The Yomiuri Shimbun July 15, 2013
Deepen debate on Constitution to build consensus on revision
１３参院選 憲法改正 新たな国家像の議論を深めよ（7月14日付・読売社説）
◆与野党の合意形成を図りたい
The supreme law provides the framework of this country, but what form should it take?
国家の枠組みを定めた最高法規はどうあるべきだろうか――。
Revision of the Constitution is a major issue in the campaign for the July 21 House of Councillors election. The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party support revising the Constitution, and New Komeito is considering it.
参院選で憲法改正が主要な争点になっている。自民党と日本維新の会、みんなの党は改正に積極的で、公明党も改正を検討する。
Depending on results of the upper house election, political conditions allowing the Diet to propose constitutional revisions could be created for the first time since the end of World War II.
参院選の結果次第では、国会が憲法改正を発議できる政治状況が戦後初めて生まれよう。
Dealing with Article 96
◆ハードル高い発議要件
One bone of contention in the election campaign centers on Article 96 of the Constitution, which stipulates procedures to revise the supreme law.
参院選の論点の一つが、憲法改正手続きを定めた９６条である。
The article says a constitutional revision will be put to a national referendum after the Diet proposes it with a concurring vote of two-thirds or more of all members in each chamber. This requirement is said to be much stricter than that of other countries.
憲法改正は、衆参各院で「３分の２以上」の賛成により国会が発議し、その上で国民投票にかけられる。改正のハードルは海外と比べても極めて高いと言える。
The LDP advocates that the requirement for the initiative should be lowered to a simple majority so the public can more easily have “an opportunity to participate in a constitutional judgment” through a national referendum.
自民党は発議要件を「過半数」に緩和し、国民が国民投票を通じて「憲法判断に参加する機会」を得やすくすると主張している。
Ishin no Kai says that Article 96 should be revised first, and Your Party agrees with relaxation of the requirement. The main opposition Democratic Party of Japan and Komeito oppose amending this article first, but they do not disagree with the revision itself.
維新の会は９６条の「先行改正」を唱え、みんなの党も要件緩和に賛成だ。民主、公明両党は先行改正には反対だが、９６条の改正自体を否定はしていない。
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has taken a flexible stance in consideration of the position of Komeito, the LDP’s coalition partner, suggesting that articles on basic human rights, pacifism and sovereignty of the people would not be subject to the relaxed requirement for revision.
安倍首相は、公明党の立場に配慮し、基本的人権や平和主義、国民主権に関わる条項を発議要件緩和の対象から除外する案に言及するなど、柔軟に対応する意向も示している。
The LDP needs to coordinate its opinions with the other parties to realize revision of the Constitution. The ruling party should take a pragmatic approach through consensus-building with other parties even if it has to revise its own draft.
憲法改正を実現するには、他党との調整が欠かせない。自民党案を修正してでも合意形成を目指すのは、現実的である。
The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party oppose amending the Constitution, including Article 96, based on “constitutionalism,” the idea that harnessing power of the state and protecting the people are the essence of a constitution.
共産、社民両党は、国家権力を縛り、国民を守るのが憲法の本質だとする「立憲主義」を掲げて９６条改正などに反対している。
Abe has hit back at this interpretation of constitutionalism and said it is to rein in an autocratic government. The prime minister pointed out that a constitution will not only harness state power but also show what form a state should be.
首相は、この立憲主義の解釈について「専制主義的な政府に対する考え方だ」と反論し、憲法は権力を縛るとともに国の姿を示すものだ、と指摘している。
Of course, a constitution can restrict state power but it also provides the philosophy and role of a state.
憲法には権力の制限規範という側面もあるが、基本的な価値観や国家の役割も明示されている。
Even if the Diet’s requirement for a constitutional revision is relaxed, there will be no change in the need for a national referendum to revise the Constititution. We can hardly understand why some parties consider it incompatible with constitutionalism.
国会の発議要件を緩和しても、国民投票で改正を決めることに変わりはない。それなのに、なぜ立憲主義と相いれないことになるのか。理解に苦しむ。
Some people claim that revision of Article 96 will allow a person in power to revise the Constitution as easily as ordinary laws. Isn’t this rather simplistic?
９６条改正が実現すると、時の権力者が憲法を一般の法律並みに改正できるかのような論法もある。短絡的に過ぎないか。
◆自衛隊の規定が必要だ
Article 9 also is a major point of contention.
９条も重要な論点だ。
The LDP’s draft, released last year, for revising the supreme law calls for keeping the war-renouncing principle of Article 9 intact, while deleting its second paragraph, which prohibits this country from possessing any war potential. Instead, it calls for newly including a provision in Article 9 for establishment of a “military force for defense” and the state’s obligations for securing the nation’s territorial integrity in cooperation with the public.
自民党の改正草案は、９条の平和主義は堅持しつつ、戦力不保持の２項を削り、「国防軍」設置や領土の保全義務を新たに規定するとした。
Define status of SDF
Abe has stated, “Although the SDF are regarded by other countries as a military force, in this country they are not,” adding, “It is unreasonable for a large-scale organization of forces to have no status in the eyes of the Constitution.” Abe’s argument is reasonable.
首相が、「自衛隊は外国では軍隊と認識され、日本では軍隊ではないと言っている。大きな実力組織が憲法にないのはおかしい」と主張するのは至極当然である。
Revision of Article 9 is vitally important to deepen the Japan-U.S. alliance as well as to increase Japan’s participation in such international cooperation activities as U.N.-mandated peacekeeping operations.
９条の改正は、日米同盟を深化し、国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）など国際的な活動に積極的に参加するうえでも欠かせない。
In this connection, it is a major development that Komeito in its upper house election pledges has said the party’s stand of “reinforcing the postwar Constitution by adding new ideas and articles to the supreme law” does include studies about the wisdom of having the existence of the SDF explicitly stipulated by the Constitution.
公明党が、憲法の内容は変えずに新たな理念・条文を加える「加憲」を主張し、その中に自衛隊の存在の明記も検討すると公約したのは大きな前進だ。
Ishin no Kai, for its part, has been advocating the need for constitutional revisions “for the sake of solidly establishing the nation’s own security system on the basis of its right to self-defense.”
維新の会は、「自衛権に基づく自立した安全保障体制確立」に憲法改正が必要と唱えている。
Another opposition party, People’s Life Party, insists that the legal basis for the SDF’s participation in U.N. peacekeeping missions must be clearly laid down.
生活の党は自衛隊がＰＫＯに参加する根拠を定めるという。
In contrast, the JCP and the SDP have been dead set against any changes to Article 9, arguing that alteration of the article would be tantamount to “turning Japan into a country that could wage war.”
共産党や社民党は９条改正について「日本を戦争する国に作り替える」と反対している。
It is undoubtedly irresponsible to affix an extremely negative label to parties favoring constitutional revision without squarely facing up to reality. The aim is to unnecessarily stir voters’ anxieties.
現実を直視せず、極端なレッテル貼りで有権者の不安をあおるのは無責任である。
People’s Life Party leader Ichiro Ozawa, JCP Executive Committee Chairman Kazuo Shii and SDP head Mizuho Fukushima have criticized the LDP’s revision draft because it seeks to delete Article 97, which stipulates the inviolability of basic human rights.
憲法を巡っては、自民党の改正草案が、基本的人権の不可侵性をうたった９７条を削除していることを、生活の党の小沢代表や共産党の志位委員長、社民党の福島党首がやり玉に挙げた。
It seems they are keen to give the public the impression that the LDP is poised to crack down on basic human rights.
自民党案がいかにも基本的人権を軽視しているかのような印象を与えたかったのだろう。
In a rebuttal, Abe has stressed his party has no intention at all to change the fundamental principles of the Constitution, explaining that in the LDP draft Article 11 “absorbs” Article 97. Article 11 contains provisions that have the same effect as Article 97. Therefore, there seems to be no major problem.
安倍首相は、基本原則は変えていないと強調し、同趣旨の条文がある１１条に「吸収させた」と説明した。それならば、大きな問題ではないのではないか。
Readiness for emergencies
◆緊急事態への対処も
Ishin no Kai, Your Party and other parties that are seeking to drastically reform the government structure through revisions of the Constitution have referred to the advisability of creating a system that allows for election of the prime minister by popular vote.
憲法改正で統治機構の仕組みを抜本的に変えることを主張する維新の会やみんなの党は、いずれも首相公選制に言及している。
A plebiscite for choosing the prime minister, however, could end up as a mere popularity contest. Israel introduced a referendum system for electing the prime minister in 1996, but abolished it in 2001 because of the resulting political turmoil.
だが、首相公選制は人気投票になりかねない。イスラエルでは導入後政治が混乱し、撤廃した。
The LDP, Your Party and People’s Life Party, meanwhile, have proposed that new provisions be incorporated into the Constitution concerning such contingencies as a massive natural disaster and terrorist attacks.
