政府は国営メディアを通じ、この弁護士事務所に「社会秩序を乱す犯罪集団」のレッテル貼りをしている。

The accusation refers to Fengrui’s use of the Internet to draw public attention to cases of civil rights violations concerning disputes between police and local residents.
住民と警官とのトラブルを問題としてことさらに取り上げ、ネットで広めた行為などを指している。

According to the government’s logic, all protests against the actions of authorities qualify as “anti-government” activities.
政府の主張に沿えば、異議申し立てはすべて「反政府」になってしまう。

The latest move against civil-rights lawyers came just about two months after Pu Zhiqiang, a widely known human rights lawyer, was formally indicted in May.
　５月には良心的弁護士として広く知られた浦志強氏が起訴されたばかりだ。

Nearly 1,000 human rights activists were detained in China last year, according to some reports.
昨年中国で拘束された人権活動家は１千人近くに上ると言われる。

The administration of President Xi Jinping has been suppressing, with unprecedented harshness, people working for the protection of human rights in the country.
習近平（シーチンピン）政権になってからの弾圧ぶりはかつてない厳しさだ。

Since China started reforming its economy and opening its door to the outside world, two main forces have been fighting each other for dominance.
　改革開放以後、中国では二つの力がせめぎ合っている。

One is the newfound power of citizens supported by the rising standards of living and education. While they certainly have a conservative side, Chinese citizens have grown increasingly conscious of their life-related rights and have acquired the ability to take action.
　一つは生活水準や教育水準の向上を背景とする、市民の力だ。彼らは保守的な一面を持ちながらも、生活にかかわる権利意識があり、行動する力量を備えてきている。

Pitted against the power of citizens is the Communist Party’s political power to suppress dissenting voices in order to protect its one-party rule. This political power has been asserted aggressively by the Xi administration.
　これに対するものが、一党支配を守ろうと異論を抑え込む力だ。習政権に顕著なものだ。

China’s 2004 constitutional amendments added a provision stipulating, “The state respects and preserves human rights.” The Constitution also guarantees freedom of speech, assembly and association.
　中国は０４年の憲法改正で「国家は人権を尊重し、保障する」という条項を加えた。もとより言論や集会、結社の自由も規定されている。

But there is no system in place to ensure that these constitutional provisions are enforced. As a result, they are effectively dead provisions.
だが、実効あるものにする制度はなく、空文に等しい。

Meanwhile, a sweeping new national security law that came into force on July 1 could only reinforce the government’s inclination to restrict the rights of citizens under the pretext of national security. In early July, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein expressed concern about the human rights implications of the new security law.
　逆に、今月１日に施行された国家安全法は、安全の名のもとに市民の権利を制限する傾向を助長しかねず、さきに国連人権高等弁務官も懸念を表明した。

In a key party conference held last autumn, the Xi administration pledged to promote wholeheartedly national governance based on law.
　習政権は昨年秋、共産党の会議で「法にもとづく国家統治の全面的推進」を打ち出した。

If what is happening in China is any indication, however, the law here actually means a stick to suppress citizens rather than a shield to protect them.
起きていることを見る限り、そこで言う法とは、市民の権利を守る盾ではなく、市民を抑え込むこん棒である。

We are deeply concerned about the prospect that China’s 1.3 billion people will remain trapped in a miserable human rights situation that is far from the rule of law.
１３億人が法治にほど遠い状況に置かれ続けることを深く憂慮する。

本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％ 不支持５１％

July 20, 2015 (Mainichi Japan)
Abe Cabinet approval rating plummets to 35% after security bill vote: Mainichi poll
本社世論調査：内閣支持率急落３５％　不支持５１％

Public support for the Cabinet of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has plunged to 35 percent, according to a Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll conducted on July 17 and 18, just after the ruling coalition rammed controversial security bills through the House of Representatives.

