2011/09/02
--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 1
EDITORIAL: Noda needs to rebuild Japan's diplomacy.
野田新首相へ―外交の立て直しを急げ
Newly elected Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda is Japan's new public face.
野田新首相は、新しい日本の顔である。
Noda has a duty to undertake the onerous challenge of fixing Japan's broken diplomacy as well as its dysfunctional internal politics, which is plagued by a raft of intractable problems.
難問だらけの内政とともに、日本外交を速やかに立て直す重責を担う。
For the three months since Noda's predecessor, Naoto Kan, first announced his intention to resign, Japan's diplomacy has been stagnant.
菅首相の退陣表明から３カ月、外交は停滞し続けている。
The prime minister's visit to the United States, scheduled for the first half of September, has been postponed.
今月前半の予定だった首相の訪米は延期された。
Dates have not been set, either, for the prime minister's visit to China, which should start fresh efforts to improve the bilateral relations strained by a diplomatic row over the disputed Senkaku Islands, or for South Korean President Lee Myung-bak's trip to Japan under a bilateral agreement on regular mutual visits of the two countries' leaders.
尖閣問題で冷え込んだ日中関係を改善する出発点になる首相の訪中や、シャトル外交による韓国大統領の訪日の日程も決まらない。
Fortunately, however, a series of important international conferences are scheduled to take place in the weeks through November, starting with the United Nations General Assembly meeting, to be held in late September. They also include this year's East Asia Summit, which will be the first to be attended by the United States and Russia as formal members, and meetings of the leaders of the Group of 20 major countries and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.
幸い、今月下旬の国連総会を皮切りに、米ロが初参加する東アジアサミット、Ｇ２０、アジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）と、１１月まで各国が集う機会が目白押しだ。
These events will offer great opportunities for Noda to put Japanese summit diplomacy back on track.
首脳外交を展開する好機である。
As he prepares for these meetings, Noda should develop his government's comprehensive foreign and security policy agenda and present it to the public as soon as possible.
その前提として、新首相は外交・安全保障に関する包括的な考え方を、できるだけ早く国民に示す必要がある。
The global balance of power is in flux due to economic turmoil in major industrial countries and the rise of emerging nations.
先進各国の経済の混迷と新興国の台頭で、国際社会の力関係は流動化している。
The wave of democratization in the Arab world and new trends in international terrorism should also claim the attention of the international community.
アラブ諸国の民主化や、国際テロなどからも目が離せない。
Japan now needs a grand vision and a grand strategy based on clear ideas about its future and role in the world.
日本の針路をどう定め、どんな国をめざすのか。いまこそ、大きな構想と戦略が求められている。
During the Democratic Party of Japan's leadership race, there was little debate among the candidates on diplomatic issues.
先の民主党代表選で、外交問題はほとんど素通りだった。
Even more troubling, Noda's political resume doesn't include much diplomatic experience. While he has attended some international economic conferences like meetings of finance ministers and central bankers of the Group of Seven richest countries, he is basically a novice in diplomacy, with his diplomatic prowess an unknown quantity.
しかも野田氏は、財務相としてＧ７などには出たが、どちらかといえば外交の門外漢で、手腕はまったくの未知数である。
But he created an international stir before becoming prime minister by expressing controversial views about Japan's wartime past, symbolized by his argument that the Class-A war criminals are no longer war criminals, and by making remarks that provoked China.
その一方で、「Ａ級戦犯は戦争犯罪人ではない」という見解に象徴される歴史認識と、中国を刺激する物言いが話題になっている。
In voicing concerns about China's military buildup and naval expansion in the region, Noda recently said China may "whip up nationalism" by making moves that bother Japan.
最近も、中国の軍事力増強や海洋進出に懸念を示し、「ナショナリズムをあおるために、ちょっかいを出される可能性もある」と語っていた。
News media in both China and South Korea have already labeled him as a "hawk" or "hard-liner."
中韓両国のメディアでは、すでに「タカ派」「強硬派」といった言葉が踊っている。
But it is probably not Noda's intention to go about planting seeds of diplomatic conflict.
しかし、野田氏もいたずらに摩擦の種をまくのは本意ではあるまい。
It would be wise for him to send out a clear diplomatic message by at least declaring that he will not visit the Yasukuni Shrine, where the Class-A war criminals are enshrined along with the general war dead, while he is in office.
少なくとも、靖国神社参拝について「首相在任中はしない」と明言し、メッセージを発するのが賢明だ。
Next year will see leadership elections and the change of guard in many major countries, including the United States, Russia, China and South Korea.
来年は米ロ中韓など、世界の主要国で大統領選挙が行われたり、首脳が交代したりする。
Under the heated political climate of an election year, the leaders of these nations will inevitably be very sensitive to public opinion at home.
As a result, they may be tempted to make more political moves and gestures aimed at the domestic audience.
各国とも指導者は国内世論を強く意識せざるを得ず、内向き志向になることが懸念される。
That could complicate the environment for diplomatic efforts.
それだけ、外交は難しさを増す。
The DPJ-led government has lost much of its credibility through diplomatic blunders.
The government of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama badly mishandled the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, an American military base located in the middle of a densely populated city in Okinawa Prefecture.
The Kan administration botched its response to the collision between a Chinese trawler and Japan Coast Guard vessels near the Senkaku Islands in September 2010.
鳩山政権での普天間問題、菅政権での尖閣問題など、民主党は外交の不手際で信用を失ってきた。
Japan has seen so many leadership changes in recent years that foreign media now like to make fun of its "revolving door" or "merry-go-round" of prime ministers.
そして「回転扉」「メリーゴーラウンド」と揶揄（やゆ）されるほどの短命首相続きだ。
Noda has pledged to "say what must be said without restraint" for candid and straightforward conversations with his foreign counterparts.
We hope he will build relationships based on mutual trust with foreign leaders through thoughtful words and actions.
「言うべきことは、遠慮なく言い合う」という野田氏には、思慮深い言動で首脳間の信頼関係を築いてほしい。
2011/09/03
2011/09/02
輿石民主幹事長 野田首相の政策実現へ動け
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Sep. 1, 2011)
Koshiishi must get Noda's policies implemented
輿石民主幹事長 野田首相の政策実現へ動け（8月31日付・読売社説）
New Democratic Party of Japan President Yoshihiko Noda was named Tuesday as the nation's prime minister to head the 95th cabinet.
We can sense Noda is trying to form an administration whose members are united and all pulling in the same direction like a baseball team, which is different from the administrations of his predecessors.
But will this be possible considering the DPJ has repeatedly been rocked by internal rifts?
これまでとは違う「全員野球」の政治を実現したい。そんな意欲は感じられるが、内輪もめを繰り返してきた民主党に可能だろうか。
Noda has informally decided to appoint Azuma Koshiishi, chairman of the DPJ caucus in the House of Councillors, as the party's secretary general, and former Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara as chairman of the party's Policy Research Committee.
民主党の野田佳彦代表が第９５代首相に指名された。野田氏は、党運営の要である幹事長に輿石東参院議員会長、政調会長に前原誠司前外相を内定した。
It is extremely rare for an upper house member to serve as secretary general of a ruling party, a very important post.
参院議員が政権党の幹事長を務めるのは極めて異例だ。
Koshiishi is close to former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa.
By placing Koshiishi in a prime post, Noda apparently is trying to end the intraparty conflict between "pro-Ozawa" and "anti-Ozawa" members--frictions that surfaced during the DPJ presidential race--and build a united party.
小沢一郎元代表に近い輿石氏の起用は、代表選で露呈した「親小沢」「反小沢」の党内対立に終止符を打ち、挙党態勢を構築する狙いがある。
It substantiates Noda's call to have no hard feelings after the election.
野田氏の言う「ノーサイド」の具体化だ。
The new Noda administration will face a mountain of important issues--including a review of the DPJ's election promises, which are full of dole-out policies; tax increases to secure funds for disaster reconstruction and social security reform; and possible participation in negotiations of the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.
野田新政権は、バラマキ政策に満ちた政権公約（マニフェスト）の見直しや、震災復興や社会保障改革の財源確保のための増税、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）参加などの重要課題を抱えている。
===
Useful ties with LDP, Komeito
In the DPJ presidential election, Noda made arguments supporting those issues.
However, outgoing Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Banri Kaieda and the other candidates opposed them. いずれも野田氏が代表選で主張してきたが、海江田万里経済産業相らは異論を唱えた。
Koshiishi, who backed Kaieda in the election, will be tested on whether he can smooth over differing opinions among party members and get these policy measures implemented.
今後、いかに党内の意見を集約し、これらの政策を実現するか、海江田氏を推した輿石氏の手腕が問われる。
Koshiishi has long been a facilitator of DPJ upper house members and has strong connections with the major opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito.
輿石氏は、参院民主党のまとめ役を長く務め、自民、公明など野党とのパイプもある。
We think he should use his skills to enact the third supplementary budget for disaster restoration as quickly as possible in the so-called divided Diet, where the opposition controls the upper house.
衆参ねじれ国会の下で、震災復興のための第３次補正予算案などの早期成立にも力を発揮すべきだ。
Meanwhile, Maehara is an expert in foreign and security policies, and of the same generation as Noda.
The two have a cooperative relationship.
一方、前原氏は、外交・安全保障政策に詳しく、野田氏と同じ世代で、協力関係にある。
Noda apparently tapped Maehara to be the party's policy research chief in a bid to keep a balance with Koshiishi, a senior politician.
ベテランの輿石氏とのバランスも考慮したと見られる。
In the party leadership race, Maehara advocated a review of the Policy Research Committee.
He wanted more party lawmakers involved in the policy-making process.
This fits in with Noda's plan to form a united team.
前原氏は代表選で、政策調査会の見直しを掲げていた。より多くの議員を政策決定過程に参加させるのが狙いで、野田氏の「全員野球」の方針とも合致する。
===
Review of policy panel
Noda has decided not to make the party's policy research chief double as a cabinet minister, but to demand the government in principle seek his consent in making a decision.
野田氏は、党政調会長には閣僚を兼務させない一方、政府の意思決定には「政調会長の了承を原則とする」方針を示した。
This apparently is intended to enhance the functions of the party's Policy Research Committee and have its opinions reflected in government policies.
党の政調機能を強化し、政府の政策に反映させる狙いがあるのだろう。
Under the government of outgoing Prime Minister Naoto Kan, when decisions were made on integrated reform of the social security and tax systems, and the basic policy on disaster restoration, some DPJ members opposed them and demanded revisions to the government plans. This caused constant confusion.