自民、みんな、生活の各党は、大規模な自然災害やテロといった緊急事態に関する条項を盛り込むことを提案している。
There must be no stinting in drawing up legal preparations to cope with such possible calamities as an epicentral earthquake focused just below the Tokyo metropolitan area and a mega-quake such as a Nankai Trough earthquake.
首都直下地震や、南海トラフ巨大地震などへの法的な備えは怠れない。
Revision of the Constitution should also take the possibility of these national crises into account. Constitutional discussions must be deepened from this point of view.
国家の危機的状況も想定した憲法でありたい。こうした観点からの議論も深めるべきだ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 14, 2013)
（2013年7月14日01時56分 読売新聞）
2013/07/16
2013/07/15
ソウル不当判決 日韓合意に反する賠償命令だ
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 13, 2013
Seoul court ruling on damages defies 1965 Japan-ROK accord
ソウル不当判決 日韓合意に反する賠償命令だ（7月12日付・読売社説）
A South Korean court has handed down a ruling that could worsen relations with Japan. It was an unjust decision.
日韓関係の一層の悪化につながりかねない。不当な判決である。
In an appellate case sent back from the Supreme Court, which involved four South Koreans seeking compensation for damages from Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corp., a descendant of the companies they had been forced to work for during wartime, the Seoul High Court ordered payment of 100 million won (about 8.8 million yen) to each of the plaintiffs.
戦時中、日本企業に徴用された韓国人４人が、当時の勤務先の流れをくむ新日鉄住金に損害賠償を求めた訴訟の差し戻し控訴審で、韓国のソウル高裁は、１人当たり１億ウォン（約８８０万円）の賠償を命じる判決を言い渡した。
This is the first time that a South Korean court has ordered a Japanese firm to pay damages to former forced laborers.
韓国司法が、日本企業に対し、元徴用工への賠償支払い命令を出したのは初めてのことだ。
The ruling is totally unacceptable because it obviously violates the agreement on property claims and economic cooperation that was reached when the two countries concluded a treaty to normalize relations in 1965. The accord clearly stated that the issue of property claims was “resolved completely and finally.”
今回の判決が容認できないのは、１９６５年の国交正常化の際に日韓両国が締結した財産請求権・経済協力協定に明らかに反しているからだ。協定は、請求権問題が「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と断じている。
In its 1976 white paper on funds deriving from property claims, South Korea’s Economic Planning Board listed construction of a steelmaking plant, dams and highways as concrete examples of how $500 million in grants and other funds the country received from Japan in the name of economic cooperation had been used. The white paper clearly stated that “its usefulness cannot be belittled.”
韓国経済企画院は１９７６年の「請求権資金白書」で、無償・有償あわせて５億ドルの日本からの経済協力について、製鉄所やダム、高速道路の建設を具体的な使途に挙げた。その上で、「効用を過小評価できない」と明記した。
Erroneous judgment
Nevertheless, South Korea’s Supreme Court said in a May 2012 ruling that “claims by individuals have not yet expired.” The current ruling is based on that erroneous judgment.
それにもかかわらず、韓国最高裁は２０１２年５月、「個人の請求権は消滅していない」とする判断を示した。今回の判決はこの誤った判断を踏まえたものだ。
Some of the plaintiffs filed a similar suit in Japan but their loss was finalized by a Supreme Court decision.
原告の一部は日本でも提訴し、最高裁で敗訴が確定している。
The Seoul High Court’s decision this time demonstrates disregard for the final decision in this country. It is natural that Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said, “We cannot accept a decision that doesn’t comport with Japan’s position.”
結果として、日本の確定判決が無視されたことになる。菅官房長官が、「日本の立場に相いれない判決であれば、容認できない」と述べたのも当然である。
There are five other similar lawsuits filed against Japanese firms. The latest decision will inevitably have an influence on future court rulings. It is feared that more South Koreans who were once forced laborers will file class action suits, causing new problems between the two countries.
日本企業を相手取った同様の裁判が他に５件ある。今後の判決への影響は避けられまい。元徴用工らによる集団訴訟が相次ぐ恐れもある。日韓の新たな懸案だ。
In the first place, the South Korean government itself is obliged to pay compensation for damages suffered by South Koreans during Japan’s colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula. The $300 million Japan paid in grants to South Korea contained “the funds to resolve the compensation over forcible recruitment.”
そもそも、植民地統治に起因する韓国人の補償請求については、支払い義務は韓国政府にある。日本が供与した無償資金３億ドルには「強制動員の被害の補償を解決する資金」が含まれている。
Because the South Korean government did not sufficiently pay out this compensation money, dissatisfaction has been smoldering among many South Koreans who were excluded from compensation for individuals.
韓国政府の支払いが不十分で、個人補償の対象から除外された人々が多かったために、不満はくすぶり続けていた。
Moreover, the South Korean government has failed to give sufficient explanations to its own people.
韓国政府が国民に十分な説明をしなかったのが一因だろう。
Fostering ill will
As Seoul has intensified antagonism against Tokyo in recent years, over topics such as sovereignty over the Takeshima islets and perceptions of history, unfounded demands against Japan have been flaring up again.
近年、竹島や歴史認識を巡る対立が深まるにつれ、根拠が薄弱な日本への要求も再燃している。
A sudden shift by the South Korean judiciary from its conventional stance is not completely unrelated to the rise of anti-Japan sentiment in the country.
韓国司法が最近、従来の判断から急転換したのも、そうした反日の高まりと無縁ではあるまい。
The normalization of bilateral relations opened the way to tremendous progress for South Korea. The financial resolution of damages from the past was determined diplomatically and is fundamentally a matter to be dealt with domestically in that country. It is unreasonable that South Korea persistently continues to point its accusing finger at Japan.
日韓国交正常化は韓国の飛躍につながった。過去の清算は外交的に決着し、本来は韓国の内政問題だ。その矛先を執拗(しつよう)に日本に向けるのは筋違いである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 12, 2013)
（2013年7月12日01時26分 読売新聞）
Seoul court ruling on damages defies 1965 Japan-ROK accord
ソウル不当判決 日韓合意に反する賠償命令だ（7月12日付・読売社説）
A South Korean court has handed down a ruling that could worsen relations with Japan. It was an unjust decision.
日韓関係の一層の悪化につながりかねない。不当な判決である。
In an appellate case sent back from the Supreme Court, which involved four South Koreans seeking compensation for damages from Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal Corp., a descendant of the companies they had been forced to work for during wartime, the Seoul High Court ordered payment of 100 million won (about 8.8 million yen) to each of the plaintiffs.
戦時中、日本企業に徴用された韓国人４人が、当時の勤務先の流れをくむ新日鉄住金に損害賠償を求めた訴訟の差し戻し控訴審で、韓国のソウル高裁は、１人当たり１億ウォン（約８８０万円）の賠償を命じる判決を言い渡した。
This is the first time that a South Korean court has ordered a Japanese firm to pay damages to former forced laborers.
韓国司法が、日本企業に対し、元徴用工への賠償支払い命令を出したのは初めてのことだ。
The ruling is totally unacceptable because it obviously violates the agreement on property claims and economic cooperation that was reached when the two countries concluded a treaty to normalize relations in 1965. The accord clearly stated that the issue of property claims was “resolved completely and finally.”
今回の判決が容認できないのは、１９６５年の国交正常化の際に日韓両国が締結した財産請求権・経済協力協定に明らかに反しているからだ。協定は、請求権問題が「完全かつ最終的に解決された」と断じている。
In its 1976 white paper on funds deriving from property claims, South Korea’s Economic Planning Board listed construction of a steelmaking plant, dams and highways as concrete examples of how $500 million in grants and other funds the country received from Japan in the name of economic cooperation had been used. The white paper clearly stated that “its usefulness cannot be belittled.”
韓国経済企画院は１９７６年の「請求権資金白書」で、無償・有償あわせて５億ドルの日本からの経済協力について、製鉄所やダム、高速道路の建設を具体的な使途に挙げた。その上で、「効用を過小評価できない」と明記した。
Erroneous judgment
Nevertheless, South Korea’s Supreme Court said in a May 2012 ruling that “claims by individuals have not yet expired.” The current ruling is based on that erroneous judgment.
それにもかかわらず、韓国最高裁は２０１２年５月、「個人の請求権は消滅していない」とする判断を示した。今回の判決はこの誤った判断を踏まえたものだ。
Some of the plaintiffs filed a similar suit in Japan but their loss was finalized by a Supreme Court decision.
原告の一部は日本でも提訴し、最高裁で敗訴が確定している。
The Seoul High Court’s decision this time demonstrates disregard for the final decision in this country. It is natural that Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said, “We cannot accept a decision that doesn’t comport with Japan’s position.”
結果として、日本の確定判決が無視されたことになる。菅官房長官が、「日本の立場に相いれない判決であれば、容認できない」と述べたのも当然である。
There are five other similar lawsuits filed against Japanese firms. The latest decision will inevitably have an influence on future court rulings. It is feared that more South Koreans who were once forced laborers will file class action suits, causing new problems between the two countries.