The figure was down 7 points from the previous survey on July 4 and 5, and was the lowest level seen since Prime Minister Abe returned to power in December 2012. The disapproval rating for the Abe Cabinet rose 8 points to 51 percent. It was also the first time that the disapproval rating for his Cabinet surpassed 50 percent.
　毎日新聞は１７、１８両日、安全保障関連法案の衆院通過を受けて緊急の全国世論調査を実施した。安倍内閣の支持率は今月４、５両日の前回調査より７ポイント減の３５％で、第２次安倍内閣発足後で最低となった。不支持率は前回より８ポイント増の５１％と初めて半数に達した。

Sixty-eight percent of respondents replied that it was a problem that the ruling coalition had forced the security bills -- which would allow Japan to exercise the right to collective self-defense -- through the lower house last week, well above the 24 percent who said it was not a problem.
与党が１５日の衆院平和安全法制特別委員会で安保法案を強行採決したことについては「問題だ」との回答が６８％で、「問題ではない」の２４％を大きく上回った。

As public criticism of the proposed security legislation is growing, the survey results suggest that the government's steamrolling of the bills pushed down the Abe Cabinet's approval rating.
安保法案への世論の批判は強まっており、政府・与党の一連の対応が内閣支持率を押し下げたとみられる。

　◇安保強行採決「問題」６８％

Of the respondents, 62 percent expressed opposition to the security bills, 4 points more than the previous poll, while 27 percent answered they supported the bills, 2 points less than the previous survey.
　集団的自衛権の行使などを可能にする安保法案に「反対」は６２％（前回比４ポイント増）、「賛成」は２７％（同２ポイント減）で、前回より賛否の差が広がった。

Only 28 percent said they believed that enacting the security legislation would increase Japan's deterrence against possible armed attacks. On the other hand, 64 percent expressed fears that Japan would face increased risks of being dragged into war as a result of the expansion of Self-Defense Forces overseas missions.
法案成立によって日本に対する武力攻撃への「抑止力が高まる」は２８％にとどまり、自衛隊の海外での活動拡大で「戦争に巻き込まれる恐れが強まる」が６４％に上った。

Nearly 90 percent of the respondents who said they feared that Japan could be dragged into war said they were opposed to the proposed security legislation.
「戦争に巻き込まれる」と答えた層では９割近くが法案に反対した。抑止力と考えるか、戦争に巻き込まれると考えるかは、法案の賛否に密接に関連している。

The latest survey has shown that the public was also becoming increasingly critical of the government's aim of making sure that the bill becomes law during the ongoing Diet session, with 63 percent of the respondents voicing opposition, up 2 points from the previous poll, and 25 percent in favor, a 3-point decline.
　安保法案を９月２７日までの今国会で成立させる政府・与党の方針には「反対」が６３％（前回比２ポイント増）を占め、「賛成」は２５％（同３ポイント減）だった。

An overwhelming majority of the pollees, 82 percent, said the government's explanation of the bills was insufficient, despite top government officials' claim that legislators had thorough discussions on the bills in the lower chamber.
政府・与党は衆院での議論は尽くされたと主張したが、国民への説明が「不十分だ」は８２％となお高率だ。

Even supporters of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) were split almost evenly over whether the governing bloc's railroading of the security bills were proper, with 43 percent saying it was a problem and 47 percent answering it was not a problem.
こうした中での強行採決には自民支持層でも「問題だ」（４３％）と「問題ではない」（４７％）が拮抗（きっこう）した。

Regarding what the respondents wanted opposition parties to do in deliberating the bills in the House of Councillors, 38 percent said opposition parties should demand that the bills be scrapped outright. Thirty-two percent, meanwhile, answered the parties should demand the bills be modified, while 20 percent replied they should cooperate in deliberations on the bills.
　今後始まる参院審議で野党に望む対応は、「法案の撤回を求める」３８％▽「法案の修正を求める」３２％▽「法案の審議に協力する」２０％−−と分かれた。

Many of those who backed opposition parties called for scrapping the bills, but the largest percentage, or 40 percent, of backers of the Japan Innovation Party (JIP) called for modification of the bills.
野党支持層では「撤回」が目立って多いが、維新支持層では「修正」が４割で最多だった。

The approval rating for the LDP was 28 percent and that for the largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan came to 10 percent. The figures for the JIP and the LDP's junior coalition partner Komeito and the Japanese Communist Party stood at 6 percent, 4 percent and 5 percent, respectively.
　政党支持率は、自民２８％▽民主１０％▽維新６％▽公明４％▽共産５％−−など。