ただ、菅政権では、社会保障と税の一体改革や、震災復興の基本方針を決定する際、政府案に党側が反対し、修正を求めるといった混乱が続いた。
Simply involving more lawmakers in the policy-making process might cause delays in decisions on policies such as tax hikes, which some lawmakers, including Ozawa supporters, have resisted.
単に多くの議員が政策決定に関与するだけでは、増税など、小沢系を中心に抵抗感のある政策を先送りする結果になりかねない。
It is important to make conclusions properly based on constructive discussions.
建設的な議論を踏まえ、きちんと結論を出すことが大切だ。
Question marks remain over whether a revamp of the DPJ's policy research panel, an attempt to create a policy-coordination mechanism between the government and the ruling party, will work well.
政府と与党との間の政策調整メカニズムを新たに築く試みがうまくいくかどうか。
That will be an important hurdle the new administration must clear.
新政権にとって重要なハードルである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 31, 2011)
（2011年8月31日01時20分 読売新聞）
Koshiishi must get Noda's policies implemented
輿石民主幹事長 野田首相の政策実現へ動け（8月31日付・読売社説）
New Democratic Party of Japan President Yoshihiko Noda was named Tuesday as the nation's prime minister to head the 95th cabinet.
We can sense Noda is trying to form an administration whose members are united and all pulling in the same direction like a baseball team, which is different from the administrations of his predecessors.
But will this be possible considering the DPJ has repeatedly been rocked by internal rifts?
これまでとは違う「全員野球」の政治を実現したい。そんな意欲は感じられるが、内輪もめを繰り返してきた民主党に可能だろうか。
Noda has informally decided to appoint Azuma Koshiishi, chairman of the DPJ caucus in the House of Councillors, as the party's secretary general, and former Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara as chairman of the party's Policy Research Committee.
民主党の野田佳彦代表が第９５代首相に指名された。野田氏は、党運営の要である幹事長に輿石東参院議員会長、政調会長に前原誠司前外相を内定した。
It is extremely rare for an upper house member to serve as secretary general of a ruling party, a very important post.
参院議員が政権党の幹事長を務めるのは極めて異例だ。
Koshiishi is close to former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa.
By placing Koshiishi in a prime post, Noda apparently is trying to end the intraparty conflict between "pro-Ozawa" and "anti-Ozawa" members--frictions that surfaced during the DPJ presidential race--and build a united party.
小沢一郎元代表に近い輿石氏の起用は、代表選で露呈した「親小沢」「反小沢」の党内対立に終止符を打ち、挙党態勢を構築する狙いがある。
It substantiates Noda's call to have no hard feelings after the election.
野田氏の言う「ノーサイド」の具体化だ。
The new Noda administration will face a mountain of important issues--including a review of the DPJ's election promises, which are full of dole-out policies; tax increases to secure funds for disaster reconstruction and social security reform; and possible participation in negotiations of the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.
野田新政権は、バラマキ政策に満ちた政権公約（マニフェスト）の見直しや、震災復興や社会保障改革の財源確保のための増税、環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）参加などの重要課題を抱えている。
===
Useful ties with LDP, Komeito
In the DPJ presidential election, Noda made arguments supporting those issues.
However, outgoing Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Banri Kaieda and the other candidates opposed them. いずれも野田氏が代表選で主張してきたが、海江田万里経済産業相らは異論を唱えた。
Koshiishi, who backed Kaieda in the election, will be tested on whether he can smooth over differing opinions among party members and get these policy measures implemented.
今後、いかに党内の意見を集約し、これらの政策を実現するか、海江田氏を推した輿石氏の手腕が問われる。
Koshiishi has long been a facilitator of DPJ upper house members and has strong connections with the major opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito.
輿石氏は、参院民主党のまとめ役を長く務め、自民、公明など野党とのパイプもある。
We think he should use his skills to enact the third supplementary budget for disaster restoration as quickly as possible in the so-called divided Diet, where the opposition controls the upper house.
衆参ねじれ国会の下で、震災復興のための第３次補正予算案などの早期成立にも力を発揮すべきだ。
Meanwhile, Maehara is an expert in foreign and security policies, and of the same generation as Noda.
The two have a cooperative relationship.
一方、前原氏は、外交・安全保障政策に詳しく、野田氏と同じ世代で、協力関係にある。
Noda apparently tapped Maehara to be the party's policy research chief in a bid to keep a balance with Koshiishi, a senior politician.
ベテランの輿石氏とのバランスも考慮したと見られる。
In the party leadership race, Maehara advocated a review of the Policy Research Committee.
He wanted more party lawmakers involved in the policy-making process.
This fits in with Noda's plan to form a united team.
前原氏は代表選で、政策調査会の見直しを掲げていた。より多くの議員を政策決定過程に参加させるのが狙いで、野田氏の「全員野球」の方針とも合致する。
===
Review of policy panel
Noda has decided not to make the party's policy research chief double as a cabinet minister, but to demand the government in principle seek his consent in making a decision.
野田氏は、党政調会長には閣僚を兼務させない一方、政府の意思決定には「政調会長の了承を原則とする」方針を示した。
This apparently is intended to enhance the functions of the party's Policy Research Committee and have its opinions reflected in government policies.
党の政調機能を強化し、政府の政策に反映させる狙いがあるのだろう。
Under the government of outgoing Prime Minister Naoto Kan, when decisions were made on integrated reform of the social security and tax systems, and the basic policy on disaster restoration, some DPJ members opposed them and demanded revisions to the government plans. This caused constant confusion.
ただ、菅政権では、社会保障と税の一体改革や、震災復興の基本方針を決定する際、政府案に党側が反対し、修正を求めるといった混乱が続いた。
Simply involving more lawmakers in the policy-making process might cause delays in decisions on policies such as tax hikes, which some lawmakers, including Ozawa supporters, have resisted.
単に多くの議員が政策決定に関与するだけでは、増税など、小沢系を中心に抵抗感のある政策を先送りする結果になりかねない。
It is important to make conclusions properly based on constructive discussions.
建設的な議論を踏まえ、きちんと結論を出すことが大切だ。
Question marks remain over whether a revamp of the DPJ's policy research panel, an attempt to create a policy-coordination mechanism between the government and the ruling party, will work well.
政府と与党との間の政策調整メカニズムを新たに築く試みがうまくいくかどうか。
That will be an important hurdle the new administration must clear.
新政権にとって重要なハードルである。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 31, 2011)
（2011年8月31日01時20分 読売新聞）
2011/09/01
野田民主新代表 世代交代で再生への歯車回せ
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Aug. 31, 2011)
DPJ must revive itself through generation change
野田民主新代表 世代交代で再生への歯車回せ（8月30日付・読売社説）
◆信頼獲得して大連立の実現を◆
The Democratic Party of Japan-led administration has for the first time a leader with a steadfast political style and well-grounded policies.
民主党政権で初めて地に足のついた政策と手法を語ることができるリーダーの登場である。
In the DPJ's presidential election Monday, Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda defeated Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Banri Kaieda in a runoff.
民主党代表選は、決選投票の末に、野田佳彦財務相が海江田万里経済産業相を破った。
It was a dramatic come-from-behind victory for Noda, who picked up the support of groups whose candidates finished second or lower in the first round of voting.
１回目の投票で２位以下になった候補の陣営が連携しての劇的な逆転勝利だ。
Noda will be named head of the nation's 95th cabinet Tuesday.
野田氏は、３０日に第９５代の首相に指名される。
After serving as a member of the Chiba Prefectural Assembly, Noda was elected to the House of Representatives. He has since been elected to the lower house four more times.
Noda, 54, will be the first prime minister who graduated from the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management.
千葉県議を経て衆院当選５回、５４歳。松下政経塾出身では初の首相となる。
◆民自公路線継続は当然◆
The DPJ-led administration has been blighted by a string of administrative failures and unproductive infighting that has disappointed the public.
Many people have lost confidence in the party.
民主党政権は、数々の失政と不毛な党内対立で、国民の期待を裏切り、信頼を失墜させてきた。
The new administration must break free from the "troika" era led by former party leader Ichiro Ozawa, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Prime Minister Naoto Kan.
小沢一郎元代表、鳩山前首相、菅首相による「トロイカ」の時代とは決別しなければならない。
===
Interparty cooperation crucial
In a speech before the runoff vote, Noda expressed support for an accord among the DPJ and the opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito on certain key policy issues. "Will the Diet be able to go forward if we ignore the three-party agreement?" he said. "Won't a new administration grind to a standstill [if we ignore it]?"
野田氏は、海江田氏との決選投票前の演説で自民、公明両党との連携に関連して、「３党合意を無視して国会は進むのか、政権は立ち往生しないか」と訴えた。
This was a swipe at Kaieda, who had earlier hinted at rescinding the deal, which was made on the assumption that the DPJ manifesto for the 2009 general election will be drastically reviewed.
海江田氏が、政権公約（マニフェスト）の大幅な見直しを前提とした民自公３党合意を白紙に戻す可能性を示唆したからだ。
To realize important policies in the divided Diet--in which the House of Councillors is controlled by the opposition camp--the DPJ needs to cooperate with opposition parties.
ねじれ国会で政策を実現するために、野党との連携は欠かせない。
It is quite reasonable that Noda emphasized the need to stick to the three-party accord during debates held ahead of the presidential election.
野田氏が、今回の論戦を通じて、民自公路線の継続を強調したことは、当然である。
Noda advocated that present generations should share the cost of providing revenue sources to fund post-disaster reconstruction efforts, rather than passing this burden to future generations.
野田氏はまた、震災復興の財源について「将来世代に先送りせず、今を生きる世代で連帯して負担を分かち合う」と唱え、
By saying so, he clearly called for an ad-hoc tax increase, which other candidates were unwilling to do.
他候補が否定した臨時増税を明確に主張した。
We think this also is a realistic position.
これも現実的な判断だ。
To secure enough revenue through tax increases, consideration should be given to not only hikes in income and corporate tax, but also in the consumption tax rate.
増税で財源を確保するためには、所得税、法人税だけではなく、消費税の税率引き上げも検討すべきである。
Noda's ability will be tested over how to overcome strong opposition to tax increases within his party, and to raise taxes through talks between the ruling and opposition parties.
増税に反対論の根強い民主党内の意見をいかに集約し、与野党協議で実現していくか。手腕が問われよう。
===
Black eye for Ozawa, Hatoyama
◆論争の結果を尊重せよ◆
Noda also said integrated reform of the social security and tax systems, which has a gradual increase in the consumption tax rate as its central pillar, should not be put off any further.