日本企業を相手取った同様の裁判が他に５件ある。今後の判決への影響は避けられまい。元徴用工らによる集団訴訟が相次ぐ恐れもある。日韓の新たな懸案だ。
In the first place, the South Korean government itself is obliged to pay compensation for damages suffered by South Koreans during Japan’s colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula. The $300 million Japan paid in grants to South Korea contained “the funds to resolve the compensation over forcible recruitment.”
そもそも、植民地統治に起因する韓国人の補償請求については、支払い義務は韓国政府にある。日本が供与した無償資金３億ドルには「強制動員の被害の補償を解決する資金」が含まれている。
Because the South Korean government did not sufficiently pay out this compensation money, dissatisfaction has been smoldering among many South Koreans who were excluded from compensation for individuals.
韓国政府の支払いが不十分で、個人補償の対象から除外された人々が多かったために、不満はくすぶり続けていた。
Moreover, the South Korean government has failed to give sufficient explanations to its own people.
韓国政府が国民に十分な説明をしなかったのが一因だろう。
Fostering ill will
As Seoul has intensified antagonism against Tokyo in recent years, over topics such as sovereignty over the Takeshima islets and perceptions of history, unfounded demands against Japan have been flaring up again.
近年、竹島や歴史認識を巡る対立が深まるにつれ、根拠が薄弱な日本への要求も再燃している。
A sudden shift by the South Korean judiciary from its conventional stance is not completely unrelated to the rise of anti-Japan sentiment in the country.
韓国司法が最近、従来の判断から急転換したのも、そうした反日の高まりと無縁ではあるまい。
The normalization of bilateral relations opened the way to tremendous progress for South Korea. The financial resolution of damages from the past was determined diplomatically and is fundamentally a matter to be dealt with domestically in that country. It is unreasonable that South Korea persistently continues to point its accusing finger at Japan.
日韓国交正常化は韓国の飛躍につながった。過去の清算は外交的に決着し、本来は韓国の内政問題だ。その矛先を執拗(しつよう)に日本に向けるのは筋違いである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 12, 2013)
（2013年7月12日01時26分 読売新聞）
2013/07/14
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:別れが悲しいのは病気？ ／東京
July 07, 2013(Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Is mourning the loss of a loved one an illness?
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:別れが悲しいのは病気？ ／東京
In May, the American Psychiatric Association's "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders," used by psychiatrists around the world as a basis for making diagnoses, received a major revision that has become a large topic of discussion in psychiatric circles.
世界の精神科医の多くが使っている診断の基準が、米国精神医学会が作成した「診断と統計の手引き」。５月にそれが大改訂され、精神医療の分野で大きな話題となっている。
Among the revisions made, what bothers me is the deletion of "bereavement exclusion" in the section on depressive disorders. In the previous version of the manual, there was an exclusion saying that when people lost a loved one, they shouldn't be diagnosed with depression for the next two months even if they showed symptoms of it. In the new version that exclusion is gone, and the death of loved ones is generally treated the same as other stress or shock factors, with patients to be diagnosed with depression if they show depression symptoms for two weeks.
変更点の中で気になるのは、いわゆる「うつ病」の診断から「死別の場合は除く」という箇所が削除されたこと。前のバージョンでは、愛する人などとの「死別後の２カ月間はたとえ症状が出そろっていても『うつ病』と診断してはならない」との注意書きがつけられていた。今回の改訂ではそれがなくなり、「死別」を基本的には他のさまざまなストレスやショックと同じように扱って「２週間いくつかの症状が続いていれば『うつ病』と診断される」ということになったのだ。
To be frank, I am doubtful of the correctness of this change. I myself lost my father over two years ago, and I feel that since then my view of the world has greatly changed. I continue to go to work because I can't leave my job unattended, but sometimes I am struck by indescribable feelings of emptiness.
はっきり言って、この改訂には疑問を感じる。私自身、２年以上前に父親を亡くしたが、あれから目に映る世界がすっかり変わってしまったような気がしている。仕事に穴を開けるわけにはいかないので出かけてはいるが、時々例えようもないむなしさに襲われる。
I often see people in my consultation room who complain of sadness and regret after the loss of a spouse or child. I sympathize with them greatly, because considering how much I am affected by the loss of my aged father, the loss of one's child seems like it must be unbearable. Except in extreme cases, I don't feel like labeling these people as "depressed." However, if I send them away with a diagnosis of "completely normal," patients having trouble sleeping can't get prescriptions for sleeping medicine, so with no other choice I diagnose them with "insomnia," or with "psychogenic reaction," a response to temporary but harsh psychological stimuli.
診察室には配偶者やわが子を亡くした後の悲しみや苦しさを訴える人が、しばしばやって来る。私は「年老いた父との死別でさえこれほどこたえるのだから、わが子との別れがつらすぎるのは当然のこと」と深く共感し、よほどのことでない限り「うつ病」などと病名をつける気にはなれない。ただ、「まったく正常」としてしまうと不眠を訴える人に睡眠のクスリを処方することもできないので、仕方なく「不眠症」とか、一過性のこころの激しい反応ということで「心因反応」といった病名をつける。
Perhaps before long, I will have to tell a person who comes complaining that, three weeks after a family death, they feel down and without energy, "That's depression. Let's take some antidepressants and get better."
もしかすると、これからは「３週間前に家族が亡くなり、それから気持ちが落ち込んで何も手につかない」と語る人にも、「それはうつ病ですよ。ちゃんと抗うつ薬を飲んで治しましょう」と言わなければならなくなるのだろうか。
In our lives, we have many sad and hurtful experiences. That is something all people face, and one might even say the ability to mourn deeply and for a long time is a defining characteristic of humanity. A society that labels that without exception as "depression" is both shallow and dull.
悲しむこと、つらい気持ちを抱えることを、私たちは人生を生きる中で何度も経験する。それは人として当たり前のことであり、もっと言えば「深く長く嘆き、悲しむことができる」ということこそ、「人間らしさ」の条件なのではないだろうか。それが一律に「はい、それは病気です」と言われ、治療の対象になるような社会は薄っぺらく味気ない。
The Japanese Society of Mood Disorders has not yet announced how it will react to the revised manual, but I hope that they will say, "Being sad because of a family member's death is not an illness."
日本うつ病学会は、この度の改訂を日本でどう扱うか、まだ指針を発表していない。「家族との別れが悲しいのは病気じゃない」と言ってくれたら、と願っている。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2013年07月02日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Is mourning the loss of a loved one an illness?
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:別れが悲しいのは病気？ ／東京
In May, the American Psychiatric Association's "Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders," used by psychiatrists around the world as a basis for making diagnoses, received a major revision that has become a large topic of discussion in psychiatric circles.
世界の精神科医の多くが使っている診断の基準が、米国精神医学会が作成した「診断と統計の手引き」。５月にそれが大改訂され、精神医療の分野で大きな話題となっている。
Among the revisions made, what bothers me is the deletion of "bereavement exclusion" in the section on depressive disorders. In the previous version of the manual, there was an exclusion saying that when people lost a loved one, they shouldn't be diagnosed with depression for the next two months even if they showed symptoms of it. In the new version that exclusion is gone, and the death of loved ones is generally treated the same as other stress or shock factors, with patients to be diagnosed with depression if they show depression symptoms for two weeks.
変更点の中で気になるのは、いわゆる「うつ病」の診断から「死別の場合は除く」という箇所が削除されたこと。前のバージョンでは、愛する人などとの「死別後の２カ月間はたとえ症状が出そろっていても『うつ病』と診断してはならない」との注意書きがつけられていた。今回の改訂ではそれがなくなり、「死別」を基本的には他のさまざまなストレスやショックと同じように扱って「２週間いくつかの症状が続いていれば『うつ病』と診断される」ということになったのだ。
To be frank, I am doubtful of the correctness of this change. I myself lost my father over two years ago, and I feel that since then my view of the world has greatly changed. I continue to go to work because I can't leave my job unattended, but sometimes I am struck by indescribable feelings of emptiness.
はっきり言って、この改訂には疑問を感じる。私自身、２年以上前に父親を亡くしたが、あれから目に映る世界がすっかり変わってしまったような気がしている。仕事に穴を開けるわけにはいかないので出かけてはいるが、時々例えようもないむなしさに襲われる。
I often see people in my consultation room who complain of sadness and regret after the loss of a spouse or child. I sympathize with them greatly, because considering how much I am affected by the loss of my aged father, the loss of one's child seems like it must be unbearable. Except in extreme cases, I don't feel like labeling these people as "depressed." However, if I send them away with a diagnosis of "completely normal," patients having trouble sleeping can't get prescriptions for sleeping medicine, so with no other choice I diagnose them with "insomnia," or with "psychogenic reaction," a response to temporary but harsh psychological stimuli.