(以下英訳部分がありません＾＾）

「支持政党はない」と答えた無党派は３９％だった。【今村茜】

　調査の方法　７月１７、１８日の２日間、コンピューターで無作為に数字を組み合わせて作った電話番号に、調査員が電話をかけるＲＤＳ法で調査した。福島第１原発事故で帰還困難区域などに指定されている市町村の電話番号は除いた。有権者のいる１７６０世帯から、１０４８人の回答を得た。回答率は６０％。

毎日新聞　2015年07月19日　09時00分（最終更新　07月19日　09時33分）

ＣＯ２削減目標 省エネを加速させる契機に

The Yomiuri Shimbun
New emission reduction goal should speed up energy-saving measures
ＣＯ２削減目標　省エネを加速させる契機に

It will not be easy to achieve the new reduction target for greenhouse gases adopted by the government, though it was made with an emphasis on its feasibility. To accomplish the target, both the public and private sectors will be required to work together for energy saving.
　実現可能性を重視したとはいえ、目標の達成は決して容易ではない。
　官民挙げて、省エネルギーに取り組むことが求められる。

The government officially decided and submitted to the United Nations an emissions-reduction target for greenhouse gases to reduce them by 26 percent by fiscal 2030 in comparison to fiscal 2013 emissions.
　政府が、温室効果ガスの排出削減目標を正式決定し、国連に提出した。２０３０年度までに１３年度比で２６％削減する。

The target was made based on Japan’s estimated composition of power sources in 2030.
　ベースになっているのが、３０年時点の日本の電源構成だ。

According to that estimate, Japan will use less thermal power generation that depends on imported fuel and continue nuclear power generation. The ratio of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind power will be increased, too. Under such an energy policy, the highest reduction rate possible was calculated.
　燃料を輸入に頼る火力発電を減らし、原発を引き続き利用する。太陽光、風力などの再生可能エネルギーの比率も増やす。こうしたエネルギー政策の下で、可能な限り高い削減率をはじき出した。

Use of nuclear power generation, which does not emit carbon dioxide (CO2), has a very significant meaning as a measure against global warming. Reduction of power generation costs and other issues will pose challenges in generating electricity with renewable energy.
　二酸化炭素（ＣＯ２）を排出しない原発の活用は、温暖化対策上、極めて重要である。再生エネについては、発電コストの軽減などが大きな課題となろう。

Greenhouse gas emissions have sharply increased from business facilities such as department stores, supermarkets and office buildings. According to the new target, their emissions will be cut by 40 percent. To achieve it, energy-saving lighting equipment and office machines must be introduced.
　排出量の増加が著しいのは、デパートやスーパー、オフィスビルなどの業務部門だ。目標では、４割の削減を目指している。省エネ型の照明やＯＡ機器などの導入が欠かせない。

Currently, member countries are working on their own reduction targets toward the 21st Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP21) to be held in Paris at the end of this year.
　年末にパリで開かれる国連気候変動枠組み条約の第２１回締約国会議（ＣＯＰ２１）に向け、各国は削減目標の策定を進めている。

Some of the members — including the United States, China and the European Union — have already submitted their targets to the United Nations.
米国や中国、欧州連合などは、既に国連に提出した。

Onus to cut emissions

If an agreement is made at COP21 on a new framework of measures against global warming from 2020, the members will start working to achieve the goals they have presented.
　ＣＯＰ２１で２０年以降の温暖化対策の新たな枠組みが合意されれば、各国は、自らが示した目標の達成に取り組むことになる。

It will be significant in the new framework to impose obligations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions on every signatory, learning a lesson from the mistake of the Kyoto Protocol that imposed such obligations only on developed countries. We expect Japan to play a leading role in making an equal and fair framework since it has presented a reduction target that stands up to those submitted by the United States and Europe.
　新たな枠組みで大切なのは、先進国だけに排出削減義務を負わせた京都議定書の失敗を教訓に、全締約国に対象を広げることだ。米欧と比べても見劣りしない目標を掲げた日本は、公平・公正な枠組み作りを主導してもらいたい。

