2011/12/09

真珠湾70年―危機の時代へ三つの教訓

3 continuing lessons from the Pearl Harbor attack
真珠湾70年―危機の時代へ三つの教訓
↓
1) The first lesson is that we must not seek any simple, quick solution to a problem in times of crisis.
1) ひとつは、危機の時代には、単純な解決を性急に求めないことだ。
2) The second lesson to learn from history is that we must respect the diversity of thought, especially in times of crisis.
2) ふたつめは、危機の時代にこそ、意見の多様性を尊重することだ。
3) The third lesson is that we must look at ourselves objectively when we turn our eyes to the rest of the world.
3) 三つめは、世界に目を向けるときは、あわせて他者の視座でわが身を見ることだ。

久々に朝日新聞の力作だと思います。
(スラチャイ)

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 7
EDITORIAL: 3 continuing lessons from the Pearl Harbor attack
真珠湾70年―危機の時代へ三つの教訓

December 07, 2011 Dec. 8 (Japan time) marks the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the Pacific War.
 太平洋戦争の開戦から、あすで70年になる。

News of a surprise attack on the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii on Dec. 7, 1941, by a task force of the Imperial Japanese Navy threw the Japanese people into wild elation.
 日本の機動部隊が、ハワイ・真珠湾の米太平洋艦隊を急襲した知らせに、国民は熱狂した。

Novelist Sei Ito (1905-1969) noted to the effect: "Yes! This is the way to go." Actor Musei Tokugawa (1894-1971) recalled, "I felt my whole body tingle with excitement."
「ああこれでいい。これで大丈夫だ」(小説家の伊藤整)、「身体がキューッとなる感じ」(俳優の徳川夢声)。

But that day was the beginning of Japan's downfall, which ended with its unconditional surrender three years and eight months later.
だが、それは3年8カ月後の全面敗北に至る転落の始まりだった。

The Pearl Harbor attack has been discussed extensively.
 真珠湾はさまざまに総括されてきた。

In Japan, the recurring question has been why the nation was so foolhardy as to go to war with the United States, whose strength was vastly superior.
日本では、圧倒的に強い米国に無謀な戦争を挑んだ理由が問われた。

Was this to blame on the out-of-control military? Or did political confusion of the time play a factor? Or did the media fan jingoistic feelings that were already surging around the nation?
軍部の暴走か、政治の混迷に原因があるのか。メディアが火に油を注いだ国民の熱狂のためか。

In his address before Congress, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) called the day "a date which will live in infamy."
 米国にとっては「不名誉の日」(ルーズベルト大統領の戦争教書演説)である。

For the Americans, Pearl Harbor became an object lesson in how a country can fall flat on its face for underestimating its opponent.
相手をあなどった結果の失態として語り継がれる。

During the Cold War, the lesson was applied to America's relationship with the Soviet Union. The Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks were likened to Pearl Harbor.
冷戦時代にはソ連に備える教訓となり、2001年の同時多発テロは新たな「真珠湾」とされた。

International order's breaking point
■国際秩序の破断点

History is always reviewed in the light of the present.
 歴史はたえず現在に照らして問い直される。

How should we interpret Pearl Harbor today amid the escalation of the European debt crisis and concerns about the future of democracy?
ならば、欧州発の経済危機がとどまるところを知らず、民主主義の未来が危ぶまれつつある今日、真珠湾はどんな意味を持つのか。

Let us put the start of the Pacific War in a broader historical context, rather than look at it as an error in judgment by the Japanese government or an outcome of Tokyo's falling-out with Washington.
 ひとつの視点として、開戦を日本政府の判断の過ちや、日米対立の産物ととらえるだけでなく、もう少し広く歴史を見渡して位置づけてみる。

Seen in that light, one could say that Pearl Harbor represented the point where the international order, which was already in bad shape since the Great Depression of 1929, finally broke down in the Asia-Pacific region.
 すると、真珠湾は1929年の大恐慌から混迷を深めた国際秩序が、アジア・太平洋地域でもついにこわれてしまった破断点だったといえるだろう。

The world's major powers formed exclusive economic blocs to protect their interests, and that led to World War II.
 当時は、列強各国が権益を守るためにブロック経済に走り、戦争を招いたのだ。

Nowadays, there are more diverse frameworks of international cooperation, such as the Group of 8 and the G-20, and the necessity of international policy coordination in many fields is much better understood than in the past.
 それに比べて、いまはG8、G20といった多様な国際連携の枠組みがある。多くの分野で政策協調の必要性も広く理解されている。

On the other hand, the World Trade Organization has come to a standstill, and this could cause member nations to rush into forming economic blocs. In this age of the Internet, a local crisis can immediately develop into a global crisis, and there is no refuge for anyone.
 だが一方では、世界貿易機関(WTO)が立ち往生し、へたをすると各国がブロック経済へと突き進む恐れもある。インターネットの時代、危機は瞬時に世界を駆けめぐり、破局から避難できる場所はどこにもない。

Historically, there is no such thing as a recurring drama.
 歴史上、同じドラマが起こることはない。

But it is also a fact that history repeats similar mistakes.
だが、歴史が似たような過ちを繰り返すのも事実だ。

That is because humans are often incapable of controlling their desires, political ambitions and technology.
人間はしばしば、みずからの欲望や政治的なパワー、技術力を制御できなくなってしまうからだ。

Domestic, international stability go together
■内外の安定は一体

The progress of Japan's modernization was made possible by stability at home and peace in the world.
 近代日本の歩みは、国内の安定と国際的な平和が一体的に支え合っていたことを教えてくれる。

The policy of international cooperation that characterized Japanese diplomacy during the two decades of the Taisho Era (1912-1926) mirrored the state of the post-World War I world.
大正デモクラシーから20年代の協調外交は、第1次大戦後の国際情勢を映していた。