診察室には配偶者やわが子を亡くした後の悲しみや苦しさを訴える人が、しばしばやって来る。私は「年老いた父との死別でさえこれほどこたえるのだから、わが子との別れがつらすぎるのは当然のこと」と深く共感し、よほどのことでない限り「うつ病」などと病名をつける気にはなれない。ただ、「まったく正常」としてしまうと不眠を訴える人に睡眠のクスリを処方することもできないので、仕方なく「不眠症」とか、一過性のこころの激しい反応ということで「心因反応」といった病名をつける。
Perhaps before long, I will have to tell a person who comes complaining that, three weeks after a family death, they feel down and without energy, "That's depression. Let's take some antidepressants and get better."
もしかすると、これからは「３週間前に家族が亡くなり、それから気持ちが落ち込んで何も手につかない」と語る人にも、「それはうつ病ですよ。ちゃんと抗うつ薬を飲んで治しましょう」と言わなければならなくなるのだろうか。
In our lives, we have many sad and hurtful experiences. That is something all people face, and one might even say the ability to mourn deeply and for a long time is a defining characteristic of humanity. A society that labels that without exception as "depression" is both shallow and dull.
悲しむこと、つらい気持ちを抱えることを、私たちは人生を生きる中で何度も経験する。それは人として当たり前のことであり、もっと言えば「深く長く嘆き、悲しむことができる」ということこそ、「人間らしさ」の条件なのではないだろうか。それが一律に「はい、それは病気です」と言われ、治療の対象になるような社会は薄っぺらく味気ない。
The Japanese Society of Mood Disorders has not yet announced how it will react to the revised manual, but I hope that they will say, "Being sad because of a family member's death is not an illness."
日本うつ病学会は、この度の改訂を日本でどう扱うか、まだ指針を発表していない。「家族との別れが悲しいのは病気じゃない」と言ってくれたら、と願っている。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2013年07月02日 地方版
2013/07/13
１３参院選 ＴＰＰ交渉 参加出遅れに危機感が乏しい
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 12, 2013
Political parties lack seriousness over Japan’s late entry in TPP talks
１３参院選 ＴＰＰ交渉 参加出遅れに危機感が乏しい（7月11日付・読売社説）
How should Japan deal with negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement?
日本は、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉にどのように対応すべきか。
Each political party is accountable for its stance on the TPP during the ongoing campaign for the House of Councillors election.
参院選で各党の姿勢が問われている。
The U.S. Congress likely will complete procedures soon over Japan’s entry into TPP negotiations, following Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s announcement of Japan’s intent to join the talks. Eleven countries, including the United States and Australia, are scheduled to hold a new round of TPP talks in Malaysia on July 15-25. For several days toward the end of the round, Japan is expected to finally be able to sit at the negotiating table.
安倍首相の参加表明を受けて、米国議会の承認手続きが近く終了する。米国、豪州など１１か国は１５～２５日にマレーシアで交渉を行う。その最後の数日間、日本はようやく、交渉のテーブルに着くことができる見通しだ。
With its population shrinking, Japan needs to tap into Asia’s vitality by promoting free trade in an effort to buoy its economic growth.
人口が減る日本は、自由貿易推進でアジアの活力を取り込み、成長に弾みを付ける必要がある。
Japan must catch up
Aiming to reach a broad agreement within the year, the 11 countries are likely to step up TPP negotiations. Japan has lagged behind in the TPP talks, but it must explore ways to catch up with its negotiating partners in creating trade rules.
１１か国は年内の大筋合意を目指し、交渉を本格化させる。出遅れた日本は通商ルール作りで巻き返す道を探らねばならない。
Although Japan faces these difficult circumstances, the parties’ campaign pledges indicate they do not feel the urgency of the TPP issue. As a result, the TPP has not been a major contentious topic in the campaign.
そうした厳しい状況にもかかわらず、各党の公約は危機感に乏しく、ＴＰＰへの対応は大きな争点になっていない。
Regarding the TPP issue, the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed it would seek the best possible path in line with national interests by protecting what needs protecting and pushing for what the nation wants.
自民党はＴＰＰについて、「交渉力を駆使し、守るべきものは守り、攻めるべきものは攻めることにより、国益にかなう最善の道を追求する」と強調している。
In its comprehensive policy package, however, the LDP has called on the government to place priority on ensuring that five key agricultural items, such as rice and wheat, will be exempt from tariff elimination in TPP negotiations. It also calls for the government not to hesitate to pull out from the trade talks if the items are not protected. The LDP’s Hokkaido chapter has taken an even tougher stance, saying it will stand firm and not accept tariff elimination without exceptions.
しかし、総合政策集ではコメ、麦などを念頭に、「重要５品目の聖域を最優先し、それが確保できない場合は脱退も辞さない」と主張した。北海道連は「聖域なき関税撤廃は認めず、北海道の立場を主張する」とさらに強硬だ。
As the prime minister has vowed to enter TPP negotiations “with the determination to secure national interests,” Japan needs to flex its bargaining muscle.
首相が「国益を確保する決意で交渉していく」と述べたように、日本にはしたたかな交渉力の発揮が求められる。
Along with its coalition partner, New Komeito, the LDP should support the government and reflect national interests in TPP-related policies.
自民党は公明党とともに、政府を後押しし、ＴＰＰに国益を反映させる方針を示すべきだ。
It is also vital for political parties to propose feasible measures to make the nation’s agriculture competitive in preparation for further market liberalization.
一層の市場開放に備えた「強い農業」の実現へ、現実的な方策を訴えることも重要な課題だ。
Active debate urged
Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party, both pushing for Japan’s entry into the TPP talks, have called for a review of a measure to reduce rice production, an overhaul of agricultural cooperatives and other reforms. We urge the parties to have a vigorous debate on these issues.
ＴＰＰ推進を主張する日本維新の会とみんなの党は、減反政策の見直しや農協改革などを掲げる。活発な論戦を期待したい。
Meanwhile, the largest opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan, has pledged in its campaign platform to seek high-level economic partnerships and take the lead in drawing up global trade rules. But at the same time, it has also said, “We will take up the TPP issue without hesitating to withdraw [from the TPP talks].” The party’s proposed measures to beef up the agricultural sector appear vague.
民主党は公約で、「高いレベルの経済連携を推進し、世界のルール作りを主導する」としながら、「ＴＰＰは脱退も辞さない姿勢で臨む」と主張している。農業の強化策は抽象的である。
The Japanese Communist Party, the People’s Life Party, the Social Democratic Party and Green Wind all have opposed Japan’s participation in the TPP talks. However, Japan, which thrived as a trading country, is unlikely to be able to develop a vision for the future if it decides to stay away from such a free trade framework in Asia.
共産党、生活の党、社民党、みどりの風は、そろってＴＰＰ反対を主張している。だが、「貿易立国」として発展した日本が、アジアの自由貿易圏から外れる道を選べば、将来展望は開けまい。
The TPP negotiations address not only tariff elimination but also a wide range of other areas, such as rules for investment and intellectual property protection. How can Japan take advantage of the TPP to boost its competitiveness? We urge voters to closely look at each party’s proposal on the TPP.
ＴＰＰ交渉は関税撤廃だけでなく、投資ルールや知的財産権保護など幅広い分野に及ぶ。競争力強化にどうつなげるのか。有権者は各党の訴えを見極めてほしい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 11, 2013)
（2013年7月11日01時26分 読売新聞）
Political parties lack seriousness over Japan’s late entry in TPP talks
１３参院選 ＴＰＰ交渉 参加出遅れに危機感が乏しい（7月11日付・読売社説）
How should Japan deal with negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement?
日本は、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）交渉にどのように対応すべきか。
Each political party is accountable for its stance on the TPP during the ongoing campaign for the House of Councillors election.
参院選で各党の姿勢が問われている。
The U.S. Congress likely will complete procedures soon over Japan’s entry into TPP negotiations, following Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s announcement of Japan’s intent to join the talks. Eleven countries, including the United States and Australia, are scheduled to hold a new round of TPP talks in Malaysia on July 15-25. For several days toward the end of the round, Japan is expected to finally be able to sit at the negotiating table.
安倍首相の参加表明を受けて、米国議会の承認手続きが近く終了する。米国、豪州など１１か国は１５～２５日にマレーシアで交渉を行う。その最後の数日間、日本はようやく、交渉のテーブルに着くことができる見通しだ。
With its population shrinking, Japan needs to tap into Asia’s vitality by promoting free trade in an effort to buoy its economic growth.
人口が減る日本は、自由貿易推進でアジアの活力を取り込み、成長に弾みを付ける必要がある。
Japan must catch up
Aiming to reach a broad agreement within the year, the 11 countries are likely to step up TPP negotiations. Japan has lagged behind in the TPP talks, but it must explore ways to catch up with its negotiating partners in creating trade rules.
１１か国は年内の大筋合意を目指し、交渉を本格化させる。出遅れた日本は通商ルール作りで巻き返す道を探らねばならない。
Although Japan faces these difficult circumstances, the parties’ campaign pledges indicate they do not feel the urgency of the TPP issue. As a result, the TPP has not been a major contentious topic in the campaign.