Also, a mechanism should be built in the framework to make signatories observe their own goals. Only laying out goals will not stop the progression of global warming.
　各国に目標を順守させる仕組みも不可欠だ。目標を掲げるだけでは温暖化の進行を防げない。

On the other hand, rigidly obliging the parties to achieve the targets, there would then arise the danger of repeating the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, which was hamstrung because of the non-participation of the United States.
　一方で、目標の達成を厳格に義務付ければ、米国の離脱で骨抜きになった京都議定書の二の舞いになりかねない。

From the standpoint of how to accomplish the aim of slashing the amount of greenhouse gas emissions globally, a framework having actual effectiveness must be formulated. What should be done is, for one thing, to oblige each country to report on the progress of its emission reduction measures at regular intervals. It will also be necessary to make signatories check the emission reduction efforts with each other, while prodding each other to raise the targets if possible. In addition, a ban should be placed on all signatories from allowing their respective targets to be lowered.
　各国に対策の進捗しんちょく状況の定期報告を義務付ける。相互に検証し、目標の引き上げを促す。目標を後退させることを禁じる――。いかに世界全体の排出量を削減するかという観点で、実効性のある枠組みを作り上げねばならない。

China, which has been under no obligation to cut back emissions under the Kyoto Protocol, is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases, accounting for one-fourth of the world’s total. How Beijing addresses the challenge of cutting back on emissions is a key to whether the emission reduction efforts of the world can prove successful.
　京都議定書で削減義務を負っていない中国は、世界の排出量の４分の１を占める最大排出国だ。中国の取り組みが、温暖化対策のカギを握っている。

Japan, in cooperation with the United States, European countries and others, must urge China to proactively make endeavors for reducing its emissions.
　日本は米欧などと協調し、中国に対して積極的な排出削減を促していく必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 19, 2015)

（社説）新国立競技場問題 強行政治の行き詰まりだ

--The Asahi Shimbun, July 18
EDITORIAL: Stadium snafu shows failure of Abe’s strong-arm politics
（社説）新国立競技場問題　強行政治の行き詰まりだ

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s words sounded hollow when he announced his decision July 17 to scrap the much-criticized design of the new National Stadium, the main venue for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games.
Abe said he made the decision after “giving careful attention to the voices of the people.”
“We want to ensure that the sports events will be praised by the people of the world,” he added.
　安倍首相の言葉が空々しい。
　「国民の声に耳を傾けて」「世界から称賛される大会に」
　２０２０年東京五輪・パラリンピックの主会場となる新国立競技場の計画見直しに、首相がやっと重い腰を上げた。

Just one week ago, Abe, speaking in the Diet, rejected the idea of changing the costly design on grounds that construction would not be completed in time for the Olympics if it was altered.
　わずか１週間前、国会で「時間的に間に合わない」と否定したのは、首相自身だった。

His sudden reversal coincides with the ruling camp’s move to force controversial security legislation through the Lower House, despite growing objections to the package even as Diet deliberations on the bills progressed.
　急な心変わりは、審議を重ねるほど異論が高まった安全保障関連法案を、衆院で強引に採決したタイミングと重なり合う。

Abe’s about-face seems to be a ploy to stop the slide in public support for his Cabinet by acting like a leader who is willing to respond to the people’s opinion, at least on the stadium issue.
　せめて競技場の問題では、民意にこたえる指導者像を演じることで内閣支持率の低落傾向に歯止めをかけたい。そんな戦術と勘ぐられても仕方ない。

The foolish construction plan would have forced spending of a recklessly large amount of taxpayer money amid an unprecedented fiscal squeeze that is facing the nation.
　空前の財政難のなか、競技場に無謀な巨費を投じる愚策だった。

The blueprint fell far short of the standards for public works projects, which should be supported by detailed explanations and serious consensus-building efforts, as well as a convincing long-term financing plan for the use of the facility after the completion.
丁寧な説明と合意づくり、完成後もにらんだ長期の収支計画など、公共事業に求められる水準にほど遠い代物だった。

“I have decided to take the current plan back to the drawing board and re-examine (the project) from scratch,” Abe told reporters at the prime minister’s office in Tokyo in announcing his inevitable change of policy.
　「白紙に戻し、ゼロベースで見直す」（首相）との方針転換は至極当たり前の決定である。