野田氏は、消費税率の段階的な引き上げを柱とする、社会保障と税の一体改革についても、これ以上先送りできないと語った。
The bottom line is that Noda's arguments won greater support within the party than the line of adhering to the manifesto advocated by Ozawa and Hatoyama, who both supported Kaieda.
何より重要なのは、こうした野田氏の主張が、海江田氏を支持した小沢氏や鳩山氏の「マニフェスト堅持路線」よりも支持を得た、という事実である。
Points of contention that were supposed to be resolved during previous DPJ presidential elections later flared up and triggered internal feuds.
民主党では、従来、代表選で決着のついたはずの争点が、後に蒸し返され、内輪もめの原因になってきた。
Lawmakers who voted for Kaieda this time must respect the maintenance of the three-party accord and reexamination of the party manifesto--the assertions made by Noda.
海江田氏を支持した議員は、野田氏が主張した３党合意の堅持と、マニフェストの見直しを尊重することが肝要だ。
Noda called for party unity by emphasizing the crisis the DPJ faces for survival, using such phrases as "last chance" and "having our backs to the wall."
野田氏は、「ラストチャンス」「背水の陣」と党存亡の危機を訴え、結束を求めた。
Reflecting on past failures, Noda must be firmly resolved to rejuvenate the party.
これまでの反省の上に立ち、不退転の決意で民主党の再生を実現すべきだ。
Every candidate in the DPJ election acknowledged there are problems with the party's process of making policy decisions.
代表選で、各候補は、民主党の政策決定のあり方に問題があるとの認識を示した。
This reflects the chaos outgoing Prime Minister Naoto Kan caused with his haphazard policies.
菅首相が、場当たり的な政策を打ち出し、混乱を引き起こしたことも反省点だ。
Noda must show regard for the policy decision-making process.
野田氏は政策決定プロセスを大事にしなければならない。
===
Use bureaucrats wisely
As Noda himself has pointed out, politician-led politics means lawmakers are responsible for making important policy decisions while entrusting what can be done by bureaucrats to them.
自ら指摘したように、「政治主導」とは、官僚に任せる部分は任せ、重要な意思決定の責任は政治が担うことだ。
He is expected to reexamine governance methods so he can make the most of the massive bureaucracy.
巨大な官僚組織を十分使いこなせるよう、政権運営を見直すことになるだろう。
Noda repeatedly stressed the need to conduct "politics that transcends grudges."
野田氏は、「怨念を超えた政治」の実現を繰り返し訴えた。
However, this should not mean ending Ozawa's party membership suspension.
ただし、それが小沢氏に対する党員資格停止処分の解除であってはならない。
The first touchstone for this will be who Noda selects for the party leadership lineup and his cabinet.
まずは党役員・閣僚人事が試金石となる。
The incoming administration will have to answer the question of how it will win cooperation from the opposition parties.
新政権で問われるのは、野党にどう協力を求めるかである。
Asked after the presidential election about the possibility of forging a grand coalition with the LDP and Komeito, Noda told reporters he would "seek tenaciously to keep company with them and look at such a possibility."
野田氏は、代表就任後の記者会見で、自公両党との大連立について「粘り強くおつきあいし、視野に入れていく」と述べた。
This suggests he is considering a grand coalition by building trust with the two main opposition parties.
両党との信頼関係を深めて、大連立を模索する考えと見られる。
It is essential that consultative talks with the opposition parties are not rushed.
野党との協議には、時間を十分かけることが大切だ。
===
LDP, Komeito have role to play
◆カギ握る与野党の連携◆
The LDP and Komeito remain negative toward a grand coalition, denouncing it as "an exception of exceptions."
自公両党は、大連立を「例外中の例外」として依然否定的だ。
But the ruling and opposition parties must cooperate in compiling the fiscal 2011 third supplementary budget that will be necessary to promote intensive disaster reconstruction projects.
だが、本格的な震災対応となる第３次補正予算編成に、与野党は連携して取り組む必要がある。
Japan faces a host of challenges, including possible participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership multilateral free trade framework, reform of the social security and electoral systems, energy policy and the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）参加問題をはじめ、社会保障や選挙制度の改革、エネルギー政策、米軍普天間飛行場移設など日本が直面する課題は、
Whichever party holds power will not be able to sidestep these issues.
どの党が政権を担当しても避けては通れない。
The crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant has yet to be brought under control, and the economic environment remains severe as the yen hovers at record-high levels.
原発事故は収束せず、歴史的な円高で経済の環境は厳しい。
The nation's growth strategy that centered on exports of such infrastructure as Shinkansen high-speed railway systems and nuclear power plants has come to a standstill.
新幹線や原発などインフラ輸出を軸とした成長戦略も停滞している。
We think the LDP and Komeito should put priority on reviving the national economy rather than harrying Noda into dissolving the lower house for a snap election.
自公両党は、衆院解散・総選挙に追い込むより、日本経済の再生を優先すべきだ。
The two parties must bear responsibility for having held the reins of government for so long.
長年、政権を担当してきた責任もあろう。
Noda's election as DPJ president and inauguration of a new administration is a golden opportunity to break away from "politics that gets nothing done." It must be used wisely.
野田氏の代表就任と新たな政権発足を、「何も決められない政治」から脱却するための好機としなければならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 30, 2011)
（2011年8月30日02時04分 読売新聞）
DPJ must revive itself through generation change
野田民主新代表 世代交代で再生への歯車回せ（8月30日付・読売社説）
◆信頼獲得して大連立の実現を◆
The Democratic Party of Japan-led administration has for the first time a leader with a steadfast political style and well-grounded policies.
民主党政権で初めて地に足のついた政策と手法を語ることができるリーダーの登場である。
In the DPJ's presidential election Monday, Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda defeated Economy, Trade and Industry Minister Banri Kaieda in a runoff.
民主党代表選は、決選投票の末に、野田佳彦財務相が海江田万里経済産業相を破った。
It was a dramatic come-from-behind victory for Noda, who picked up the support of groups whose candidates finished second or lower in the first round of voting.
１回目の投票で２位以下になった候補の陣営が連携しての劇的な逆転勝利だ。
Noda will be named head of the nation's 95th cabinet Tuesday.
野田氏は、３０日に第９５代の首相に指名される。
After serving as a member of the Chiba Prefectural Assembly, Noda was elected to the House of Representatives. He has since been elected to the lower house four more times.
Noda, 54, will be the first prime minister who graduated from the Matsushita Institute of Government and Management.
千葉県議を経て衆院当選５回、５４歳。松下政経塾出身では初の首相となる。
◆民自公路線継続は当然◆
The DPJ-led administration has been blighted by a string of administrative failures and unproductive infighting that has disappointed the public.
Many people have lost confidence in the party.
民主党政権は、数々の失政と不毛な党内対立で、国民の期待を裏切り、信頼を失墜させてきた。
The new administration must break free from the "troika" era led by former party leader Ichiro Ozawa, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and Prime Minister Naoto Kan.
小沢一郎元代表、鳩山前首相、菅首相による「トロイカ」の時代とは決別しなければならない。
===
Interparty cooperation crucial
In a speech before the runoff vote, Noda expressed support for an accord among the DPJ and the opposition Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito on certain key policy issues. "Will the Diet be able to go forward if we ignore the three-party agreement?" he said. "Won't a new administration grind to a standstill [if we ignore it]?"
野田氏は、海江田氏との決選投票前の演説で自民、公明両党との連携に関連して、「３党合意を無視して国会は進むのか、政権は立ち往生しないか」と訴えた。
This was a swipe at Kaieda, who had earlier hinted at rescinding the deal, which was made on the assumption that the DPJ manifesto for the 2009 general election will be drastically reviewed.
海江田氏が、政権公約（マニフェスト）の大幅な見直しを前提とした民自公３党合意を白紙に戻す可能性を示唆したからだ。
To realize important policies in the divided Diet--in which the House of Councillors is controlled by the opposition camp--the DPJ needs to cooperate with opposition parties.
ねじれ国会で政策を実現するために、野党との連携は欠かせない。
It is quite reasonable that Noda emphasized the need to stick to the three-party accord during debates held ahead of the presidential election.
野田氏が、今回の論戦を通じて、民自公路線の継続を強調したことは、当然である。
Noda advocated that present generations should share the cost of providing revenue sources to fund post-disaster reconstruction efforts, rather than passing this burden to future generations.
野田氏はまた、震災復興の財源について「将来世代に先送りせず、今を生きる世代で連帯して負担を分かち合う」と唱え、
By saying so, he clearly called for an ad-hoc tax increase, which other candidates were unwilling to do.
他候補が否定した臨時増税を明確に主張した。
We think this also is a realistic position.
これも現実的な判断だ。
To secure enough revenue through tax increases, consideration should be given to not only hikes in income and corporate tax, but also in the consumption tax rate.
増税で財源を確保するためには、所得税、法人税だけではなく、消費税の税率引き上げも検討すべきである。
Noda's ability will be tested over how to overcome strong opposition to tax increases within his party, and to raise taxes through talks between the ruling and opposition parties.
増税に反対論の根強い民主党内の意見をいかに集約し、与野党協議で実現していくか。手腕が問われよう。
===
Black eye for Ozawa, Hatoyama
◆論争の結果を尊重せよ◆
Noda also said integrated reform of the social security and tax systems, which has a gradual increase in the consumption tax rate as its central pillar, should not be put off any further.
野田氏は、消費税率の段階的な引き上げを柱とする、社会保障と税の一体改革についても、これ以上先送りできないと語った。
The bottom line is that Noda's arguments won greater support within the party than the line of adhering to the manifesto advocated by Ozawa and Hatoyama, who both supported Kaieda.
何より重要なのは、こうした野田氏の主張が、海江田氏を支持した小沢氏や鳩山氏の「マニフェスト堅持路線」よりも支持を得た、という事実である。
Points of contention that were supposed to be resolved during previous DPJ presidential elections later flared up and triggered internal feuds.
民主党では、従来、代表選で決着のついたはずの争点が、後に蒸し返され、内輪もめの原因になってきた。
Lawmakers who voted for Kaieda this time must respect the maintenance of the three-party accord and reexamination of the party manifesto--the assertions made by Noda.
海江田氏を支持した議員は、野田氏が主張した３党合意の堅持と、マニフェストの見直しを尊重することが肝要だ。
Noda called for party unity by emphasizing the crisis the DPJ faces for survival, using such phrases as "last chance" and "having our backs to the wall."