Japan's attainment of post-World War II prosperity was proof that the nation was able to enjoy peace under the strong leadership of the United States during the Cold War years.
第2次大戦後の繁栄は、冷戦期の米国の強い先導力のもと、日本が平和を享受できた証しだ。

Put another way, Japan becomes unstable when international relations begin to deteriorate.
 逆に言えば、国際関係にさざ波が立つと、日本は不安定になる。

Pearl Harbor happened when political turmoil at home was compounded by crises abroad.
そこに国内政治の揺らぎが重なり、内外の危機が共振し合った先に、真珠湾があった。

In present-day Japan, the failure of the historic regime change of 2009 to renovate Japanese politics has deepened the public's sense of disappointment. In diplomacy, Japan has to contend with the destabilization of Asia due to America's diminishing influence and China's emergence.
 いまの日本は、内では政権交代が政治を刷新できずに国民の失望を深め、外では米国の影響力低下と中国の台頭によるアジアの不安定化に直面している。

Faced with uncertainties both at home and abroad, now is the time for us to learn three lessons from history leading up to Pearl Harbor.
 内外とも混迷するいまだからこそ、私たちは真珠湾に至った歴史から三つの教訓を学ぶべきだと考える。

The first lesson is that we must not seek any simple, quick solution to a problem in times of crisis.
 ひとつは、危機の時代には、単純な解決を性急に求めないことだ。

In prewar Japan, the disintegration of party politics resulted in the military seizing dictatorial power.
戦前は政党政治の迷走の果てに、軍部による独裁的な政治に行き着いた。

In that process, the people turned to militarism as a means for getting their nation out of a jam.
その過程で、国民は武断政治に活路を見いだそうとしていた。

Since Junichiro Koizumi became prime minister in 2001, the public has become used to "theatrical" politics characterized by decisive, clever slogans that have a strong populist appeal.
 いまの政治も小泉首相以来、断定的な言葉で世論の受けを狙う「劇場型」が幅を利かす。

But there can never be a clear-cut solution to any complex issue involving conflicting interests.
複雑に利害が絡み合う問題は、一刀両断にはできない。

We must not forget that resolving such an issue requires thorough preparation, patience and a determination to follow it through.
周到な準備と粘り強い実行力が要ることを忘れてはならない。

Respect opinions of others
■他者の視座を持って

The second lesson to learn from history is that we must respect the diversity of thought, especially in times of crisis.
 ふたつめは、危機の時代にこそ、意見の多様性を尊重することだ。

Before and during World War II, society was all too ready to denounce people who voiced their own opinions as "traitors to the country," and that killed freedom of thought and expression.
かつて、異論を唱えるものに「非国民」とレッテルを貼る風潮が、自由にものを語りあう空気を社会から奪った。

We must watch out for people who make "brave" assertions and refuse to listen to or accept different opinions. And we must shun the sort of nationalism that fans hatred.
 相手の言い分に耳を傾けない勇ましい議論や、異なる見解を封じ、憎悪をあおるナショナリズムには警戒すべきだ。

Respecting minority opinions broadens our options.
少数者の意見を尊重することが、選択肢を広げていくのだ。

The third lesson is that we must look at ourselves objectively when we turn our eyes to the rest of the world.
 三つめは、世界に目を向けるときは、あわせて他者の視座でわが身を見ることだ。

Kiyoshi Kiyosawa (1890-1945), a journalist who criticized myopic foreign policy opinions before and during the war, noted: "Japan's greatest handicap is its inability to explain its partner's position on international issues. Its own position is the only position Japan can understand."
 「日本で最大の不自由は、国際問題において、対手(あいて)の立場を説明することができない一事だ。日本には自分の立場しかない」。視野の狭い外交論議を批判した戦前・戦中のジャーナリスト清沢洌(きよし)の言葉である。

His observation was completely accurate, given that Japan drove itself into the Pacific War because it underestimated Chinese nationalism and misread America's intentions.
 中国ナショナリズムの軽視と米国の意図の読み違いが、日本を戦争に追い込んだことを考えれば、この言葉は重い。

Today, Japan's survival hinges on understanding China's motive behind its rapid expansion and deciding how best to rebuild the Japan-U.S. relationship.
 まさにいまも、強大化する中国の意図をどう見すえ、米国との関係をどう再構築するのかが、この国の死活的な問題になっている。

On the 70th anniversary of the Pearl Harbor attack, which the U.S. historian Samuel E. Morrison (1887-1976) called "a grand strategic blunder" for Japan, let us remind ourselves of the above three lessons.
 米歴史家モリソンが「戦略的な愚行」と呼んだ真珠湾攻撃から70年の日に、改めて三つの教訓を胸に刻む。

2011/12/08

ロシア下院選 陰りうかがえるプーチン支配

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 7, 2011)
Putin's grip on power wanes as public discontent grows
ロシア下院選 陰りうかがえるプーチン支配(12月6日付・読売社説)

Results of Sunday's elections in Russia have shown in black and white the mounting public discontent with Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who has dominated power for more than a decade.
 ロシアの実権を長年にわたり握り続けるプーチン首相に対し、不満が高まっていることを浮き彫りにした選挙結果だ。

The United Russia party led by Putin lost many seats in the State Duma, or the lower house.
 ロシア下院選で、プーチン氏の率いる与党「統一ロシア」が、議席を大きく減らした。

The party fell far short of its goal of holding the two-thirds of the 450 seats--the number needed to revise the Russian Constitution--that it held before the election. It did no better than maintain a majority.
 定数450議席のうち、憲法改正に必要な3分の2の議席を占めていた「現状維持」の目標達成には及ばず、過半数を維持するにとどまった。