It goes without saying that the Abe administration, the Tokyo metropolitan government, the Olympic organizing committee and other parties involved should now craft a down-to-earth construction plan for the stadium that contributes to promoting grass-roots sports in the future.
They should also fulfill their international responsibility to organize a successful Olympics and Paralympics in 2020.
　政府と東京都、大会組織委員会など各関係組織は、五輪・パラリンピックを成功させる国際責任を果たすとともに、後世の国民スポーツの底上げに資する堅実な計画を練り直すべきなのは言うまでもない。

FUZZY RESPONSIBILITY
　■あいまいな責任所在

However, the key question is why this obvious decision had been delayed for so long. Why was the plan kept unchanged until now, despite being so clearly and seriously flawed?
　問題の核心はむしろ、なぜ、この土壇場まで決断ができなかったのか、である。誰の目にも明らかな問題案件であり続けたにもかかわらず、なぜ止められずにここまできたのか。

This prolonged delay in tackling the problem points to one of the deep-rooted problems with the nation’s ailing governing system: a fuzziness about who is responsible for what.
　そこには、日本の病んだ統治システムの姿が浮かび上がる。すなわち、責任の所在のあいまいさである。

Hakubun Shimomura, the sports minister, tried to avoid taking the blame by saying he did not receive related information in a timely manner, while the Japan Sports Council, the operator of the stadium project, said the sports ministry is responsible for making the decision to change the plan.
　下村文科相は情報が上がってくるのが遅れたと逃げ、事業主体の日本スポーツ振興センターは、計画変更の判断は文科省に責任があると押しつけあった。

Yoshiro Mori, the former prime minister and president of the Tokyo Organizing Committee of the Olympic and Paralympic Games, who previously called for the construction of a grand stadium even if it cost 300 billion yen or 400 billion yen ($2.4 billion or $3.2 billion), had the effrontery to say on July 17, “I didn’t like the design of the stadium from the beginning. Nobody is responsible (for the fiasco).”
　３千億円でも４千億円でも立派なものをと主張してきた大会組織委の森喜朗会長はきのう、「僕は元々、あのスタジアムは嫌だった」「誰も責任はない」と言い放った。

The government’s explanation about the construction plan raised a raft of questions. One was how it intended to finance the project--estimated construction costs have almost doubled from the original budget to 252 billion yen--and cover the running costs after completion. But the government just kept waffling.
　当初予算からほぼ倍増した建設費と、完成後の維持費をどう工面するのか。政府の説明にはいくつも疑問が突きつけられ、あやふやに終始した。

After Abe’s announcement of the change of course, Tokyo Governor Yoichi Masuzoe angrily said, “Who will take the responsibility?”
That’s a reasonable question. But it is still unclear who of all the people involved, including the capital’s governor, is ultimately responsible for the project.
　「誰が責任をとるのか」。舛添要一・都知事が漏らした怒りの声はもっともだったが、その知事も含めて今に至るも、誰が最終責任者なのかが見えない。

According to an Asahi Shimbun report, one Diet member made surprising remarks about the issue.
“Nobody dares to hang a bell to the cat’s neck as the ultimate responsibility (for the project) has to fall on the two prime ministers of Abe and Mori,” the lawmaker was quoted as saying.
　本紙が報じた国会議員の発言は驚くほかなかった。「責任の行き着く先は、安倍晋三と森喜朗という２人の首相になるから誰も鈴を付ける人がいない」

People in power get their own way by using their clout. That’s the reality of the Japanese political community that has been highlighted by this stadium snafu. In this domain, it seems, the prime minister and other political heavyweights act like absolute monarchs, and even members of the same party cannot challenge their opinions and decisions.
　権力を握った者がにらみをきかせれば、無理が通る――。露呈したのは、首相や有力政治家が絶対君主のようにふるまい、たとえ同じ政党のメンバーでも異論を言えない。そんな日本の政界の有り様である。

PUBLIC OPINION CONSTANTLY IGNORED
　■民意軽視が常態化

Made under growing pressure from public opinion, Abe’s decision to change the stadium design also speaks volumes about how his style of politics has ceased to work.
　世論に押された末の今回の決定は、安倍流政治の行き詰まりも物語っている。