野田氏は、「ラストチャンス」「背水の陣」と党存亡の危機を訴え、結束を求めた。
Reflecting on past failures, Noda must be firmly resolved to rejuvenate the party.
これまでの反省の上に立ち、不退転の決意で民主党の再生を実現すべきだ。
Every candidate in the DPJ election acknowledged there are problems with the party's process of making policy decisions.
代表選で、各候補は、民主党の政策決定のあり方に問題があるとの認識を示した。
This reflects the chaos outgoing Prime Minister Naoto Kan caused with his haphazard policies.
菅首相が、場当たり的な政策を打ち出し、混乱を引き起こしたことも反省点だ。
Noda must show regard for the policy decision-making process.
野田氏は政策決定プロセスを大事にしなければならない。
===
Use bureaucrats wisely
As Noda himself has pointed out, politician-led politics means lawmakers are responsible for making important policy decisions while entrusting what can be done by bureaucrats to them.
自ら指摘したように、「政治主導」とは、官僚に任せる部分は任せ、重要な意思決定の責任は政治が担うことだ。
He is expected to reexamine governance methods so he can make the most of the massive bureaucracy.
巨大な官僚組織を十分使いこなせるよう、政権運営を見直すことになるだろう。
Noda repeatedly stressed the need to conduct "politics that transcends grudges."
野田氏は、「怨念を超えた政治」の実現を繰り返し訴えた。
However, this should not mean ending Ozawa's party membership suspension.
ただし、それが小沢氏に対する党員資格停止処分の解除であってはならない。
The first touchstone for this will be who Noda selects for the party leadership lineup and his cabinet.
まずは党役員・閣僚人事が試金石となる。
The incoming administration will have to answer the question of how it will win cooperation from the opposition parties.
新政権で問われるのは、野党にどう協力を求めるかである。
Asked after the presidential election about the possibility of forging a grand coalition with the LDP and Komeito, Noda told reporters he would "seek tenaciously to keep company with them and look at such a possibility."
野田氏は、代表就任後の記者会見で、自公両党との大連立について「粘り強くおつきあいし、視野に入れていく」と述べた。
This suggests he is considering a grand coalition by building trust with the two main opposition parties.
両党との信頼関係を深めて、大連立を模索する考えと見られる。
It is essential that consultative talks with the opposition parties are not rushed.
野党との協議には、時間を十分かけることが大切だ。
===
LDP, Komeito have role to play
◆カギ握る与野党の連携◆
The LDP and Komeito remain negative toward a grand coalition, denouncing it as "an exception of exceptions."
自公両党は、大連立を「例外中の例外」として依然否定的だ。
But the ruling and opposition parties must cooperate in compiling the fiscal 2011 third supplementary budget that will be necessary to promote intensive disaster reconstruction projects.
だが、本格的な震災対応となる第３次補正予算編成に、与野党は連携して取り組む必要がある。
Japan faces a host of challenges, including possible participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership multilateral free trade framework, reform of the social security and electoral systems, energy policy and the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture.
環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）参加問題をはじめ、社会保障や選挙制度の改革、エネルギー政策、米軍普天間飛行場移設など日本が直面する課題は、
Whichever party holds power will not be able to sidestep these issues.
どの党が政権を担当しても避けては通れない。
The crisis at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant has yet to be brought under control, and the economic environment remains severe as the yen hovers at record-high levels.
原発事故は収束せず、歴史的な円高で経済の環境は厳しい。
The nation's growth strategy that centered on exports of such infrastructure as Shinkansen high-speed railway systems and nuclear power plants has come to a standstill.
新幹線や原発などインフラ輸出を軸とした成長戦略も停滞している。
We think the LDP and Komeito should put priority on reviving the national economy rather than harrying Noda into dissolving the lower house for a snap election.
自公両党は、衆院解散・総選挙に追い込むより、日本経済の再生を優先すべきだ。
The two parties must bear responsibility for having held the reins of government for so long.
長年、政権を担当してきた責任もあろう。
Noda's election as DPJ president and inauguration of a new administration is a golden opportunity to break away from "politics that gets nothing done." It must be used wisely.
野田氏の代表就任と新たな政権発足を、「何も決められない政治」から脱却するための好機としなければならない。
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 30, 2011)
（2011年8月30日02時04分 読売新聞）
2011/08/31
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
2011/08/30
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 28
EDITORIAL: Japan needs to quickly compile road map for decontamination.
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
The Japanese government has finally decided on a basic framework on how to proceed with the decontamination process of radioactive materials spewed from the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
福島第一原発の事故でまき散らされた放射性物質の除去（除染）について、政府がようやく基本方針を決め、きのう地元自治体に説明した。
The government's plan, explained to local governments on Aug. 27, is to halve the residents' exposure within two years, and in the case of children, to reduce it by 60 percent by conducting thorough decontamination procedures in schools and school routes.
２年で住民の被曝（ひばく）線量を半減させ、子どもについては、学校や通学路などの除染を徹底して６割減らす。
The center of the plan is to "reduce, step-by-step and rapidly" the number of areas that will measure 20 millisieverts and higher annually.
そして年間の被曝線量が２０ミリシーベルト以上の地域を「段階的かつ迅速に縮小」させるのが柱だ。
However, such a target will not put the residents' minds at ease.
しかし、こんな目標では、住民はとても安心できないのではないか。
The government estimates that even without actively doing anything, the amount of radiation exposure will decrease about 40 percent in two years due to rain and wind.
何もしなくても、雨や風で２年後には約４割減る、というのが政府の試算である。
It is too unambitious for the government to say it will achieve only an additional 10-20 percent reduction on its own.
上乗せ分が１～２割というのはあまりに低い目標だ。
Moreover, the latest framework plan does not tell us, even broadly, when the evacuees can return to their normal lives.
しかも、今回の基本方針だけでは、避難している人たちがいつごろ元の生活に戻れるのか、大まかなメドも分からない。
The important thing is to have a comprehensive strategy.
大事なのは、総合的な戦略である。
To that end, it is essential to closely ascertain the exact situation of the contamination.
そのために、まず汚染の詳しい実態の把握が不可欠だ。
We need to measure it in detail, covering sections whose sides are 100 to 500 meters long.
１００～５００メートル四方くらいの細かさで調べる必要がある。
People evacuated from their homes are also hoping to learn the radiation levels around their houses.
避難している人たちも自宅周辺の汚染の程度を知りたがっている。
On Aug. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan apologized to the Fukushima prefectural governor of the possibility that residents of some areas close to the Fukushima nuclear plant will be unable to return to their houses for a long time.
菅首相はきのう、福島県知事に対し、原発の近くでは長期間帰れない場合が出てくると述べて、事故について陳謝した。
Of course, it may be possible that in areas with the worst levels of contamination, residents may be forced to give up ever returning to their homes.
確かに汚染のひどい所では、事実上、帰ることを断念せざるを得ない場合もあるかもしれない。
However, the residents can hardly accept that without sufficient data and some kind of yardstick.
しかし、その基準とデータが示されないままでは、住民は納得できないだろう。
Along with figuring out the actual state of the contamination, the government needs to calculate the cost of the decontamination process and the available level of manpower.
汚染の実態把握と並行して、除染作業にかかるコストや投入できる人員をはじき出す。
Based on those assessments, the government must hurry to put together a road map that indicates the grand design, and spell out where the process will begin, how it will be conducted and how much time it will take.
そのうえで、どの地域からどう進めていくのか、どの程度の時間がかかりそうか、国は全体像を示す工程表作りを急がなければならない。
Besides, the decontamination work itself must not be haphazard.
実際の作業も、ばらばらではいけない。
In addition to households, public institutions like schools, roads, as well as farms and nearby forests must also be watched. Otherwise, there is no way residents can return to their normal lives.
住宅に加え、学校などの公共施設や道路、さらに田畑や周辺の森林にも目を配らなければ、住民は安心して元の生活に戻ることはできない。
One major obstacle to the decontamination process is where to store the contaminated topsoil once it is removed.
一方、除染を進めるうえで大きな障害となっているのが、はぎとった土などの保管場所だ。
According to the framework plan, each local government is to set up a temporary storage place, and the central government will be responsible for securing a disposal site.
基本方針では、各自治体に仮置き場を設け、処分場は国の責任で確保することになっている。
However, Prime Minister Kan told the Fukushima governor that the central government has no choice but to create the "intermediate storage facility" within Fukushima Prefecture.
ところが、菅首相は福島県知事に対し、同県内に「中間貯蔵施設」を整備せざるを得ないと述べた。
Suddenly talking about a new storage facility at this point will only create confusion.
今の段階で、唐突に新たな保管施設のことを持ち出しても、混乱を招くばかりだ。
Decontamination is not an easy matter, including securing the disposal site.
処分場の確保も含め、除染は簡単な問題ではない。
The plan must be scrupulous, while also being meticulous about procedure.
きちんと手順を踏みつつ、綿密に計画を作る。
And the process must be done swiftly.
同時に作業は急がなければならない。
--The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 28
EDITORIAL: Japan needs to quickly compile road map for decontamination.
除染作業―工程表作りを急げ
The Japanese government has finally decided on a basic framework on how to proceed with the decontamination process of radioactive materials spewed from the accident at the Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant.
福島第一原発の事故でまき散らされた放射性物質の除去（除染）について、政府がようやく基本方針を決め、きのう地元自治体に説明した。
The government's plan, explained to local governments on Aug. 27, is to halve the residents' exposure within two years, and in the case of children, to reduce it by 60 percent by conducting thorough decontamination procedures in schools and school routes.
２年で住民の被曝（ひばく）線量を半減させ、子どもについては、学校や通学路などの除染を徹底して６割減らす。
The center of the plan is to "reduce, step-by-step and rapidly" the number of areas that will measure 20 millisieverts and higher annually.
そして年間の被曝線量が２０ミリシーベルト以上の地域を「段階的かつ迅速に縮小」させるのが柱だ。
However, such a target will not put the residents' minds at ease.
しかし、こんな目標では、住民はとても安心できないのではないか。
The government estimates that even without actively doing anything, the amount of radiation exposure will decrease about 40 percent in two years due to rain and wind.
何もしなくても、雨や風で２年後には約４割減る、というのが政府の試算である。
It is too unambitious for the government to say it will achieve only an additional 10-20 percent reduction on its own.