そうした厳しい状況にもかかわらず、各党の公約は危機感に乏しく、ＴＰＰへの対応は大きな争点になっていない。
Regarding the TPP issue, the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed it would seek the best possible path in line with national interests by protecting what needs protecting and pushing for what the nation wants.
自民党はＴＰＰについて、「交渉力を駆使し、守るべきものは守り、攻めるべきものは攻めることにより、国益にかなう最善の道を追求する」と強調している。
In its comprehensive policy package, however, the LDP has called on the government to place priority on ensuring that five key agricultural items, such as rice and wheat, will be exempt from tariff elimination in TPP negotiations. It also calls for the government not to hesitate to pull out from the trade talks if the items are not protected. The LDP’s Hokkaido chapter has taken an even tougher stance, saying it will stand firm and not accept tariff elimination without exceptions.
しかし、総合政策集ではコメ、麦などを念頭に、「重要５品目の聖域を最優先し、それが確保できない場合は脱退も辞さない」と主張した。北海道連は「聖域なき関税撤廃は認めず、北海道の立場を主張する」とさらに強硬だ。
As the prime minister has vowed to enter TPP negotiations “with the determination to secure national interests,” Japan needs to flex its bargaining muscle.
首相が「国益を確保する決意で交渉していく」と述べたように、日本にはしたたかな交渉力の発揮が求められる。
Along with its coalition partner, New Komeito, the LDP should support the government and reflect national interests in TPP-related policies.
自民党は公明党とともに、政府を後押しし、ＴＰＰに国益を反映させる方針を示すべきだ。
It is also vital for political parties to propose feasible measures to make the nation’s agriculture competitive in preparation for further market liberalization.
一層の市場開放に備えた「強い農業」の実現へ、現実的な方策を訴えることも重要な課題だ。
Active debate urged
Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) and Your Party, both pushing for Japan’s entry into the TPP talks, have called for a review of a measure to reduce rice production, an overhaul of agricultural cooperatives and other reforms. We urge the parties to have a vigorous debate on these issues.
ＴＰＰ推進を主張する日本維新の会とみんなの党は、減反政策の見直しや農協改革などを掲げる。活発な論戦を期待したい。
Meanwhile, the largest opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan, has pledged in its campaign platform to seek high-level economic partnerships and take the lead in drawing up global trade rules. But at the same time, it has also said, “We will take up the TPP issue without hesitating to withdraw [from the TPP talks].” The party’s proposed measures to beef up the agricultural sector appear vague.
民主党は公約で、「高いレベルの経済連携を推進し、世界のルール作りを主導する」としながら、「ＴＰＰは脱退も辞さない姿勢で臨む」と主張している。農業の強化策は抽象的である。
The Japanese Communist Party, the People’s Life Party, the Social Democratic Party and Green Wind all have opposed Japan’s participation in the TPP talks. However, Japan, which thrived as a trading country, is unlikely to be able to develop a vision for the future if it decides to stay away from such a free trade framework in Asia.
共産党、生活の党、社民党、みどりの風は、そろってＴＰＰ反対を主張している。だが、「貿易立国」として発展した日本が、アジアの自由貿易圏から外れる道を選べば、将来展望は開けまい。
The TPP negotiations address not only tariff elimination but also a wide range of other areas, such as rules for investment and intellectual property protection. How can Japan take advantage of the TPP to boost its competitiveness? We urge voters to closely look at each party’s proposal on the TPP.
ＴＰＰ交渉は関税撤廃だけでなく、投資ルールや知的財産権保護など幅広い分野に及ぶ。競争力強化にどうつなげるのか。有権者は各党の訴えを見極めてほしい。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 11, 2013)
（2013年7月11日01時26分 読売新聞）
2013/07/12
１３参院選 社会保障 負担増の論議は避けられない
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 11, 2013
Don’t shirk discussions on raising the elderly’s social security burden
１３参院選 社会保障 負担増の論議は避けられない（7月10日付・読売社説）
Amid a chronically low birthrate and rapidly aging population, Japan’s spending on social security, including pensions, medical care and nursing care, has been continuously increasing.
少子高齢化が急速に進む中、年金、医療、介護などの社会保障費は増え続けている。
How can a sustainable social security system be built? This is an important issue in the upcoming House of Councillors election.
持続可能な社会保障制度をどう築いていくか。参院選の重要な争点である。
The Liberal Democratic Party has unveiled policies to promote wider use of cheap generic drugs and prevent people from receiving treatment at more than one medical institution for the same disease or sickness. These policies show the LDP has a sense of urgency on this issue.
自民党が、価格の安い後発医薬品の使用拡大や、複数の医療機関での重複診療抑制を打ち出したのは、危機感の表れと言えよう。
However, a glance at the campaign pledges of the political parties, including the LDP, reveals that they are hesitant to ask the public to pay more for their social security system.
だが、自民を含め、各党の公約を見ると、国民に負担増を求めることには及び腰だ。
Elderly should pay more
For example, increasing the proportion of medical expenses that elderly people must pay out of their own pocket is one issue that needs to be addressed.
例えば、高齢者医療の自己負担率を引き上げる問題である。
The Health Insurance Law and others stipulate that people aged 70 to 74 must pay 20 percent of their medical expenses when they are treated at a hospital. Despite this, government administrations since 2008 have capped this figure at 10 percent as a special measure, apparently for fear of sparking a backlash from the elderly if they increase it.
健康保険法などは７０～７４歳の医療費の窓口負担を２割と定めている。それにもかかわらず、２００８年以降、歴代政権は特例措置として１割に抑えてきた。高齢者の反発を恐れてのことだろう。
We think this figure should be raised to 20 percent, as set by law, to curtail public spending.
公費の支出削減のため、法定の２割への引き上げは必要だ。
However, the LDP, New Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan do not mention this issue in their election pledges. The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party oppose raising this figure.
しかし、この問題について、自民、公明、民主各党は公約で言及していない。共産、社民両党は引き上げに反対している。
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Norihisa Tamura expressed his intention to review the special measure at a press conference Tuesday, but he did not set any time frame for abolishing it.
田村厚生労働相は９日の記者会見で、特例措置を見直す意向を示したものの、廃止する時期については言明しなかった。
How can snowballing medical spending be rolled back? How can financial resources to fund the medical care system be secured? We urge all parties to deepen discussions on these matters.
医療費の増加をどう抑えるのか。財源をどう確保するのか。各党は議論を深めてもらいたい。
It is utterly irresponsible of the DPJ, the JCP and the SDP to insist on raising medical fees, which will inflate government spending on medical care, without explaining where the money to cover the cost will come from.
民主、共産、社民各党が、財源を示さずに、医療費増大につながる診療報酬の引き上げを主張しているのは無責任に過ぎよう。
Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) has proposed benefits for the elderly be reduced to more reasonable levels. The proportion of medical bills people are required to pay at hospitals differs between age groups. Ishin no Kai has proposed that this proportion be set at a uniform rate, so people shoulder medical expenses commensurate with their income.
日本維新の会は「高齢者向け給付の適正化」を提起している。年齢によって異なる現行の医療費の自己負担割合を一律にし、「所得に応じた負担」にする内容だ。
Ishin no Kai also calls for raising the eligibility age for pension benefits. These issues deserve to be discussed in detail.
年金の支給開始年齢の引き上げもうたっている。いずれも検討すべき課題だろう。
Measures to deal with the low birthrate also are important.
少子化対策も重要だ。
Help people have kids
The number of births in Japan fell to a record low of 1.037 million last year. A relentless decline in the number of people in the working generation that supports the elderly will imperil the very foundation of the nation’s social security system.
わが国の出生数は昨年、過去最少の１０３万７０００人にとどまった。高齢者を支える現役世代の減少が続けば、社会保障制度の根幹を危うくする。
It is essential to create an environment in which more people can raise their children while continuing their careers. Amid public calls for eliminating the waiting lists for licensed day care centers, political parties are in step when it comes to improving child care services.
働きながら子育てできる環境整備が欠かせない。待機児童の解消が求められる中、保育の充実では各党の足並みはそろっている。
The LDP touted that it will ensure child care facilities are capable of accepting 400,000 more children by the end of fiscal 2017. However, many problems need to be solved before this target can be achieved, including how to cooperate with local governments on this matter. The LDP must present specific steps for reaching this goal.
自民党は、１７年度までに４０万人の保育の受け皿確保を掲げた。ただ、自治体とどう連携するかなど、懸案は多い。実現への具体策を示すことが大切である。
The nation’s budget for measures to deal with the low birthrate is small compared with those of the United States and European countries. It is necessary to correct the current social security benefit setup, which is generous for the elderly, but relatively light for working and child-raising generations.
日本の少子化対策予算は、欧米に比べて少ない。高齢者に手厚く、現役・子育て世代に薄い社会保障給付を是正することが必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 10, 2013)
（2013年7月10日01時52分 読売新聞）
Don’t shirk discussions on raising the elderly’s social security burden
１３参院選 社会保障 負担増の論議は避けられない（7月10日付・読売社説）
Amid a chronically low birthrate and rapidly aging population, Japan’s spending on social security, including pensions, medical care and nursing care, has been continuously increasing.