Even as the stadium project went adrift, the Abe administration consistently refused to pay attention to dissenting voices. It has become the norm for responsible policymakers in the government to ignore public opinion. This is a serious problem.
　競技場問題が迷走した過程で一貫していたのは、異論を遠ざける姿勢だった。政策決定の責任者たちが、国民の声に耳をふさぐことが常態化している問題は深刻だ。

The stadium’s design, chosen through an international competition, has been roundly criticized by architects and civic organizations from the start. Critics have said the design does not blend with the surrounding landscape. They have also argued it will be too gigantic and construction costs could snowball.
　「デザインが景観にそぐわない」「巨大すぎる」「工費が膨れあがりかねない」。国際コンペで採用されたデザインについては当初から、建築界や市民団体から異論が噴出していた。

There have been many opportunities for the government to reconsider the plan, including the time when the basic design blueprint was approved in May last year. Shimomura pointed out that the design was determined when the Democratic Party of Japan was in power, in what sounded like an attempt to shuffle off responsibility onto the opposition party.
　昨年５月に基本設計案を了承した時も含め、見直す機会は何度もあった。デザインが決まったのは「民主党政権のときだ」と下村文科相は責任転嫁めいた釈明もした。

But the Abe administration should do serious soul-searching about the fact that it has missed out on all the opportunities to rethink the plan.
　だが、ことごとく引き返すチャンスを逃してきたのは安倍政権だったことを猛省すべきだ。

SAME MIND-SET FOR OTHER KEY ISSUES
　■安保と原発にも通底

The Abe administration has shown a troubling tendency to ignore public opinion, avoid its responsibility to explain its actions, and go ahead with policy decisions for the nation’s future that are not based on solid ground.
　民意を顧みず、説明責任を避け、根拠薄弱なまま将来にわたる国策の決定を強行する――。

The stadium issue is not the only example that attests to this tendency of the administration. The same mind-set has also been behind the way the administration has handled the package of security bills and moved to restart offline nuclear reactors, which are issues of grave concern for the public.
　それは競技場問題に限った話ではない。国民が重大な関心を寄せる安保関連法案や、原発関連行政にも通底する特徴だ。

During the Diet debate on the security legislation, the prime minister and other members of the Cabinet made many unintelligible remarks while failing to answer people’s doubts and questions.
　首相や閣僚らが意味不明な国会答弁を重ね、国民の疑問は置き去りにされている安保法案。

The administration is forging ahead with plans to bring idle reactors back online without making clear who takes the ultimate responsibility for the safety of the people.
国民の安全に関する最終責任がどこにあるのか見えないまま、再稼働に突き進もうとしている原発の問題。

Many Japanese have voiced clear and strong concerns about these two initiatives.
　そのいずれでも国民の多数がはっきりと強い懸念を示している。

Abe has been trying to push them through by using the ruling camp’s majority in the Diet while paying little respect to dissenting opinions even though these initiatives have a direct bearing on people’s lives and safety.
国民の命と安全に直結する問題だというのに、首相は国会での数の力で押し通し、異論に敬意を払おうとしない。

Since those in power pay no heed to what the people say, it is not surprising that scholars and citizens are becoming increasingly vocal in expressing objections to his policies.
　政治権力者が民意に耳をふさぐなら、学者や市民の異議申し立てが熱を帯びるのは当然だ。

The administration should not alienate people from politics any further.
これ以上、政治と国民の距離を広げてはならない。

In explaining the reasons for his sudden decision to rethink the stadium plan, Abe said, “Each Japanese and each athlete has to play a leading role.”
　急に競技場計画を見直す理由として、首相は「主役は国民一人ひとり、アスリートの皆さんです」と語った。

If that is how he truly feels, Abe should realize that each individual member of the public should play a leading role in making decisions on all policy issues, including security and nuclear power issues.
ならば安保も原発も、あらゆる政治課題でも、主役は国民一人ひとりであることを悟るべきだ。

The stadium debacle offers a wide range of important lessons for the administration to glean.
　今回の競技場問題から、くむべき教訓は広く、重い。