上乗せ分が１～２割というのはあまりに低い目標だ。
Moreover, the latest framework plan does not tell us, even broadly, when the evacuees can return to their normal lives.
しかも、今回の基本方針だけでは、避難している人たちがいつごろ元の生活に戻れるのか、大まかなメドも分からない。
The important thing is to have a comprehensive strategy.
大事なのは、総合的な戦略である。
To that end, it is essential to closely ascertain the exact situation of the contamination.
そのために、まず汚染の詳しい実態の把握が不可欠だ。
We need to measure it in detail, covering sections whose sides are 100 to 500 meters long.
１００～５００メートル四方くらいの細かさで調べる必要がある。
People evacuated from their homes are also hoping to learn the radiation levels around their houses.
避難している人たちも自宅周辺の汚染の程度を知りたがっている。
On Aug. 27, Prime Minister Naoto Kan apologized to the Fukushima prefectural governor of the possibility that residents of some areas close to the Fukushima nuclear plant will be unable to return to their houses for a long time.
菅首相はきのう、福島県知事に対し、原発の近くでは長期間帰れない場合が出てくると述べて、事故について陳謝した。
Of course, it may be possible that in areas with the worst levels of contamination, residents may be forced to give up ever returning to their homes.
確かに汚染のひどい所では、事実上、帰ることを断念せざるを得ない場合もあるかもしれない。
However, the residents can hardly accept that without sufficient data and some kind of yardstick.
しかし、その基準とデータが示されないままでは、住民は納得できないだろう。
Along with figuring out the actual state of the contamination, the government needs to calculate the cost of the decontamination process and the available level of manpower.
汚染の実態把握と並行して、除染作業にかかるコストや投入できる人員をはじき出す。
Based on those assessments, the government must hurry to put together a road map that indicates the grand design, and spell out where the process will begin, how it will be conducted and how much time it will take.
そのうえで、どの地域からどう進めていくのか、どの程度の時間がかかりそうか、国は全体像を示す工程表作りを急がなければならない。
Besides, the decontamination work itself must not be haphazard.
実際の作業も、ばらばらではいけない。
In addition to households, public institutions like schools, roads, as well as farms and nearby forests must also be watched. Otherwise, there is no way residents can return to their normal lives.
住宅に加え、学校などの公共施設や道路、さらに田畑や周辺の森林にも目を配らなければ、住民は安心して元の生活に戻ることはできない。
One major obstacle to the decontamination process is where to store the contaminated topsoil once it is removed.
一方、除染を進めるうえで大きな障害となっているのが、はぎとった土などの保管場所だ。
According to the framework plan, each local government is to set up a temporary storage place, and the central government will be responsible for securing a disposal site.
基本方針では、各自治体に仮置き場を設け、処分場は国の責任で確保することになっている。
However, Prime Minister Kan told the Fukushima governor that the central government has no choice but to create the "intermediate storage facility" within Fukushima Prefecture.
ところが、菅首相は福島県知事に対し、同県内に「中間貯蔵施設」を整備せざるを得ないと述べた。
Suddenly talking about a new storage facility at this point will only create confusion.
今の段階で、唐突に新たな保管施設のことを持ち出しても、混乱を招くばかりだ。
Decontamination is not an easy matter, including securing the disposal site.
処分場の確保も含め、除染は簡単な問題ではない。
The plan must be scrupulous, while also being meticulous about procedure.
きちんと手順を踏みつつ、綿密に計画を作る。
And the process must be done swiftly.
同時に作業は急がなければならない。
2011/08/30
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
2011/08/28
The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 27
EDITORIAL: DPJ needs to reinvent its political future.
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan officially announced his resignation on Aug. 26, saying, "I've done what I've had to do."
菅首相がきのう、「やるべきことはやった」と述べて正式に退陣を表明した。
During the two years since the historic regime change, two prime ministers quickly got bogged down in a political quagmire and stepped down.
歴史的な政権交代から２年。あっという間に２人の首相が行き詰まり、去っていく。
This is undeniably a disastrous failure of politics under the rule of the Democratic Party of Japan.
これは明らかな失政である。
What are the root causes of the dreadful political situation?
原因は何なのか。
It is not that Kan pushed policy in the wrong direction.
菅氏が掲げた政策の方向性が間違っていたわけではない。
Kan deserves credit for responding to the Fukushima nuclear disaster by trying to lead the nation toward a future less dependent on atomic energy.
原発事故のあと、脱原発に踏みだそうとしたのは、菅氏の功績といえる。
We also applaud him for tackling the tough political challenge of developing plans for the unpopular but important proposal of integrated tax and social security reform involving a consumption tax hike.
消費増税を含む税と社会保障の一体改革という不人気な政策づくりに取り組んだことも評価する。
But executing a policy requires building consensus.
けれど、政治は合意を取りつけなければ前に進まない。
Kan was unskilled at consensus building, and he sometimes didn't even make efforts to win support for his proposals from his Cabinet members.
菅氏は合意づくりの術がつたなく、時に閣内の根回しさえ怠った。
As he simply proposed policies without laying the necessary political groundwork, he was inevitably criticized for practicing off-the-cuff politics.
方針を唱えるだけでは、思いつきの政治だと批判されても当然だった。
But let us hazard a question.
だが、あえて問う。
Would the Kan administration have lasted much longer if he had been a leader with a broader perspective and a greater ability to build consensus?
もっと視野が広く調整能力のある首相なら、長期政権になったのか。
The DPJ is in such disarray that it is hard to answer the question in the affirmative.
首をかしげざるを得ないほど、民主党は混乱している。
■未成熟な選挙互助会
Kan was constantly hobbled not merely by the opposition control of the Upper House but equally by perennial political wrangling within the ruling party.
菅氏が苦しんだのは、衆参のねじれとともに、党内の足の引っ張り合いだった。
Kan's efforts to push through such key policy initiatives as a consumption tax hike and a review of the party's election manifesto were met with opposition from party members, especially a group of lawmakers led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa.
めざした消費増税やマニフェストの見直しなどに、小沢一郎元代表が率いるグループを中心に反対意見が渦巻き、
With the party unable to reach agreement on these and other key policy issues, the Kan administration lost political momentum.
党としての意思決定がままならず、政権は失速していった。
The confrontation within the party came to a head in June, when the Ozawa group threatened to support an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
対立が最も先鋭化したのが、６月の野党提出の内閣不信任案に、小沢グループが賛成する構えを見せたときだ。
As he avoided a final Diet floor showdown with his opponents within the party, Kan set the stage for his departure.
あそこで採決による決着を避けたために、菅氏は辞任への道を歩み始めた。
As the top item in the memorandum he exchanged with his predecessor, Yukio Hatoyama, during their talks for avoid passage of the no-confidence motion against him, Kan promised not to "destroy the DPJ."
その際に、鳩山前首相と交わした覚書の第１項目に「民主党を壊さない」とあったことが、
This fact symbolized the grim reality and limitations of the party.
民主党の現実と限界を象徴していた。
The DPJ was formed as a rugged collection of politicians pursuing sharply different political agendas and approaches.
もともと民主党は政策も政治手法も、水と油ほど違う勢力が一緒になった。
It was a political alliance among a wide range of lawmakers who didn't belong to the Liberal Democratic Party, which ruled the nation for decades.
衆院小選挙区で勝つために、「非自民」勢力を幅広く抱え込んだ結果だった。
Its principal mission was to secure electoral victories in single-seat constituencies of the Lower House.
要するに、小選挙区制が生んだ「選挙互助会」だったのだ。
In a nutshell, the DPJ was a mutual electoral support group born out of the single-seat election system.
When it was in the opposition, the party managed to put up a united front under the banner of regime change.
野党のころは「政権交代」の一点で共闘できた。
As soon as it achieved this political goal, however, the party found itself without a shared vision and plunged into an endless cycle of infighting.
しかし、成し遂げた途端に共通の目標を見失う。
The DPJ's track record since it came to power suggests that the group is too politically immature to be called a political party.
そして内紛を繰り返す現状は、政党と呼ぶには未熟過ぎるように見える。
If the party remains as it is, the next administration is sure to repeat the same failure.
このままでは、次の政権も同じ愚を繰り返すに違いない。
The challenge facing the DPJ is whether it can outgrow its old self as an electoral mutual support group and morph into a full-fledged political party.
「選挙互助会」から政党に脱皮できるかどうか。
The party leadership election officially announced on Aug. 27 is of critical importance for the political viability of the DPJ.
きょう告示される党代表選は、民主党の存廃をかけた正念場になる。
During the prelude to the election, many prospective candidates talked about unity and reconciliation among party members.
前哨戦では、盛んに「挙党態勢」「党内融和」という言葉が聞かれた。
Such talk may find a certain resonance among party members who are eager to see an end to the intraparty struggle that continued even after the Great East Japan Earthquake in March.
震災後も繰り広げられた党内抗争は、いい加減にやめようという響きもあって、一定の説得力を持つ。
If, however, "party unity" here means turning a blind eye to differences over policies among members, such slogans only represent an extremely irresponsible answer to the party's problems.
だが、「挙党一致」に込められた意味が、政策の違いには目をつむろうということなら、あまりにも無責任な対応だ。
If the candidates try to win the leadership race by offering the powerful Ozawa group key posts that control the party's election funds and the right to nominate official party candidates for national elections, the party will inevitably lose the support of even more voters.
まして、小沢グループにカネと公認権を握るポストを譲るというのなら、有権者の支持をさらに失っていくのは避けられないだろう。
■結集するか分裂か
It is clear what the party should do in the leadership race.
代表選でやるべきことは、はっきりしている。
It should redefine its political position.
党の立ち位置を定め直すことだ。
最悪なのは、各候補者が「票目当て」に、あいまいな政策を掲げることだ。代表選は乗り切れても、対立の種は残り、政治が前に進まない。
First, all the candidates should make clear their stances toward the party's manifesto for the Lower House election that led to its ascent to power.
第一に、政権交代時に掲げたマニフェストへの対応を各候補者が明確にすることだ。
Would they revise or stick to the platform?
見直すのか貫くのか。
Candidates who vow to adhere to the manifesto should say how they would raise the money needed to deliver on the election promises.
順守するなら、どの予算を削って財源を調達するのか。
The DPJ's plan to raise funds through spending cuts has become synonymous with wishful thinking in the past two years.
「歳出削減で賄う」という表現はこの２年で「願望」と同義語になっているのだ。
Secondly, after the leadership election, all party members should come together to support the policies proposed by the winner and contribute to the new leader's efforts to push through his proposals.