少子高齢化が急速に進む中、年金、医療、介護などの社会保障費は増え続けている。
How can a sustainable social security system be built? This is an important issue in the upcoming House of Councillors election.
持続可能な社会保障制度をどう築いていくか。参院選の重要な争点である。
The Liberal Democratic Party has unveiled policies to promote wider use of cheap generic drugs and prevent people from receiving treatment at more than one medical institution for the same disease or sickness. These policies show the LDP has a sense of urgency on this issue.
自民党が、価格の安い後発医薬品の使用拡大や、複数の医療機関での重複診療抑制を打ち出したのは、危機感の表れと言えよう。
However, a glance at the campaign pledges of the political parties, including the LDP, reveals that they are hesitant to ask the public to pay more for their social security system.
だが、自民を含め、各党の公約を見ると、国民に負担増を求めることには及び腰だ。
Elderly should pay more
For example, increasing the proportion of medical expenses that elderly people must pay out of their own pocket is one issue that needs to be addressed.
例えば、高齢者医療の自己負担率を引き上げる問題である。
The Health Insurance Law and others stipulate that people aged 70 to 74 must pay 20 percent of their medical expenses when they are treated at a hospital. Despite this, government administrations since 2008 have capped this figure at 10 percent as a special measure, apparently for fear of sparking a backlash from the elderly if they increase it.
健康保険法などは７０～７４歳の医療費の窓口負担を２割と定めている。それにもかかわらず、２００８年以降、歴代政権は特例措置として１割に抑えてきた。高齢者の反発を恐れてのことだろう。
We think this figure should be raised to 20 percent, as set by law, to curtail public spending.
公費の支出削減のため、法定の２割への引き上げは必要だ。
However, the LDP, New Komeito and the Democratic Party of Japan do not mention this issue in their election pledges. The Japanese Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party oppose raising this figure.
しかし、この問題について、自民、公明、民主各党は公約で言及していない。共産、社民両党は引き上げに反対している。
Health, Labor and Welfare Minister Norihisa Tamura expressed his intention to review the special measure at a press conference Tuesday, but he did not set any time frame for abolishing it.
田村厚生労働相は９日の記者会見で、特例措置を見直す意向を示したものの、廃止する時期については言明しなかった。
How can snowballing medical spending be rolled back? How can financial resources to fund the medical care system be secured? We urge all parties to deepen discussions on these matters.
医療費の増加をどう抑えるのか。財源をどう確保するのか。各党は議論を深めてもらいたい。
It is utterly irresponsible of the DPJ, the JCP and the SDP to insist on raising medical fees, which will inflate government spending on medical care, without explaining where the money to cover the cost will come from.
民主、共産、社民各党が、財源を示さずに、医療費増大につながる診療報酬の引き上げを主張しているのは無責任に過ぎよう。
Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Restoration Party) has proposed benefits for the elderly be reduced to more reasonable levels. The proportion of medical bills people are required to pay at hospitals differs between age groups. Ishin no Kai has proposed that this proportion be set at a uniform rate, so people shoulder medical expenses commensurate with their income.
日本維新の会は「高齢者向け給付の適正化」を提起している。年齢によって異なる現行の医療費の自己負担割合を一律にし、「所得に応じた負担」にする内容だ。
Ishin no Kai also calls for raising the eligibility age for pension benefits. These issues deserve to be discussed in detail.
年金の支給開始年齢の引き上げもうたっている。いずれも検討すべき課題だろう。
Measures to deal with the low birthrate also are important.
少子化対策も重要だ。
Help people have kids
The number of births in Japan fell to a record low of 1.037 million last year. A relentless decline in the number of people in the working generation that supports the elderly will imperil the very foundation of the nation’s social security system.
わが国の出生数は昨年、過去最少の１０３万７０００人にとどまった。高齢者を支える現役世代の減少が続けば、社会保障制度の根幹を危うくする。
It is essential to create an environment in which more people can raise their children while continuing their careers. Amid public calls for eliminating the waiting lists for licensed day care centers, political parties are in step when it comes to improving child care services.
働きながら子育てできる環境整備が欠かせない。待機児童の解消が求められる中、保育の充実では各党の足並みはそろっている。
The LDP touted that it will ensure child care facilities are capable of accepting 400,000 more children by the end of fiscal 2017. However, many problems need to be solved before this target can be achieved, including how to cooperate with local governments on this matter. The LDP must present specific steps for reaching this goal.
自民党は、１７年度までに４０万人の保育の受け皿確保を掲げた。ただ、自治体とどう連携するかなど、懸案は多い。実現への具体策を示すことが大切である。
The nation’s budget for measures to deal with the low birthrate is small compared with those of the United States and European countries. It is necessary to correct the current social security benefit setup, which is generous for the elderly, but relatively light for working and child-raising generations.
日本の少子化対策予算は、欧米に比べて少ない。高齢者に手厚く、現役・子育て世代に薄い社会保障給付を是正することが必要だ。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 10, 2013)
（2013年7月10日01時52分 読売新聞）
2013/07/11
中国とガス田 一方的な開発は認められない
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 10, 2013
China’s unilateral development of gas field cannot be tolerated
中国とガス田 一方的な開発は認められない（7月9日付・読売社説）
The latest development is serious and certain to raise tensions in relations between Japan and China, which are already at loggerheads over the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄県・尖閣諸島を巡って対立している日本と中国の関係を一層緊張させる重大な事態だ。
It was recently learned that China is developing a new gas field near the median line between the two countries in the East China Sea, an area where a common borderline has yet to be defined.
日中の境界が画定していない東シナ海の中間線付近で、中国が新たなガス田開発に着手したことが発覚した。
It can be said that China’s hard-line stance under President Xi Jinping has become clear, with his administration trying to expand his country’s maritime interests by force or through a number of faits accomplis.
既成事実を積み重ね、力ずくで海洋権益を得ようとする中国の習近平政権の強硬姿勢が一段と鮮明になったと言えよう。
In June 2008, Japan and China agreed that both countries would jointly develop the Shirakaba gas field (called Chunxiao in China) located near a median line drawn at equal distances from the coastlines of the two nations. Both countries also agreed they would designate specific waters that straddle the median line to jointly develop, while agreeing to continue negotiations over possible joint development in other waters.
日中両国は２００８年６月、両国から等距離の中間線に隣接する白樺ガス田を共同開発し、中間線をまたぐ特定海域を共同開発区域にすること、さらに、その他の海域での共同開発に向けた協議を継続することで合意した。
China claims wider EEZ
The agreement was made as both countries were unable to close the rift in views concerning the delineation of their respective exclusive economic zones, in which nations have sovereign rights over seabed resources. Japan asserted that a median line should be drawn at equal distances from the coastlines to delineate respective EEZs while China claimed an EEZ that stretches farther east, saying its continental shelf extends to the Okinawa Trough.
海底資源に主権的権利が及ぶ排他的経済水域（ＥＥＺ）の境界線を巡って、中間線を主張する日本と、沖縄トラフまでとする中国の見解の溝が埋まらないためだ。
The area where China has recently been confirmed to have begun establishing a drilling facility is located about 26 kilometers west, toward China, of the median line favored by Japan. The unilateral act of China’s developing the area without a bilateral accord with Japan is intolerable.
今回、中国の掘削施設の新設作業が確認されたのは、中間線から中国寄り西側約２６キロの海上だ。日中間に合意がないまま一方的に開発する行為は容認できない。
It stands to reason that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has criticized China by saying, “We want China to abide firmly by the bilateral accord.” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga also lodged a protest over China’s latest action.
安倍首相が「合意にはしっかり従ってもらいたい」と中国を批判したのは当然である。菅官房長官も中国に抗議の意を表明した。
But a spokesperson of China’s Foreign Ministry said there was nothing for China to be criticized for as the development activity is in Chinese waters. Does this mean China is saying there is nothing wrong with its developing an area closer to China from the median line?
ところが、中国外務省報道官は、「中国が管轄する海域での開発活動で、非難される点はない」と開き直っている。中間線より中国側の海域のため、全く問題がないとでも言うのだろうか。
The latest gas field development attests to the Xi administration’s intention of accelerating China’s drive to become a “maritime power,” by promoting natural resource development in the East China Sea, as it is doing in the South China Sea.
新たなガス田開発は、「海洋強国」化を加速する習政権が、南シナ海同様、東シナ海でも資源開発を推進しようとする表れだ。
China has not only repeatedly had its surveillance ships enter Japan’s territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands but also had its marine research vessels intrude into Japanese waters recently. The country has also dispatched other survey vessels to an area within Japan’s EEZ, about 85 kilometers north of Okinotorishima island. These developments indicate that China is trying to expand its maritime interests even in the Western Pacific Ocean.