The largest opposition Communist Party, which has criticized growing income gaps and called for a fairer distribution of wealth, increased its preelection representation of 57 seats by more than 30 seats.
 所得格差拡大を批判し、富の公正な分配を求めた最大野党の共産党が、選挙前の57議席から、30以上も議席を増やした。

This indicates many voters who had become disillusioned with the government voted for the Communists.
政権に対する不満の受け皿となった形だ。

The popularity of Putin, who is widely believed to be a shoo-in in next year's presidential election, seems to be on the wane.
 来年の大統領選で当選が確実視されているプーチン氏も、その人気に陰りがうかがえる。

===

Communist Party prevails

The lower house poll was the second since the Russian election system was changed to hold elections only through proportional representation. The new system was believed to be extremely advantageous for the ruling party because it has an extensive national network of organizations.
 今回の下院選は、選挙制度改革で比例選だけになってから2度目の選挙で、強固な全国組織を持つ与党にきわめて有利と見られていた。

Political groups with fewer local chapters are not officially recognized as political parties and thus are not allowed to run in elections.
地方支部が少ない政治団体は政党として認められず、選挙に参加できないからだ。

Nevertheless, the ruling party has suffered a setback. Putin admitted this "reflects the real situation" in Russia.  にもかかわらず、与党が不振だったことについて、プーチン氏は「今のロシアの現実を反映する」とコメントした。

The election result might have been unexpected, but he must accept it gravely.
思わぬ誤算だったのかもしれないが、重く受け止めざるを得ないだろう。

After Putin was elected president in 2000, he served two terms spanning eight years. In 2008, he handed the presidency to Dmitry Medvedev and instead became prime minister to keep his grip on power.
 プーチン氏は、2000年から大統領職を2期8年間務め、08年に大統領職をメドベージェフ氏に委ねたのち、首相の座にとどまって実権を握ってきた。

Medvedev trumpeted slogans of establishing the rule of law and fostering high-tech industries, but he will leave office next spring without achieving anything significant.
 メドベージェフ大統領は、法治主義の確立と先端産業育成を旗印に掲げたが、十分な成果をあげないまま、来春、任期を終える。

Putin will have no strong rival in the presidential election scheduled for next March.
 プーチン氏には、来年3月の大統領選で有力な対抗馬がいない。

In fact, he still has strong support from many Russian people.
いまだに国民多数の根強い支持を得ていることも事実だ。

But if he has aspirations of holding on to the presidency in the long term, he will have to tackle a host of issues.
しかし、長期政権の維持を目指すにしても、課題は山積している。

===

Corruption still rife

Corruption that has spread its tentacles to the furthest reaches of the bureaucracy has yet to be eradicated.
 官僚組織の末端にまで及ぶ汚職の蔓延(まんえん)は、いっこうに改善されていない。

By forging close ties with the bureaucratic machine, United Russia appears to be monopolizing the nation's rights and interests.
「統一ロシア」は官僚とつながり、利権を独占していると見られている。

Strong public dissatisfaction with this was a factor behind the ruling party's poor election showing.
国民の強い不満が、与党不振の一因にもなった。

The Russian economy has been unable to break away from its reliance on energy resources, so the country's revenue is largely influenced by fluctuations in crude oil prices.
 経済は、エネルギー資源に依存する体質から脱却できず、原油価格の変動で国家の歳入は大きく左右される。

Many Russians are worried the debt crisis roiling Europe--Moscow's biggest trading partner--will affect their country.
最大の貿易相手の欧州が債務危機に苦しむのを見て、ロシアにも影響が及ぶのではないかと国民は不安を感じている。

It is evident that Russia needs to implement political, economic and social reforms.
 ロシアが、政治、経済、社会の各分野で、改革を必要としているのは明らかだ。

Putin will need to squarely deal with challenges that have been put off for years and produce tangible results.
プーチン氏は、こうした積年の課題に正面から取り組み、成果を出していかなければならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 6, 2011)
(2011年12月6日01時11分 読売新聞)

2011/12/07

風知草:プルトニウムの反乱=山田孝男

この技術開発はイギリスでも日本でも見通しが立っていない。
出来ないことを、素直に出来ないと認める勇気だって必要なのです。
規模を縮小して大学の研究機関あたりにダメ元で委託したらどうでしょうか。
(スラチャイ)

(Mainichi Japan) December 5, 2011
Plutonium brings no real chance of prosperity
風知草:プルトニウムの反乱=山田孝男

Some readers appear to wonder why I recently write only about nuclear power generation in this column. I do so because I believe that it is a crucial issue that will determine the fate of Japan as well as the whole world.
 なんで原発のことばかり書くのかと心配してくださる向きもあるが、これからの日本と世界を左右する決定的なテーマだと思うからである。

There have recently been various news reports that offer valuable insight into the future of nuclear power generation.
 原発の今後を考えるうえで示唆に富む報道が続いている。

The Dec. 2 morning edition of the Mainichi Shimbun ran an article reporting that in 2002, the then administrative vice minister of economy, trade and industry and the chairman and president of Tokyo Electric Power Co. (TEPCO) were nearing an agreement to withdraw from a nuclear fuel recycling project.
本紙(2日朝刊)によれば、02年、当時の経済産業省事務次官と東京電力の会長・社長が、「核燃料再処理事業から撤退」で合意に近づいていた。

Nuclear fuel recycling refers to a process of treating spent nuclear fuel from nuclear power stations with chemicals and extracting reusable uranium and plutonium from it.
 核燃料再処理とは、原発から出る使用済み燃料に化学処理を施し、再利用可能なウランやプルトニウムを取り出すことをいう。これがうまくいかない。

This project has so far been unsuccessful and there are no prospects that the project will work.
うまくいく見通しもない。

It was only natural that the government regulator and the power supplier were negotiating a withdrawal from the project.
撤退協議は自然だった。