第二に、選挙後は勝者の方針のもとに結集し、政策の実現に協力することだ。
The quality of the manifesto should be improved in line with the new policy agenda.
それに沿ったマニフェストの質向上も要る。
DPJ lawmakers who cannot agree to the new chief's policy agenda should leave the party.
同意できない議員は党を割って出るしかなかろう。
Like the DPJ, the LDP also comprises politicians with widely different political stripes.
民主党のみならず、自民党も幅広い勢力を抱えており、
There is enough room for political realignment around key policy issues.
政策を軸に再編する余地はある。
Such a development would give voters a fresh opportunity to choose a new government on the basis of policies instead of a simple choice between the LDP and the DPJ.
有権者にとっても「自民党がだめだから民主党」といった否定形の選択の代わりに、政策本位で政権を選ぶ道が開ける。
■政策本位の政治へ
The worst thing that could happen to the party is a leadership contest without serious policy debate in which the candidates only propose vague policies in order to win as many votes as possible.
Even if the party can choose its new leader without meaningful debate, such a race would plant seeds of future confrontation that hamper progress in politics.
Political styles and ways to run the government should also be among major topics for the party leadership election.
代表選では、政治手法や政権運営の方法も問われるべきだ。
We believe that politics of partisan confrontation driven by the power of numbers should come to an end.
私たちは「数の力」で与野党が激突するばかりの政治を終わらせるべきだと考える。
When it was led by Ozawa, the DPJ exploited its power as the largest voting bloc in the Upper House to keep making things tough for the government of the LDP-New Komeito coalition.
民主党は小沢代表のとき、参院第１党の力を使い、徹底して自公政権を揺さぶった。
The DPJ used its political muscle effectively to drive the LDP-led government into a corner through such maneuvers as rejecting the government's nominees for the new Bank of Japan governor and thereby keeping the post of the central bank chief vacant for a while.
日銀総裁を空席にするなどして政府を追い込み、早期の衆院解散、政権交代を迫った。
The DPJ's strategy worked well to pressure the government into an early dissolution of the Lower House for an election to choose the government.
確かに政権交代を果たしたが、
The DPJ came to power as a result, but the party has been suffering from political reprisals by the LDP.
今度は民主党が報復を受け続けている。
During this period, Ozawa boasted that he would be able to raise any amount of money to finance the party's policy proposals and had the party increase the monthly child-care allowance it promised to 26,000 yen per child.
小沢氏は「財源はなんぼでもできる」と言い、子ども手当は月額２万６千円出すと公約を上積みさせた。
At the heart of such an approach to politics is a single-minded pursuit of power.
こうした政治手法の根っこにあるのは、権力奪取を第一とする発想だ。
Japan should outgrow such old-fashioned politics and move toward a new era of politics in which the ruling and opposition parties try to find common ground through serious and constructive policy debate.
こんな政治からは卒業して、与野党が政策本位で合意点を探す政治に変えよう。
The principal lesson to be gleaned from the bitter experiences in the past two years is that this is the only way to break the political stalemate in this age of a divided Diet.
それが、ねじれが常態化する時代の政治を動かす道だと、この２年の経験から学ぶべきである。
The Asahi Shimbun, Aug. 27
EDITORIAL: DPJ needs to reinvent its political future.
首相退陣、代表選へ―民主党は一から出直せ
Prime Minister Naoto Kan officially announced his resignation on Aug. 26, saying, "I've done what I've had to do."
菅首相がきのう、「やるべきことはやった」と述べて正式に退陣を表明した。
During the two years since the historic regime change, two prime ministers quickly got bogged down in a political quagmire and stepped down.
歴史的な政権交代から２年。あっという間に２人の首相が行き詰まり、去っていく。
This is undeniably a disastrous failure of politics under the rule of the Democratic Party of Japan.
これは明らかな失政である。
What are the root causes of the dreadful political situation?
原因は何なのか。
It is not that Kan pushed policy in the wrong direction.
菅氏が掲げた政策の方向性が間違っていたわけではない。
Kan deserves credit for responding to the Fukushima nuclear disaster by trying to lead the nation toward a future less dependent on atomic energy.
原発事故のあと、脱原発に踏みだそうとしたのは、菅氏の功績といえる。
We also applaud him for tackling the tough political challenge of developing plans for the unpopular but important proposal of integrated tax and social security reform involving a consumption tax hike.
消費増税を含む税と社会保障の一体改革という不人気な政策づくりに取り組んだことも評価する。
But executing a policy requires building consensus.
けれど、政治は合意を取りつけなければ前に進まない。
Kan was unskilled at consensus building, and he sometimes didn't even make efforts to win support for his proposals from his Cabinet members.
菅氏は合意づくりの術がつたなく、時に閣内の根回しさえ怠った。
As he simply proposed policies without laying the necessary political groundwork, he was inevitably criticized for practicing off-the-cuff politics.
方針を唱えるだけでは、思いつきの政治だと批判されても当然だった。
But let us hazard a question.
だが、あえて問う。
Would the Kan administration have lasted much longer if he had been a leader with a broader perspective and a greater ability to build consensus?
もっと視野が広く調整能力のある首相なら、長期政権になったのか。
The DPJ is in such disarray that it is hard to answer the question in the affirmative.
首をかしげざるを得ないほど、民主党は混乱している。
■未成熟な選挙互助会
Kan was constantly hobbled not merely by the opposition control of the Upper House but equally by perennial political wrangling within the ruling party.
菅氏が苦しんだのは、衆参のねじれとともに、党内の足の引っ張り合いだった。
Kan's efforts to push through such key policy initiatives as a consumption tax hike and a review of the party's election manifesto were met with opposition from party members, especially a group of lawmakers led by former DPJ chief Ichiro Ozawa.
めざした消費増税やマニフェストの見直しなどに、小沢一郎元代表が率いるグループを中心に反対意見が渦巻き、
With the party unable to reach agreement on these and other key policy issues, the Kan administration lost political momentum.
党としての意思決定がままならず、政権は失速していった。
The confrontation within the party came to a head in June, when the Ozawa group threatened to support an opposition-sponsored no-confidence motion against the Cabinet.
対立が最も先鋭化したのが、６月の野党提出の内閣不信任案に、小沢グループが賛成する構えを見せたときだ。
As he avoided a final Diet floor showdown with his opponents within the party, Kan set the stage for his departure.
あそこで採決による決着を避けたために、菅氏は辞任への道を歩み始めた。
As the top item in the memorandum he exchanged with his predecessor, Yukio Hatoyama, during their talks for avoid passage of the no-confidence motion against him, Kan promised not to "destroy the DPJ."
その際に、鳩山前首相と交わした覚書の第１項目に「民主党を壊さない」とあったことが、
This fact symbolized the grim reality and limitations of the party.
民主党の現実と限界を象徴していた。
The DPJ was formed as a rugged collection of politicians pursuing sharply different political agendas and approaches.
もともと民主党は政策も政治手法も、水と油ほど違う勢力が一緒になった。
It was a political alliance among a wide range of lawmakers who didn't belong to the Liberal Democratic Party, which ruled the nation for decades.
衆院小選挙区で勝つために、「非自民」勢力を幅広く抱え込んだ結果だった。
Its principal mission was to secure electoral victories in single-seat constituencies of the Lower House.
要するに、小選挙区制が生んだ「選挙互助会」だったのだ。
In a nutshell, the DPJ was a mutual electoral support group born out of the single-seat election system.
When it was in the opposition, the party managed to put up a united front under the banner of regime change.
野党のころは「政権交代」の一点で共闘できた。
As soon as it achieved this political goal, however, the party found itself without a shared vision and plunged into an endless cycle of infighting.
しかし、成し遂げた途端に共通の目標を見失う。
The DPJ's track record since it came to power suggests that the group is too politically immature to be called a political party.
そして内紛を繰り返す現状は、政党と呼ぶには未熟過ぎるように見える。
If the party remains as it is, the next administration is sure to repeat the same failure.
このままでは、次の政権も同じ愚を繰り返すに違いない。
The challenge facing the DPJ is whether it can outgrow its old self as an electoral mutual support group and morph into a full-fledged political party.
「選挙互助会」から政党に脱皮できるかどうか。
The party leadership election officially announced on Aug. 27 is of critical importance for the political viability of the DPJ.
きょう告示される党代表選は、民主党の存廃をかけた正念場になる。
During the prelude to the election, many prospective candidates talked about unity and reconciliation among party members.
前哨戦では、盛んに「挙党態勢」「党内融和」という言葉が聞かれた。
Such talk may find a certain resonance among party members who are eager to see an end to the intraparty struggle that continued even after the Great East Japan Earthquake in March.
震災後も繰り広げられた党内抗争は、いい加減にやめようという響きもあって、一定の説得力を持つ。
If, however, "party unity" here means turning a blind eye to differences over policies among members, such slogans only represent an extremely irresponsible answer to the party's problems.
だが、「挙党一致」に込められた意味が、政策の違いには目をつむろうということなら、あまりにも無責任な対応だ。
If the candidates try to win the leadership race by offering the powerful Ozawa group key posts that control the party's election funds and the right to nominate official party candidates for national elections, the party will inevitably lose the support of even more voters.
まして、小沢グループにカネと公認権を握るポストを譲るというのなら、有権者の支持をさらに失っていくのは避けられないだろう。
■結集するか分裂か
It is clear what the party should do in the leadership race.
代表選でやるべきことは、はっきりしている。
It should redefine its political position.
党の立ち位置を定め直すことだ。
最悪なのは、各候補者が「票目当て」に、あいまいな政策を掲げることだ。代表選は乗り切れても、対立の種は残り、政治が前に進まない。
First, all the candidates should make clear their stances toward the party's manifesto for the Lower House election that led to its ascent to power.
第一に、政権交代時に掲げたマニフェストへの対応を各候補者が明確にすることだ。
Would they revise or stick to the platform?
見直すのか貫くのか。
Candidates who vow to adhere to the manifesto should say how they would raise the money needed to deliver on the election promises.
順守するなら、どの予算を削って財源を調達するのか。
The DPJ's plan to raise funds through spending cuts has become synonymous with wishful thinking in the past two years.
「歳出削減で賄う」という表現はこの２年で「願望」と同義語になっているのだ。
Secondly, after the leadership election, all party members should come together to support the policies proposed by the winner and contribute to the new leader's efforts to push through his proposals.
第二に、選挙後は勝者の方針のもとに結集し、政策の実現に協力することだ。
The quality of the manifesto should be improved in line with the new policy agenda.