尖閣諸島周辺では、監視船による日本領海への侵入を繰り返すばかりか、最近は海洋調査船まで投入した。沖ノ鳥島から北へ約８５キロの日本のＥＥＺ内にも、別の調査船を派遣した。触手を西太平洋にまで伸ばそうという勢いだ。
Japan must press for talks
The recent spate of China’s maritime activities is probably the Xi administration’s attempt to raise pressure on the Abe administration. Japan, in the meantime, should press China to resume the bilateral talks on the joint development of the East China Sea in accordance with the 2008 bilateral accords, while remaining unruffled by China’s pressure.
海洋での一連の動きは、安倍政権に対する圧力を強める習政権の狙いもあるのだろう。日本としては中国の圧迫に動じることなく、０８年の合意に基づき、東シナ海の共同開発交渉を進めるべきだ。
To begin with, it is China that unilaterally discontinued the bilateral talks over an accord on the joint development of a natural gas field in the area in question, following a collision between a Chinese fishing vessel and Japan Coast Guard patrol boats near the Senkaku Islands in 2010. Even since, Beijing has refused to accept Japan’s requests to resume the talks.
そもそも、ガス田合意を実現するための条約締結交渉を、１０年に尖閣諸島沖で発生した中国漁船衝突事件を機に一方的に中断したのは中国である。その後も、日本の交渉再開要請に応じていない。
As long as China continues to take such a stance, its image of being “a power of a different nature” that easily breaks its promises made in intergovernmental accords will remain fixed in the international arena.
これでは、政府間合意さえ簡単に反故(ほご)にする「異質の大国」としてのイメージが、国際社会で定着するだけではないか。
The Xi administration must suspend the gas field development in question and agree to resume the bilateral talks.
習政権はガス田開発を中止し、交渉再開に応じねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 9, 2013)
（2013年7月9日01時52分 読売新聞）
China’s unilateral development of gas field cannot be tolerated
中国とガス田 一方的な開発は認められない（7月9日付・読売社説）
The latest development is serious and certain to raise tensions in relations between Japan and China, which are already at loggerheads over the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture.
沖縄県・尖閣諸島を巡って対立している日本と中国の関係を一層緊張させる重大な事態だ。
It was recently learned that China is developing a new gas field near the median line between the two countries in the East China Sea, an area where a common borderline has yet to be defined.
日中の境界が画定していない東シナ海の中間線付近で、中国が新たなガス田開発に着手したことが発覚した。
It can be said that China’s hard-line stance under President Xi Jinping has become clear, with his administration trying to expand his country’s maritime interests by force or through a number of faits accomplis.
既成事実を積み重ね、力ずくで海洋権益を得ようとする中国の習近平政権の強硬姿勢が一段と鮮明になったと言えよう。
In June 2008, Japan and China agreed that both countries would jointly develop the Shirakaba gas field (called Chunxiao in China) located near a median line drawn at equal distances from the coastlines of the two nations. Both countries also agreed they would designate specific waters that straddle the median line to jointly develop, while agreeing to continue negotiations over possible joint development in other waters.
日中両国は２００８年６月、両国から等距離の中間線に隣接する白樺ガス田を共同開発し、中間線をまたぐ特定海域を共同開発区域にすること、さらに、その他の海域での共同開発に向けた協議を継続することで合意した。
China claims wider EEZ
The agreement was made as both countries were unable to close the rift in views concerning the delineation of their respective exclusive economic zones, in which nations have sovereign rights over seabed resources. Japan asserted that a median line should be drawn at equal distances from the coastlines to delineate respective EEZs while China claimed an EEZ that stretches farther east, saying its continental shelf extends to the Okinawa Trough.
海底資源に主権的権利が及ぶ排他的経済水域（ＥＥＺ）の境界線を巡って、中間線を主張する日本と、沖縄トラフまでとする中国の見解の溝が埋まらないためだ。
The area where China has recently been confirmed to have begun establishing a drilling facility is located about 26 kilometers west, toward China, of the median line favored by Japan. The unilateral act of China’s developing the area without a bilateral accord with Japan is intolerable.
今回、中国の掘削施設の新設作業が確認されたのは、中間線から中国寄り西側約２６キロの海上だ。日中間に合意がないまま一方的に開発する行為は容認できない。
It stands to reason that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has criticized China by saying, “We want China to abide firmly by the bilateral accord.” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga also lodged a protest over China’s latest action.
安倍首相が「合意にはしっかり従ってもらいたい」と中国を批判したのは当然である。菅官房長官も中国に抗議の意を表明した。
But a spokesperson of China’s Foreign Ministry said there was nothing for China to be criticized for as the development activity is in Chinese waters. Does this mean China is saying there is nothing wrong with its developing an area closer to China from the median line?
ところが、中国外務省報道官は、「中国が管轄する海域での開発活動で、非難される点はない」と開き直っている。中間線より中国側の海域のため、全く問題がないとでも言うのだろうか。
The latest gas field development attests to the Xi administration’s intention of accelerating China’s drive to become a “maritime power,” by promoting natural resource development in the East China Sea, as it is doing in the South China Sea.
新たなガス田開発は、「海洋強国」化を加速する習政権が、南シナ海同様、東シナ海でも資源開発を推進しようとする表れだ。
China has not only repeatedly had its surveillance ships enter Japan’s territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands but also had its marine research vessels intrude into Japanese waters recently. The country has also dispatched other survey vessels to an area within Japan’s EEZ, about 85 kilometers north of Okinotorishima island. These developments indicate that China is trying to expand its maritime interests even in the Western Pacific Ocean.
尖閣諸島周辺では、監視船による日本領海への侵入を繰り返すばかりか、最近は海洋調査船まで投入した。沖ノ鳥島から北へ約８５キロの日本のＥＥＺ内にも、別の調査船を派遣した。触手を西太平洋にまで伸ばそうという勢いだ。
Japan must press for talks
The recent spate of China’s maritime activities is probably the Xi administration’s attempt to raise pressure on the Abe administration. Japan, in the meantime, should press China to resume the bilateral talks on the joint development of the East China Sea in accordance with the 2008 bilateral accords, while remaining unruffled by China’s pressure.
海洋での一連の動きは、安倍政権に対する圧力を強める習政権の狙いもあるのだろう。日本としては中国の圧迫に動じることなく、０８年の合意に基づき、東シナ海の共同開発交渉を進めるべきだ。
To begin with, it is China that unilaterally discontinued the bilateral talks over an accord on the joint development of a natural gas field in the area in question, following a collision between a Chinese fishing vessel and Japan Coast Guard patrol boats near the Senkaku Islands in 2010. Even since, Beijing has refused to accept Japan’s requests to resume the talks.
そもそも、ガス田合意を実現するための条約締結交渉を、１０年に尖閣諸島沖で発生した中国漁船衝突事件を機に一方的に中断したのは中国である。その後も、日本の交渉再開要請に応じていない。
As long as China continues to take such a stance, its image of being “a power of a different nature” that easily breaks its promises made in intergovernmental accords will remain fixed in the international arena.
これでは、政府間合意さえ簡単に反故(ほご)にする「異質の大国」としてのイメージが、国際社会で定着するだけではないか。
The Xi administration must suspend the gas field development in question and agree to resume the bilateral talks.
習政権はガス田開発を中止し、交渉再開に応じねばならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 9, 2013)
（2013年7月9日01時52分 読売新聞）
2013/07/10
米機密漏洩事件 問われる情報管理のずさんさ
The Yomiuri Shimbun July 9, 2013
U.S. information leakage shows sloppiness in managing secrets
米機密漏洩事件 問われる情報管理のずさんさ（7月8日付・読売社説）
A single individual has shaken up the world.
ひとりの男が世界中を揺るがしている。
The individual is Edward Snowden, a former systems analyst with the U.S. National Security Agency whom the NSA has accused of illegally gathering and spreading information.
米国家安全保障局（ＮＳＡ）が違法な通信情報収集をしていると告発したスノーデン容疑者のことだ。
Snowden has asked 26 countries in South America, Europe and other regions for political asylum, but he has been stuck in the transit zone of Moscow’s international airport for as long as two weeks.
南米や欧州などの２６か国に亡命申請し、２週間もモスクワの空港で待機している。
In Hong Kong a month ago, the 30-year-old former systems analyst leaked to major U.S. and British newspapers that the NSA, using a surveillance and monitoring system it built in strict secrecy, was gathering a large amount of information from e-mails, Internet phone conversations and online video sites.
スノーデン氏は香港に滞在していた１か月前、ＮＳＡが、極秘に構築した監視・傍受システムを使って、電子メールやネット電話、動画サイトの情報を大量に収集していると英米紙に暴露した。
Veil of secrecy
Regarding his motivation for revealing NSA’s global monitoring activities, Snowden, who was not a regular NSA official but an employee with one of its contractors, told the media his conscience did not allow him to remain idle while the privacy of a huge number of individuals was being infringed upon.
ＮＳＡ職員ではなく、契約請負企業で働いていた民間人だが、個人のプライバシーが侵害されるのを見て、「良心が許さなかった」と、告発の動機を語っている。
The NSA is an intelligence organization shrouded in secrecy. It has facilities around the world, including Japan.