The negotiations came to nothing after top executives of TEPCO were forced to resign over the utility's cover-up of a series of technical problems. Nevertheless, the Mainichi report indicates that a change in Japan's nuclear power policy is not a pipe dream.
結局、立ち消えになった(=東電のトラブル隠し発覚で首脳陣が交代し、途絶)とはいえ、この逸話は、原発政策転換が夢物語ではないことを示している。

Furthermore, the Mainichi evening edition of the same day (the morning edition the following day in some areas) reported that the United Kingdom is planning to dispose of some of its surplus plutonium, which it had accumulated as a result of nuclear fuel reprocessing, in an underground repository. This news is of greater significance.
 同じ日の本紙夕刊(統合版地域は3日朝刊)に、イギリスが核燃料再処理で蓄積したプルトニウムをもてあまし、一部を地下処分場に捨てる予定だという記事が出ていた。このニュースはさらに重要だ。

Plutonium is generated as a result of burning uranium in nuclear reactors.
 プルトニウムは原子炉のウラン燃焼過程で生まれる。

One gram of the substance has energy equal to that in 1 kiloliter of oil.
1グラムに石油1キロリットル分のエネルギーを秘める。

It can be used as a material for both atomic bombs and fuel for nuclear reactors.
The U.K. has steadily accumulated plutonium, but failed to develop fast-breeder nuclear reactors, which had been viewed as the core of the peaceful use of such a substance.
原爆の材料にも、原発の燃料にもなる。イギリスはせっせと蓄えてきたが、平和利用の柱と目されていた高速増殖炉の開発に失敗した。

The U.K. then attempted to develop technology for the use of plutonium-uranium MOX fuel in thermal reactors at nuclear power stations, a project known in Japan as "pluthermal." However, the country has been unsuccessful in producing such fuel. The same is true with Japan.
 そこでMOX(ウラン・プルトニウム混合酸化物)燃料にして原発で燃やすプルサーマル発電をめざしたが、MOXがつくれない(日本も同じ。

Areva SA, a nuclear technology company in France, is now manufacturing plutonium-uranium MOX fuel, but questions remain as to its quality.
現在、仏アレバ社だけが生産しているが、品質の評価は定まらない)。

The U.K. ended up being the world's largest holder of surplus plutonium.
そうこうするうちに、イギリスは世界最大の「余剰(=利用先のない)プルトニウム」保有国になってしまった。

The U.K. faced a major challenge in dealing with a massive amount of plutonium, which needs to be stored safely.  イギリスは困った。プルトニウムは厳重に保管しなければならない。

The storage of plutonium costs a huge amount of money, but the U.K. can no longer afford to pay for this.
カネがかかるが、カネはない。

The U.K. needs to prevent such a substance from falling into the hands of terrorists.
とはいえ、ズサン管理でテロリストの手に渡ったら困る。

The country has consequently decided to bury part of its plutonium in an underground repository that is scheduled to begin operations in 2040.
そこで一部を、2040年操業開始予定の地下処分場に埋めることにした。

Even if the U.K. says it will bury only "part" of its surplus plutonium, its amount is enough to produce hundreds of atomic bombs.
 一部といっても、原爆を数十発から数百発つくれる量だ。

The amount of surplus plutonium that needs to be buried could increase as there is no prospect that the U.K. will be successful in developing technology to use plutonium-uranium MOX fuel in thermal reactors.
MOX開発は引き続きイバラの道だから、埋める量が増える可能性がある。

Moreover, the U.K. will abandon its project to reprocess spent nuclear fuel over the next decade.
しかもイギリスは今後10年かけ、核燃料の再処理をやめる。

Behind the decision is the growing awareness that plutonium offers no positives, while also being a terrible nuisance.
この政策の背景には、もはやプルトニウムは希望ではなく、厄介者だという根本的な認識の変化がある。

This is the essence of the story written by Haruyuki Aikawa, a Mainichi correspondent in London.
これが、ロンドンから届いた会川晴之記者の特報のミソだ。

The U.K. has already abandoned developing fast-breeder nuclear reactors, and is set to give up nuclear fuel reprocessing as well.
 イギリスは高速増殖炉開発を既にやめ、核燃料再処理もやめる。

Moreover, its planned construction of a facility to dispose of radioactive waste including plutonium is likely to materialize even though it is still at a planning phase.
計画段階とはいえ、プルトニウムを含む核廃棄物の処分場のメドもついた。

In contrast, there are no prospects that Japan can build a disposal facility.
 日本は処分場建設の見込みが立たない。

However, for Japan to call for operations at the Monju prototype fast-breeder nuclear reactor in Fukui Prefecture and the nuclear fuel reprocessing plant in the Aomori Prefecture village of Rokkasho to be carried out as planned, would be like putting the cart before the horse as it appears the country is incapable of building a disposal facility.
だが、だから、もんじゅや核燃料再処理工場(青森県六ケ所村)を動かせというのは本末転倒だ。

Plutonium is directly related to security issues.
 プルトニウムは安全保障にも直結する。

The U.K. possesses nuclear weapons but Japan does not. One may wonder whether Japan's independence will be threatened if it abandons nuclear fuel recycling and loses its ability to produce plutonium.
イギリスは核保有国だが、日本の場合、プルトニウムから離れて潜在能力を失えば、独立を脅かされないか。

Even though it is an important point of contention the issue should not be used as a reason to underestimate the harm of plutonium.
重要な論点だが、これさえ、プルトニウムの害毒を軽視する理由にはならないと思う。

Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Yukio Edano who is in charge of energy policy, Goshi Hosono, state minister for handling the nuclear crisis, and Yoshito Sengoku, second-in-command in the ruling Democratic Party of Japan's Policy Research Committee, have been hearing the views of experts on the issue.
 これらの問題について、エネルギー担当閣僚である枝野幸男経産相、細野豪志原発事故担当相や、仙谷由人・民主党政調会長代行らが、専門家から意見聴取を続けている。