それに沿ったマニフェストの質向上も要る。
DPJ lawmakers who cannot agree to the new chief's policy agenda should leave the party.
同意できない議員は党を割って出るしかなかろう。
Like the DPJ, the LDP also comprises politicians with widely different political stripes.
民主党のみならず、自民党も幅広い勢力を抱えており、
There is enough room for political realignment around key policy issues.
政策を軸に再編する余地はある。
Such a development would give voters a fresh opportunity to choose a new government on the basis of policies instead of a simple choice between the LDP and the DPJ.
有権者にとっても「自民党がだめだから民主党」といった否定形の選択の代わりに、政策本位で政権を選ぶ道が開ける。
■政策本位の政治へ
The worst thing that could happen to the party is a leadership contest without serious policy debate in which the candidates only propose vague policies in order to win as many votes as possible.
Even if the party can choose its new leader without meaningful debate, such a race would plant seeds of future confrontation that hamper progress in politics.
Political styles and ways to run the government should also be among major topics for the party leadership election.
代表選では、政治手法や政権運営の方法も問われるべきだ。
We believe that politics of partisan confrontation driven by the power of numbers should come to an end.
私たちは「数の力」で与野党が激突するばかりの政治を終わらせるべきだと考える。
When it was led by Ozawa, the DPJ exploited its power as the largest voting bloc in the Upper House to keep making things tough for the government of the LDP-New Komeito coalition.
民主党は小沢代表のとき、参院第１党の力を使い、徹底して自公政権を揺さぶった。
The DPJ used its political muscle effectively to drive the LDP-led government into a corner through such maneuvers as rejecting the government's nominees for the new Bank of Japan governor and thereby keeping the post of the central bank chief vacant for a while.
日銀総裁を空席にするなどして政府を追い込み、早期の衆院解散、政権交代を迫った。
The DPJ's strategy worked well to pressure the government into an early dissolution of the Lower House for an election to choose the government.
確かに政権交代を果たしたが、
The DPJ came to power as a result, but the party has been suffering from political reprisals by the LDP.
今度は民主党が報復を受け続けている。
During this period, Ozawa boasted that he would be able to raise any amount of money to finance the party's policy proposals and had the party increase the monthly child-care allowance it promised to 26,000 yen per child.
小沢氏は「財源はなんぼでもできる」と言い、子ども手当は月額２万６千円出すと公約を上積みさせた。
At the heart of such an approach to politics is a single-minded pursuit of power.
こうした政治手法の根っこにあるのは、権力奪取を第一とする発想だ。
Japan should outgrow such old-fashioned politics and move toward a new era of politics in which the ruling and opposition parties try to find common ground through serious and constructive policy debate.
こんな政治からは卒業して、与野党が政策本位で合意点を探す政治に変えよう。
The principal lesson to be gleaned from the bitter experiences in the past two years is that this is the only way to break the political stalemate in this age of a divided Diet.
それが、ねじれが常態化する時代の政治を動かす道だと、この２年の経験から学ぶべきである。
2011/08/29
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：自己臭恐怖症 ／東京
(Mainichi Japan) August 28, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: In defense of (a little bit of) body odor
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：自己臭恐怖症 ／東京
A TV program I happened to see the other day featured clothing with odor-eliminating effects that have been a hit among consumers recently.
テレビを見ていたら、「消臭効果のある衣料品がブーム」という話題を取り上げていた。
Sales of odor-eating underwear, socks and other clothing -- effective against everything from sweat and tobacco smells to the body odor of older men -- have been rising, according to the program.
汗やたばこのにおい、さらには男性の「加齢臭」といわれるにおいまでを消すという下着、靴下などが売り上げをのばしているという。
Sure, there are unpleasant odors, but do people really want to make everywhere odorless so much?
たしかににおいの中には心地よくないものもあるが、そんなにどこもかしこも「においなし」にしたいだろうか。
If you get too nervous about eliminating odor, that could stress you out in itself.
においを消すことに神経質になりすぎると、それ自体がストレスになるのではないか。
In my consultation room, I sometimes see patients who suffer from a unique condition called "olfactory reference syndrome."
診察室でときどき、「自己臭恐怖症」と呼ばれる特殊な状態に苦しむ人に会うことがある。
These patients wrongly assume that their body odor is offensive to people around them.
これは「自分からにおいが出て、まわりの人たちを不快にしているのではないか」と常に気になる、という気配り型の神経症である。
They spray air freshener on themselves again and again before they go out, or even refrain from going out at all. 消臭スプレーを何度も振りかけたり外出を控えたりする人もいる。
They usually show up at dermatologists or other doctors first and are then referred to psychiatric clinics.
たいていの場合は「においを消したい」と訪れた皮膚科などから紹介されて、メンタルクリニックにやって来る。
Even if others tell them that they don't smell at all, these patients believe that they are "smelly and disturbing everyone." Many of these cases are difficult to treat.
いくらまわりが「においなんてしてないよ」と客観的に説明しても、「いや、におっている。みんなにいやな思いをさせている」という思い込みが強く、治療は難航する場合が多い。
Olfactory reference syndrome often plagues young people, whose futures remain undefined and who are still overly sensitive about what others think of them.
この自己臭恐怖症は、自分の評価が定まっていない若い世代に起きることが多い。
Such a trivial thing as a friend turning his or her eyes away from them makes them think they are smelly and making others uncomfortable.
「人からどう見られてるのかな？」と過敏になりがちな年ごろでは、たとえば友だちがたまたま自分から目をそらしただけで「どうして？ そうか、私のにおいが苦痛なんだ」と結びつけてしまうのだ。
In contrast, these symptoms tend to disappear naturally when the patients get jobs and gain a certain degree of self-confidence.
"I may have been wrong to worry too much about odor," one such patient said.
だから逆に、仕事について自分に一定の自信がついてきたりすると「においのことは思いすごしだったかもしれません」と自然に治るケースも少なくない。
The current "odorless" boom, therefore, could be said to show that today even fully-fledged adult members of society lack confidence in themselves, and are always conscious about how others think of them.
だとすると、誰もが「においを消さなきゃ」と必死になっているいまの時代は、おとなも自分に自信を持てず、常にひと目や人からの評価を気にしている、と言えるのではないだろうか。
Let's say a person became completely odor-free. Would he or she be liked by everybody? Probably not.
もし仮に完全に無臭状態を実現できたとして、それだけで誰からも好かれる人間になるかというと、それも違うはずだ。
Ridding odor is minimal etiquette, but it is nonsense to try to eliminate all your odor.
最低限のエチケットとしての消臭は必要だが、「なんとしてもにおいをゼロに」などというのはナンセンス。
It is better to try and become someone who, even if smelling a bit sweaty, will be liked by everyone because of a cheerful smile and an even manner.
That's far better for each of us and for society as well.
それよりも、少々の汗のにおいなどはあっても、明るい笑顔やおだやかな口調でみんなから愛される人になることを目指すほうが、自分のためにも社会のためにもずっとよいと思う。
Whenever I see a person who fills up his or her room with deodorizers to remove any trace of bodily scent, I'm tempted to utter an old saying, "Too much of a good thing."
部屋中、からだ中のにおいを消すために大量のグッズを買い込む人を見ると、つい「過ぎたるは及ばざるがごとし」と古いことわざを口にしたくなる。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2011年8月23日 地方版
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: In defense of (a little bit of) body odor
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：自己臭恐怖症 ／東京
A TV program I happened to see the other day featured clothing with odor-eliminating effects that have been a hit among consumers recently.
テレビを見ていたら、「消臭効果のある衣料品がブーム」という話題を取り上げていた。
Sales of odor-eating underwear, socks and other clothing -- effective against everything from sweat and tobacco smells to the body odor of older men -- have been rising, according to the program.
汗やたばこのにおい、さらには男性の「加齢臭」といわれるにおいまでを消すという下着、靴下などが売り上げをのばしているという。
Sure, there are unpleasant odors, but do people really want to make everywhere odorless so much?
たしかににおいの中には心地よくないものもあるが、そんなにどこもかしこも「においなし」にしたいだろうか。
If you get too nervous about eliminating odor, that could stress you out in itself.
においを消すことに神経質になりすぎると、それ自体がストレスになるのではないか。
In my consultation room, I sometimes see patients who suffer from a unique condition called "olfactory reference syndrome."
診察室でときどき、「自己臭恐怖症」と呼ばれる特殊な状態に苦しむ人に会うことがある。
These patients wrongly assume that their body odor is offensive to people around them.
これは「自分からにおいが出て、まわりの人たちを不快にしているのではないか」と常に気になる、という気配り型の神経症である。
They spray air freshener on themselves again and again before they go out, or even refrain from going out at all. 消臭スプレーを何度も振りかけたり外出を控えたりする人もいる。
They usually show up at dermatologists or other doctors first and are then referred to psychiatric clinics.
たいていの場合は「においを消したい」と訪れた皮膚科などから紹介されて、メンタルクリニックにやって来る。
Even if others tell them that they don't smell at all, these patients believe that they are "smelly and disturbing everyone." Many of these cases are difficult to treat.
いくらまわりが「においなんてしてないよ」と客観的に説明しても、「いや、におっている。みんなにいやな思いをさせている」という思い込みが強く、治療は難航する場合が多い。
Olfactory reference syndrome often plagues young people, whose futures remain undefined and who are still overly sensitive about what others think of them.
この自己臭恐怖症は、自分の評価が定まっていない若い世代に起きることが多い。
Such a trivial thing as a friend turning his or her eyes away from them makes them think they are smelly and making others uncomfortable.
「人からどう見られてるのかな？」と過敏になりがちな年ごろでは、たとえば友だちがたまたま自分から目をそらしただけで「どうして？ そうか、私のにおいが苦痛なんだ」と結びつけてしまうのだ。
In contrast, these symptoms tend to disappear naturally when the patients get jobs and gain a certain degree of self-confidence.
"I may have been wrong to worry too much about odor," one such patient said.
だから逆に、仕事について自分に一定の自信がついてきたりすると「においのことは思いすごしだったかもしれません」と自然に治るケースも少なくない。
The current "odorless" boom, therefore, could be said to show that today even fully-fledged adult members of society lack confidence in themselves, and are always conscious about how others think of them.
だとすると、誰もが「においを消さなきゃ」と必死になっているいまの時代は、おとなも自分に自信を持てず、常にひと目や人からの評価を気にしている、と言えるのではないだろうか。
Let's say a person became completely odor-free. Would he or she be liked by everybody? Probably not.