ＮＳＡは、秘密のベールに包まれた情報機関だ。日本を含む世界各地に施設を保有している。
Even so, we cannot help but feel astounded that the U.S. government’s confidential information can be divulged by an individual in the private sector so nonchalantly.
それにしても、民間人が機密情報をかくも容易に漏洩(ろうえい)できたことには驚くしかない。
For the purpose of processing the immense amount of information they have collected, U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly entrusted the task to an increasing number of private-sector IT companies. As a result, the number of people in the private sector who have access to top U.S. government secrets is said to be about 500,000.
米情報機関では、膨大な情報の処理のため民間企業への委託が増え、最高機密にアクセス可能な民間人は約５０万人に上るという。
Only three years ago, a U.S. Army private first class leaked a large amount of U.S. diplomatic information to the WikiLeaks whistle-blowing site. More than 250,000 pieces of information were leaked.
米国では３年前にも、陸軍上等兵が内部告発サイト、ウィキリークスに大量の米外交公電を流し、２５万点以上がそのまま公開される事件があったばかりだ。
The sloppiness of the U.S. government’s information management must be questioned.
米政府の情報管理のずさんさは問われなければならない。
The administration of President Barack Obama has charged Snowden on a number of counts, including violation of the anti-espionage law, calling for countries concerned to cooperate in handing him over to the United States. This action shows how grave the impact the Snowden case has had on the U.S. government. Washington is apparently doing its best to prevent further confidential information from being divulged.
オバマ政権は、スノーデン氏をスパイ防止法違反容疑などで訴追し、関係国に身柄の引き渡しへの協力を要請した。米国が受けた衝撃の大きさを物語る。さらなる機密の流出を防ぎたいのだろう。
As this is the age of Internet, gigantic amounts of electronic information travel around the world. The Internet traffic has mostly been through the servers of major U.S. telecommunication firms.
ネット時代の今日、大量の電子情報が世界を飛び交っている。その多くは、米大手通信会社のサーバーを経由している。
After the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, U.S. efforts for beefing up Internet surveillance activities with cooperation from telecommunication firms with the aim of preventing terrorist activities has been an open secret.
米政府が２００１年９月の同時テロ後、テロ防止の目的で、通信会社の協力を得てネット監視を強化したのは公然の秘密だった。
Protect whistle-blowers
The question is whether the widespread monitoring operations are conducted legally.
問題は、それが合法的に行われているのか、ということだ。
Obama recently went on record as saying the surveillance activities, with the cooperation of telecommunications companies, are “completely legal” and are necessary to protect Americans from terrorist attacks.
オバマ大統領は、「合法的で、テロから国民を保護する必要な措置」と述べ、正当性を強調した。
The NSA chief stressed the usefulness of the surveillance activities by saying in congressional testimony that the agency has successfully thwarted “more than 50 cases” of terrorist attacks in more than 20 countries.
ＮＳＡ長官は議会で、「世界２０か国以上で５０件を超すテロ計画を阻止した」と有用性を述べた。
However justifiable the purpose for surveillance may be, information-gathering operations lacking appropriate constraints could lead to the abuse of power.
いくら目的が正当でも、適切な歯止めを欠いた情報収集活動は権力乱用につながる恐れがある。
Snowden failed to abide by procedures stipulated for in-house whistle-blowing. He may or may not have feared that he could be ignored and arrested.
スノーデン氏は、所定の内部告発手続きを踏まなかった。無視され、逮捕されることを恐れたのかどうか。
To stem the divulgence of information, it is also important to protect whistle-blowers.
情報流出の阻止には、内部告発者を保護する仕組みが機能することも重要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 8, 2013)
（2013年7月8日01時42分 読売新聞）
U.S. information leakage shows sloppiness in managing secrets
米機密漏洩事件 問われる情報管理のずさんさ（7月8日付・読売社説）
A single individual has shaken up the world.
ひとりの男が世界中を揺るがしている。
The individual is Edward Snowden, a former systems analyst with the U.S. National Security Agency whom the NSA has accused of illegally gathering and spreading information.
米国家安全保障局（ＮＳＡ）が違法な通信情報収集をしていると告発したスノーデン容疑者のことだ。
Snowden has asked 26 countries in South America, Europe and other regions for political asylum, but he has been stuck in the transit zone of Moscow’s international airport for as long as two weeks.
南米や欧州などの２６か国に亡命申請し、２週間もモスクワの空港で待機している。
In Hong Kong a month ago, the 30-year-old former systems analyst leaked to major U.S. and British newspapers that the NSA, using a surveillance and monitoring system it built in strict secrecy, was gathering a large amount of information from e-mails, Internet phone conversations and online video sites.
スノーデン氏は香港に滞在していた１か月前、ＮＳＡが、極秘に構築した監視・傍受システムを使って、電子メールやネット電話、動画サイトの情報を大量に収集していると英米紙に暴露した。
Veil of secrecy
Regarding his motivation for revealing NSA’s global monitoring activities, Snowden, who was not a regular NSA official but an employee with one of its contractors, told the media his conscience did not allow him to remain idle while the privacy of a huge number of individuals was being infringed upon.
ＮＳＡ職員ではなく、契約請負企業で働いていた民間人だが、個人のプライバシーが侵害されるのを見て、「良心が許さなかった」と、告発の動機を語っている。
The NSA is an intelligence organization shrouded in secrecy. It has facilities around the world, including Japan.
ＮＳＡは、秘密のベールに包まれた情報機関だ。日本を含む世界各地に施設を保有している。
Even so, we cannot help but feel astounded that the U.S. government’s confidential information can be divulged by an individual in the private sector so nonchalantly.
それにしても、民間人が機密情報をかくも容易に漏洩(ろうえい)できたことには驚くしかない。
For the purpose of processing the immense amount of information they have collected, U.S. intelligence agencies have reportedly entrusted the task to an increasing number of private-sector IT companies. As a result, the number of people in the private sector who have access to top U.S. government secrets is said to be about 500,000.
米情報機関では、膨大な情報の処理のため民間企業への委託が増え、最高機密にアクセス可能な民間人は約５０万人に上るという。
Only three years ago, a U.S. Army private first class leaked a large amount of U.S. diplomatic information to the WikiLeaks whistle-blowing site. More than 250,000 pieces of information were leaked.
米国では３年前にも、陸軍上等兵が内部告発サイト、ウィキリークスに大量の米外交公電を流し、２５万点以上がそのまま公開される事件があったばかりだ。
The sloppiness of the U.S. government’s information management must be questioned.
米政府の情報管理のずさんさは問われなければならない。
The administration of President Barack Obama has charged Snowden on a number of counts, including violation of the anti-espionage law, calling for countries concerned to cooperate in handing him over to the United States. This action shows how grave the impact the Snowden case has had on the U.S. government. Washington is apparently doing its best to prevent further confidential information from being divulged.
オバマ政権は、スノーデン氏をスパイ防止法違反容疑などで訴追し、関係国に身柄の引き渡しへの協力を要請した。米国が受けた衝撃の大きさを物語る。さらなる機密の流出を防ぎたいのだろう。
As this is the age of Internet, gigantic amounts of electronic information travel around the world. The Internet traffic has mostly been through the servers of major U.S. telecommunication firms.
ネット時代の今日、大量の電子情報が世界を飛び交っている。その多くは、米大手通信会社のサーバーを経由している。
After the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, U.S. efforts for beefing up Internet surveillance activities with cooperation from telecommunication firms with the aim of preventing terrorist activities has been an open secret.
米政府が２００１年９月の同時テロ後、テロ防止の目的で、通信会社の協力を得てネット監視を強化したのは公然の秘密だった。
Protect whistle-blowers
The question is whether the widespread monitoring operations are conducted legally.
問題は、それが合法的に行われているのか、ということだ。
Obama recently went on record as saying the surveillance activities, with the cooperation of telecommunications companies, are “completely legal” and are necessary to protect Americans from terrorist attacks.
オバマ大統領は、「合法的で、テロから国民を保護する必要な措置」と述べ、正当性を強調した。
The NSA chief stressed the usefulness of the surveillance activities by saying in congressional testimony that the agency has successfully thwarted “more than 50 cases” of terrorist attacks in more than 20 countries.
ＮＳＡ長官は議会で、「世界２０か国以上で５０件を超すテロ計画を阻止した」と有用性を述べた。
However justifiable the purpose for surveillance may be, information-gathering operations lacking appropriate constraints could lead to the abuse of power.
いくら目的が正当でも、適切な歯止めを欠いた情報収集活動は権力乱用につながる恐れがある。
Snowden failed to abide by procedures stipulated for in-house whistle-blowing. He may or may not have feared that he could be ignored and arrested.
スノーデン氏は、所定の内部告発手続きを踏まなかった。無視され、逮捕されることを恐れたのかどうか。
To stem the divulgence of information, it is also important to protect whistle-blowers.
情報流出の阻止には、内部告発者を保護する仕組みが機能することも重要である。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, July 8, 2013)
（2013年7月8日01時42分 読売新聞）
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