It is not enough for the government to talk only about the dream of "prosperity" built on dependence on nuclear power. Japan's ability to overcome the mess that follows such prosperity is now being tested.
 国内はもちろん、対外交渉においても、原発依存の繁栄の夢を説くだけでなく、繁栄の後始末を引き受け、乗り越える覚悟が問われている。

(By Takao Yamada, Expert Senior Writer)
(毎週月曜日掲載)
毎日新聞 2011年12月5日 東京朝刊

2011/12/06

香山リカのココロの万華鏡:神童にならなくても /東京

好きこそ物の上手なれ!
それが大好きなら続けられるし、そうでなければ子供に苦痛を与えるだけなのです。
努力していれば、結果は後からついてくるものです^^。
(スラチャイ)

(Mainichi Japan) December 4, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: Not every child has to become a prodigy
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:神童にならなくても /東京

This year has been marked by a drastic rise in the popularity of child celebrities.
 今年は、子役が大ブーム。

There are many child actors and singers, all of whom are still in kindergarten or lower elementary school, with skills that would put adults to shame.
 幼稚園生や小学校の低学年のあどけない子どもたちが、おとな顔負けの芝居をしたり歌を歌ったり。

They're well mannered in interviews but still maintain age-appropriate cuteness.
インタビューでも礼儀正しく、それでいて年相応の無邪気さも見せる。

Amidst the endless serious and dark news these days, these children's smiles have become indispensable in soothing our minds.
何かと暗い話題が多い中、子役たちの笑顔は私たちをなごませる上で欠かせないものとなっている。

Such children are not only present in the world of TV; there are athletes, musicians, English and math experts, and many other "child prodigies" with impressive talents in various fields.
 活躍しているのはテレビに出てくる子役だけではない。ときどきスポーツ教室や音楽教室にも“神童”が現れ、抜群の才能でおとなたちを驚かさせる。
幼児のための学習教室には、英語の達人、計算の名人などもいるようだ。

There is nothing wrong with looking at these children and thinking, "Wow, there are some really amazing kids out there." However, there are many occasions when this fascination escalates and some parents become obsessed with the idea of turning their children into prodigies no matter what.
 「すごい子どももいるものだね」と感心しているうちはまだよいが、子を持つ親の中には、「ウチの子も」といわゆる英才教育に熱心になる人もいる。

Because children like to be praised by their parents, at the beginning they try very hard and show good results in everything they do. They try to live up to their parents' expectations.
子どもは親にほめられるとうれしいので、最初のうちは期待にこたえようと、一生懸命、勉強、練習などに励み、それなりの成果を上げる。

However, not everyone who tries hard becomes a success.
 しかし、努力すれば誰もが天才になれるわけではない。

Dealing with failure is a major challenge for parents and children. Sometimes no matter how much kids try they can't pass an audition or receive a prize, and that is part of the reality that many parents and their children face in the pursuit of success.
 いくらやってもコンテストで入賞しない、オーディションに合格しない、という現実の壁に突き当たったとき、その親子はどうするかが問題。

I once had a patient in my consultation room, a mother, who told me that she just couldn't give up on the idea of her daughter becoming a professional ballerina.
She told me the following:
"I have sacrificed everything in my life to make my dream of her becoming a ballerina come true. But her ballet instructor told me that I should give up, because my daughter doesn't have the potential. I just can't accept this. When I told my husband that I want to send our daughter to ballet lessons abroad, he advised me to consult a psychiatrist."
 いつだったか、診察室に「どうしてもあきらめきれない」という母親がやって来たことがあった。
 「娘をバレリーナにするのが夢で、これまですべてを注ぎ込んで親子でその道を目指してきたんです。バレエ教室の先生に『これ以上、上はムリ』と言われてしまったけれど受け入れられない。娘を外国に連れて行ってレッスンを受けさせたい、と言ったら、夫に『一度、精神科で相談してきたら』と言われたんです」

As the mother talked away, her still very young daughter listened, looking down.
 必死に訴える母親のそばで、まだ幼い娘は申し訳なさそうにうつむいていた。

She seemed embarrassed and apologetic for not having the ability her mother would have wished for her.
She looked as if she was saying, "My mother is suffering because of me."
 「私のせいでママが苦しんでる」と自分を責めているようだった。

My job on such occasions is to first try to console the child before the mother. I have to tell them that it's not their fault. Otherwise they will forever feel responsible for not living up to their parents' expectations.
こういう場合は、母親よりも先に子どものほうに「あなたが悪いわけじゃないよ」と伝えなければ、心に深い傷を残してしまう。

Needless to say, every parent is proud and happy if their children are especially talented.
 わが子が天才なら、もちろん親はうれしいはずだ。

However, not every child can become a prodigy.
Sometimes it is in fact better for children not to be so special.
 ただ、誰もが神童や天才になる必要はないし、もっと言えば「そんな特別な存在にならないほうがいい」とも言える。

Always being in the spotlight and admired is not necessarily a positive experience. Sometimes it may harm children emotionally as they grow up.
 いつも注目され称賛されながらすごすのは、子どもの心の成長には必ずしもプラスとは言えないからだ。

Having a talent can bring happiness, but not having a special skill can also leave one content.
 才能があればあったで幸せだし、なければないでまたそれも幸せなこと。

This is what I thought as I recently observed popular child celebrities.
子役たちの活躍を見ながら、そんなことを思った。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2011年11月29日 地方版

2011/12/05

米・ミャンマー―対話を民主化にいかせ

I love Burma (Myanmar). Burma is one of the most important country in my life.
In order for the Myanmar regime to claim that democracy has taken root solidly in the country, it must release all political prisoners, reconcile itself with ethnic minorities and amend the Constitution, which provides legal foundation for the military’s rule.
(srachai)
私はビルマ(ミャンマー)が大好きです。ビルマは私にとって特別な国なのです。
民主化が定着したというには、政治犯の全員釈放、少数民族との和解に加え、軍の支配構造を支える憲法が改正されなければならない。
(スラチャイ)

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 3
EDITORIAL: Myanmar must continue with political reforms toward true democracy
米・ミャンマー―対話を民主化にいかせ

Aung San Suu Kyi, the iconic leader of Myanmar's (Burma's) pro-democracy movement, shook hands with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and had a private dinner with her on Dec. 2 in Yangon (Rangoon), the country's commercial capital.
 ミャンマー(ビルマ)の民主化運動指導者アウン・サン・スー・チーさんと米国のクリントン国務長官がヤンゴンで握手し夕食をともにした。

This would have been unimaginable just half a year ago.
半年前には想像できなかった光景である。

After meeting with the country's new president, Thein Sein, Clinton praised the steps he has taken for political reform, including the release of political prisoners and dialogue with pro-democracy forces, and said the United States will consider upgrading diplomatic relations with Myanmar.
 テイン・セイン大統領と会談した長官は、政治犯の一部釈放や民主化勢力との対話など一連の措置を歓迎し、外交関係の格上げを検討すると表明した。

However, Clinton stopped short of explicitly referring to the possibility of lifting Washington’s economic sanctions against Myanmar, saying Thein Sein’s reforms had only just begun.
 一方で改革は始まったばかりだとして経済制裁の解除には踏み込まなかった。

She also warned the regime against military cooperation with North Korea.
北朝鮮との軍事協力には強く釘を刺した。

Clinton’s visit to Myanmar is the first step for President Barack Obama’s new security strategy, which defines the Asia-Pacific region as a “top priority.”
 今回の訪問は、アジア太平洋地域を「最優先」と位置づけるオバマ大統領の安保新戦略の第一歩といえる。

Having been under autocratic military rule for years, Mynamar is now making steady progress toward democracy.
This development can only be very beneficial to the United States and its allies.
軍事政権による独裁体制を長年続けた国が民主化を着実に進めれば、米国や同盟国の大きな利益となる。

But there is no room for unreserved optimism about the country’s current regime, whose key posts are occupied almost exclusively by former senior military officers.
Washington has good reason to think it would be premature to lift sanctions.
 しかし、かつての軍幹部が主要ポストを独占する現体制の行方を完全には楽観できない以上、制裁解除を時期尚早とした米政府の判断は妥当といえる。

The U.S. move is also intended as a warning to China, which has been increasing its influence over the geopolitically important Southeast Asian country.
 地政学上重要な位置にあるミャンマーで影響力を増す中国を牽制(けんせい)する狙いも米国にはあろう。

While the United States has continued its economic sanctions against Myanmar, China has helped develop ports in southern parts of the country and is now building a pipeline to carry natural gas from a Myanmar port to China’s Yunnan province.
制裁を続けるうちに、中国はミャンマー南部の港湾を整備し、雲南省につなぐ天然ガスパイプラインを建設している。

In September, however, Myanmar’s government decided to freeze construction of a dam in the north funded by aid from China.
 ミャンマー政府は9月、中国の支援で北部に建設中のダム工事の凍結を決めた。

The United States and other countries have welcomed the decision as a sign that Myanmar is reconsidering its unqualified pro-China foreign policy.
中国一辺倒の姿勢に変化の兆しがみえたとして米国などは歓迎している。

We, too, welcome the Myanmar government’s attempt to diversify its foreign policy focus and strike a balance between its relations with China and the United States if it contributes to the nation’s progress toward democracy.
 外交を多角化させ、米中間のバランスをとろうとするミャンマー政府の姿勢が、結果として民主化の促進につながるのであれば歓迎したい。

Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) recently re-registered as a political party after a ban on the group was lifted.
 スー・チーさん率いる国民民主連盟(NLD)は法改正を受けて政党登録をすませた。

Aung San Suu Kyi has also announced her intention to run for parliamentary by-elections to be held next year.
スー・チーさん自身も来年に予定される国会の補欠選挙に立候補すると表明した。

Some people in the pro-democracy camp question the wisdom of her decision, recalling how the ruling military junta refused to recognize the result of the 1990 general election, in which the NLD won a landslide victory. These skeptics also point out that the number of parliamentary seats that come up for contest in the forthcoming by-elections will be less than one-tenth of the total.
 90年の総選挙でNLDが圧勝しながら軍政に黙殺された経緯や、補欠選挙で勝っても議席は国会の10分の1に満たないことから、民主化勢力の内部にもこの決定を疑問視する声がある。

However, it is true that missing out on this opportunity would further muddy the party's political prospects.
 だがこの機会を逃せば、先の展望が見えないことも事実だ。

It is easy to imagine that it was a difficult decision to make.
苦渋の決断と想像できる。

Aung San Suu Kyi must be looking beyond next year to a victory in the general election scheduled for 2015.
その先には15年の総選挙で勝利をめざす思いがあるはずだ。

In order for the Myanmar regime to claim that democracy has taken root solidly in the country, it must release all political prisoners, reconcile itself with ethnic minorities and amend the Constitution, which provides legal foundation for the military’s rule.
 民主化が定着したというには、政治犯の全員釈放、少数民族との和解に加え、軍の支配構造を支える憲法が改正されなければならない。

We hope the nation’s new government will pluck up the courage to make such bold moves.
新政権には大胆な妥協を望みたい。

Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba and Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Yukio Edano will both visit the country soon.
 玄葉外相や枝野経済産業相が相次いで現地入りする。

Tokyo should also watch carefully to see whether Myanmar is making steady progress toward democracy before it decides to supply aid to the country or expand bilateral economic ties with it.
援助や経済交流促進の前提として、民主化の着実な進展を見極める必要があることを指摘したい。

2011/12/04

欧州危機―思い切った金融緩和を

--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 2
EDITORIAL: Drastic financial easing needed to solve Europe debt crisis
欧州危機―思い切った金融緩和を

The central banks of Japan, the United States, Canada and Europe jointly proposed measures to deal with the ongoing financial crisis.
 日米欧の主要中央銀行が、協調して金融危機への対応策を打ち出した。

They will lower interest rates on their U.S. dollar loans to make it easier for banks facing financial difficulties because of the European debt crisis to borrow funds.
欧州の債務問題で経営が悪くなった銀行が資金繰りに窮しないよう、中央銀行が貸し出すドル資金の金利を下げ、借りやすくする。

In stock markets across the world, share prices rose on the grounds that concerns for a financial system crisis were alleviated.
 各国の株式市場は、金融システム危機への懸念が和らいだとして、いずれも上昇した。

However, the dollar supply plan is no more than a stopgap measure.
 ただ、今回のドル供給策はあくまで急場しのぎでしかない。

The European debt crisis that spread to Italy has become increasingly serious with concerns for the downgrading of French government bonds and the failure of a German government bond auction to draw investors.
イタリアへ波及した欧州の債務危機は、フランス国債の格下げ不安やドイツ国債の入札不調で一段と深刻化している。

With the drop in bond prices, European banks are facing deteriorating financial standings, and pressure of a credit crunch caused by cutbacks in lending and sales of assets shows no signs of abating.
 国債の値下がりで欧州の銀行は財務内容が悪化しており、貸し渋りや資産売却による信用収縮の圧力は収まりそうにない。

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development predicts that the economy of the euro zone will shrink for two consecutive quarters from the October-December period of 2011.
 経済協力開発機構(OECD)はユーロ圏が10~12月期から2四半期連続でマイナス成長になると予測する。

The debt crisis is undermining financial functions and cooling the real economy.
債務問題が金融機能を損なわせ、実体経済を冷え込ませる構図だ。

At this rate, the situation could lead to a global economic crisis, affecting the United States, which has a huge amount of investments and loans in Europe, China, with its large quantities of exports to Europe, and Japan, which has been hit by a strong yen.
 このままでは、欧州に多額の投融資をしている米国や、欧州への輸出が多い中国、円高の直撃を受ける日本など、世界に経済危機が広がる。

A recurrence of the Lehman Shock must be averted at any cost.
リーマン・ショックの再来は断じて防がねばならない。

However, major European countries that are the key players in the euro zone have yet to make a concerted effort to deal with the crisis.
 ところが、肝心のユーロ圏主要国の足並みは乱れたままだ。

The expansion of the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), which is considered an ace in the hole for now, has a far way to go to meet its target of 1 trillion euros in the face of objections by Germany, which puts importance on financial discipline of each country.
当面の切り札である欧州金融安定化基金(EFSF)の拡大についても、各国の財政規律を重視するドイツの反対で、目標の1兆ユーロはおぼつかない。

While it is important to restore fiscal health, the European Central Bank (ECB) should first expand its purchase of government bonds.
 財政健全化も重要だが、まずは欧州中央銀行(ECB)が国債の購入を拡大すべきだ。

It is also necessary to drastically reduce interest rates and implement drastic financial easing.
金利も大幅に引き下げ、大胆な金融緩和に踏み込む必要がある。

We urge Germany, which is objecting to the purchase of government bonds on the grounds that it would cause inflation, to change its stance on this matter.
インフレを招くとして国債購入に反対しているドイツは、ここから「君子豹変(ひょうへん)」してほしい。

A credit crunch would sooner or later develop into massive pressure for deflation.
 信用収縮は早晩、巨大なデフレ圧力となる。

Unless unrest of financial systems is brought under control, the situation could lead to a deflationary spiral beyond help.
金融システムの動揺を抑えないと、手の施しようがないデフレ・スパイラルに陥りかねない。

Currently, the growth rate of prices in the euro zone is 3 percent.
 ユーロ圏の物価上昇率は現在3%。

Since it is higher than the ECB's target of "2 percent or less," the situation calls for austerity measures under ordinary circumstances.
ECBが目安とする「2%以下」を上回り、通常なら引き締めの情勢だ。

But now is a time of emergency.
しかし、いまは非常事態である。

While Germany bitterly remembers the hyperinflation that hit the country after World War I, if the current situation leads to a deflationary spiral, it would be a total loss.
第1次大戦後のハイパーインフレが骨身に染みているドイツだが、デフレ・スパイラルを招いては元も子もない。

Furthermore, as France proposed, the EFSF should be reorganized into a bank.
 さらに、フランスが提案していたように、EFSFは銀行へと改組するのが望ましい。

Like ordinary banks, if it borrows funds from the ECB by using government bonds in its possession as collateral and purchases more bonds, the expansion of the EFSF would be unnecessary.
ふつうの銀行と同様に、手持ちの国債を担保にECBから資金を借りて国債を買えば、EFSFの規模を拡大せずにすむ。

Although the idea was scrapped because of Germany's opposition, top priority must be given to the prevention of a crisis.
 これもドイツの反対でつぶれたが、危機の防止を最優先にしなければならない。

2011/12/03

沖縄局長更迭 政府は信頼の再構築に全力を

一杯の酒が人生を狂わせることも、日常的に経験される現象です。
酒は、百薬の長としての役割りよりも、覚せい剤や麻薬に近い働きを果たします。
昨年はご近所のご主人が、一昨日はその息子が、飲酒が原因で命を落としました。
で、一昨日は葬儀に出席したのです。
断酒して正解だったのかも知れません。
やがては死への道をたどることに変わりはありませんが。
(スラチャイ)

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 2, 2011)
Govt must rebuild trust with Okinawa Prefecture
沖縄局長更迭 政府は信頼の再構築に全力を(12月1日付・読売社説)

It is not easy for the central government to regain the trust of Okinawa Prefecture, which recently was adversely affected.
 傷ついた沖縄との信頼関係を回復するのは容易ではない。

The government should do its best to rebuild the relationship by sincerely tackling the issue of U.S. bases in the prefecture.
政府は、米軍基地問題に誠実に取り組むことで、関係再構築に全力を挙げるべきだ。

Defense Minister Yasuo Ichikawa has dismissed Satoshi Tanaka as chief of the Okinawa Defense Bureau over an inappropriate remark concerning the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station.
 一川防衛相が、米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題をめぐり不適切な発言をしたとして、防衛省の田中聡沖縄防衛局長を更迭した。

During an informal drinking session at an izakaya bar with reporters in Naha, Tanaka said, "You don't say you're going to commit a rape before you do it, do you?" when asked a question about the submission of an environment impact assessment report on the base relocation to the Okinawa prefectural government.
 田中氏は記者団との居酒屋での懇談で、普天間飛行場移設に関する環境影響評価書の沖縄県への提出について「犯す前にやらせろとは言わない」などと語った。

Tanaka joined the drinking session on condition that any remarks he made would be off the record. But the Ryukyu Shimpo, a local newspaper, printed his remarks based on its judgment that they were of a public nature and it was in the public's interest to know.
 懇談は、報道しないというオフレコが条件だったが、地元紙の琉球新報が「公共性、公益性がある」との独自判断で記事化した。

The newspaper's decision is questionable.
 この報道姿勢は疑問である。

===

Honor off-the-record remarks

While regarding off-the-record news gathering as "an important means to meet the people's right to know," the Japan Newspaper Publishers & Editors Association said news organizations have a moral obligation to abide by off-the-record agreements.
 オフレコ取材について日本新聞協会は「国民の知る権利にこたえうる重要な手段」としつつ、報道機関にオフレコを守る道義的責任があるとの見解を示している。

If a news organization reports off-the-record remarks without the prior consent of the news source, a relationship of trust cannot be built between the media and the source, which in the end may limit the people's right to know.
 報道機関が、オフレコ取材の相手の了解を得ず一方的に報道するようだと、取材先との信頼関係が築けず、結果的に国民の知る権利の制約にもつながりかねない。

When Yoshio Hachiro resigned as economy, trade and industry minister over a verbal lapse concerning the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power station's meltdown accident, it was not clear whether his remark was off-the-record or not. But this time it definitely was.
 鉢呂吉雄前経済産業相が原発事故をめぐる失言で辞任した際は、オフレコ発言かどうか曖昧だったが、今回は明らかに違う。

Needless to say, Tanaka's remark likening the government's submission of the assessment report to raping a woman is extremely inappropriate.
 無論、評価書の提出を女性への暴行に例えた田中氏の発言自体は極めて不適切だ。

It is not surprising the remark upset people in Okinawa Prefecture, particularly as the issue of relocating Futenma Air Station was triggered by the rape of a primary school girl by U.S. marines in 1995.
普天間問題の発端が1995年の女児暴行事件だったこともあり、沖縄県民が反発したのはもっともである。

It is natural for Tanaka to have been dismissed for his remark.
 こうした結果を招いた以上、田中氏の更迭は当然だろう。

While apologizing to the people of Okinawa Prefecture for Tanaka's remark, Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda indicated the government would submit the assessment report as scheduled.
 野田首相は田中氏の発言について謝罪するとともに、環境影響評価書を予定通り提出する考えを示した。

The submission of the report before the end of the year has been confirmed on several occasions between Japan and the United States.
評価書の年内提出は日米間で何度も確認している。

The government needs to do so without delay.
きちんと実行する必要がある。

===

Steadily implement measures

The government recently tried to mend its relationship with Okinawa Prefecture by enabling the Japanese authorities to put on trial civilian employees of the U.S. military who commit serious offenses while on duty in Japan, through a review of the application of the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement.
 政府は最近、日米地位協定の運用を見直し、米国人軍属の裁判を日本で行うことを可能にするなど沖縄との関係修復に努めていた。

It is important in the days ahead for the government to steadily implement measures, including the transfer of military exercises by U.S. forces outside the prefecture, to lessen the burden on Okinawa Prefecture of hosting U.S. forces.
今後も、米軍の訓練の県外移転など、地元の基地負担の軽減策を地道に実行に移すことが大切だ。

In the United States, congressional pressure is increasing to cut defense spending, making it more difficult to realize the planned transfer of marines stationed in Okinawa Prefecture to Guam.
 米国では、連邦議会の国防費削減圧力が強く、在沖縄海兵隊のグアム移転が困難になりつつある。

If there is no progress made on the Futenma relocation issue, the Futenma base will remain where it is, and the plan to transfer U.S. marines to Guam may founder.
普天間問題が進展しなければ、普天間飛行場の固定化に加え、海兵隊移転が白紙になりかねない。

The Okinawa prefectural government wants the transfer of U.S. marines separated from the Futenma relocation issue. But this seems no longer possible.
 沖縄県側には、海兵隊移転を普天間問題と切り離して実現することへの期待があるが、それは、もはや不可能な情勢にある。

The central and Okinawa prefectural governments should consult with each other in a levelheaded manner over how to proceed with the issue of reducing the burden on the prefecture in hosting the U.S. military base.
 沖縄全体の基地負担軽減をどう進めるのか、政府と沖縄県は冷静に協議することが求められる。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 1, 2011)
(2011年12月1日00時55分 読売新聞)