もし仮に完全に無臭状態を実現できたとして、それだけで誰からも好かれる人間になるかというと、それも違うはずだ。
Ridding odor is minimal etiquette, but it is nonsense to try to eliminate all your odor.
最低限のエチケットとしての消臭は必要だが、「なんとしてもにおいをゼロに」などというのはナンセンス。
It is better to try and become someone who, even if smelling a bit sweaty, will be liked by everyone because of a cheerful smile and an even manner.
That's far better for each of us and for society as well.
それよりも、少々の汗のにおいなどはあっても、明るい笑顔やおだやかな口調でみんなから愛される人になることを目指すほうが、自分のためにも社会のためにもずっとよいと思う。
Whenever I see a person who fills up his or her room with deodorizers to remove any trace of bodily scent, I'm tempted to utter an old saying, "Too much of a good thing."
部屋中、からだ中のにおいを消すために大量のグッズを買い込む人を見ると、つい「過ぎたるは及ばざるがごとし」と古いことわざを口にしたくなる。
(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞 2011年8月23日 地方版
2011/08/28
社説：民主党代表選 どうする外交 瀬戸際の自覚が乏しい
(Mainichi Japan) August 26, 2011
DPJ leadership hopefuls must tackle foreign diplomacy, long-neglected after disasters
社説：民主党代表選 どうする外交 瀬戸際の自覚が乏しい
Since the triple disasters of March 11, Japan has paid little attention to foreign diplomacy.
東日本大震災以降の日本はずっと外交不在の状態が続いてきた。
As the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan struggled to begin rebuilding the devastated Tohoku region, a political battle was waged by ruling and opposition blocs over whether or not Kan should resign.
復興対応で手いっぱいの政権、首相退陣を巡り政争を繰り返す与野党－－。
Bringing an end to the stagnation that such political warfare has created and normalizing the course of Japan's foreign policy is one of the most important challenges that awaits the next prime minister.
そうした閉塞（へいそく）感に終止符を打ち、外交を正常な軌道に戻すことは、次期首相の重要な課題である。
In spite of this, however, little has been said about diplomacy and security by politicians expressing an interest in running for the head of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) -- and hence, the next prime minister.
にもかかわらず、民主党代表選に出馬意欲を示す政治家の口から、外交や安全保障に関する発言がほとんど聞かれないのはどうしたことか。
We must not allow the upcoming election to become an inward-looking election, one solely concerned with political maneuvering for the right number of votes and the nature of the candidates' ties to former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa.
数合わせや小沢一郎元代表との距離感だけに焦点があたる、内向きの代表選であってはならない。
Meanwhile, other countries are making active and astute steps in their diplomatic affairs.
周辺では、関係主要国が活発で巧妙な外交を展開している。
Take, for example, the United States and China. U.S. Vice President Joe Biden recently visited both China and Japan, staying six days in China -- during which he poured his energies into establishing strong relations with Xi Jinping, said to be China's next president.
例えば米中だ。バイデン米副大統領が中国や日本を歴訪して帰国したが、中国には６日間滞在し、次のリーダーである習近平国家副主席との親密な関係づくりに精力を注いだ。
This was in stark contrast to Biden's visit to Japan, which lasted just two days and included a meeting with outgoing Prime Minister Kan as a mere formality.
退陣直前の菅直人首相と儀礼的に会談し、正味２日間の滞在だった日本とは対照的だ。
In addition, China appears to be testing the DPJ's stance toward China, as demonstrated in two Chinese patrol boats' entry into Japanese waters near the disputed Senkaku Islands.
その中国は２４日、尖閣諸島周辺で漁業監視船が日本領海に侵入するなど、民主党の対中姿勢を改めて試すかのような行動をみせている。
Furthermore, there have been rising tensions between China and Russia, both battling for political and economic influence in the Far East region.
一方では、極東地域の政治的経済的影響力を競う中露の確執もここにきて目立ってきた。
The year 2012 will be a turning point not only in China, where the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party will change hands, but also in Russia, the U.S., and South Korea, where presidential elections are set to take place.
来年は中国の共産党指導部交代をはじめロシア、米国、韓国で大統領選が行われる節目の年だ。
While others have been formulating diplomatic strategies with next year in mind, Japan, due to its internal political skirmishes, has trailed behind both in influencing the establishment of a new regional order and its pursuit of national interests.
各国が２０１２年を念頭に置く外交戦略を練る中で、政治の停滞が続く日本は、地域の新たな秩序構築や国益競争で大きく後れをとっている。
As such, the diplomatic challenges that the next prime minister must deal with are all urgent.
次期首相の外交課題はいずれも待ったなしのものばかりだ。
There is the breakdown in talks over the Japan-U.S. joint declaration on bilateral security that needs to be addressed, and a much-needed breakthrough in the issue of relocating U.S. Marine Corps' Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture.
仕切り直しとなった日米安保共同宣言の後始末や、宙に浮く米軍普天間飛行場移設問題の打開。
There's also a visit to China by Japan's new prime minister, and a visit to Japan by South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, which must take place before the end of the year.
年内の宿題である新首相の訪中と、李明博（イミョンバク）韓国大統領の訪日。
Whoever takes the helm of government will be scrutinized for his ability -- or lack thereof -- to command a presence before other leaders at the East Asia Summit and APEC Summit, both set to take place this fall.
秋の東アジアサミット（ＥＡＳ）やアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）首脳会議で顔を合わせる各国首脳たちの前で、いかに発言力と存在感を示すかも厳しく問われよう。
Have the DPJ leadership election candidates-to-be taken these responsibilities into consideration?
それらを考え抜いたうえで、首相になる決意を固めているのかどうか。
They are obligated to show how prepared they are for such duties.
候補者は自らの覚悟を語るべきである。
In the two years since the DPJ government came to power, it has downplayed the importance of continuity and botched diplomatic dealings by putting precarious ideals ahead of everything else.
継続性を軽視し、地に足のつかない理念先行の外交で失敗したのが、民主党政権の２年間だった。
The administration's strategy-building capabilities failed to improve, and diplomats' information and networks were not put to effective use.
官邸の戦略機能強化は実現せず、外交当局の情報とネットワークも活用できなかった。
Japanese foreign policy has veered far off course because the DPJ put a lid on intra-party conflict in order to take over government, and failed to reach a consensus on basic policies such as the Japan-U.S. alliance and a vision for an East Asian community, the "third opening" of Japan, and its stance toward China.
政権をとるため党内対立を封印し、「日米同盟と東アジア共同体」「第３の開国」「対中戦略」といった根幹の政策でコンセンサスづくりを怠ったことが、外交迷走の原因だ。
We hope that those running in the DPJ presidential race will take the mistakes that have been made to heart, realize the crossroads at which Japan is now standing, and carry out a heated debate on diplomatic policy.
その反省を踏まえ、日本が瀬戸際にあるとの自覚を持って、真剣な外交論戦を聞かせてほしい。
毎日新聞 2011年8月26日 2時31分
DPJ leadership hopefuls must tackle foreign diplomacy, long-neglected after disasters
社説：民主党代表選 どうする外交 瀬戸際の自覚が乏しい
Since the triple disasters of March 11, Japan has paid little attention to foreign diplomacy.
東日本大震災以降の日本はずっと外交不在の状態が続いてきた。
As the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan struggled to begin rebuilding the devastated Tohoku region, a political battle was waged by ruling and opposition blocs over whether or not Kan should resign.
復興対応で手いっぱいの政権、首相退陣を巡り政争を繰り返す与野党－－。
Bringing an end to the stagnation that such political warfare has created and normalizing the course of Japan's foreign policy is one of the most important challenges that awaits the next prime minister.
そうした閉塞（へいそく）感に終止符を打ち、外交を正常な軌道に戻すことは、次期首相の重要な課題である。
In spite of this, however, little has been said about diplomacy and security by politicians expressing an interest in running for the head of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) -- and hence, the next prime minister.
にもかかわらず、民主党代表選に出馬意欲を示す政治家の口から、外交や安全保障に関する発言がほとんど聞かれないのはどうしたことか。
We must not allow the upcoming election to become an inward-looking election, one solely concerned with political maneuvering for the right number of votes and the nature of the candidates' ties to former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa.
数合わせや小沢一郎元代表との距離感だけに焦点があたる、内向きの代表選であってはならない。
Meanwhile, other countries are making active and astute steps in their diplomatic affairs.
周辺では、関係主要国が活発で巧妙な外交を展開している。
Take, for example, the United States and China. U.S. Vice President Joe Biden recently visited both China and Japan, staying six days in China -- during which he poured his energies into establishing strong relations with Xi Jinping, said to be China's next president.
例えば米中だ。バイデン米副大統領が中国や日本を歴訪して帰国したが、中国には６日間滞在し、次のリーダーである習近平国家副主席との親密な関係づくりに精力を注いだ。
This was in stark contrast to Biden's visit to Japan, which lasted just two days and included a meeting with outgoing Prime Minister Kan as a mere formality.
退陣直前の菅直人首相と儀礼的に会談し、正味２日間の滞在だった日本とは対照的だ。
In addition, China appears to be testing the DPJ's stance toward China, as demonstrated in two Chinese patrol boats' entry into Japanese waters near the disputed Senkaku Islands.
その中国は２４日、尖閣諸島周辺で漁業監視船が日本領海に侵入するなど、民主党の対中姿勢を改めて試すかのような行動をみせている。
Furthermore, there have been rising tensions between China and Russia, both battling for political and economic influence in the Far East region.
一方では、極東地域の政治的経済的影響力を競う中露の確執もここにきて目立ってきた。
The year 2012 will be a turning point not only in China, where the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party will change hands, but also in Russia, the U.S., and South Korea, where presidential elections are set to take place.
来年は中国の共産党指導部交代をはじめロシア、米国、韓国で大統領選が行われる節目の年だ。
While others have been formulating diplomatic strategies with next year in mind, Japan, due to its internal political skirmishes, has trailed behind both in influencing the establishment of a new regional order and its pursuit of national interests.
各国が２０１２年を念頭に置く外交戦略を練る中で、政治の停滞が続く日本は、地域の新たな秩序構築や国益競争で大きく後れをとっている。
As such, the diplomatic challenges that the next prime minister must deal with are all urgent.
次期首相の外交課題はいずれも待ったなしのものばかりだ。
There is the breakdown in talks over the Japan-U.S. joint declaration on bilateral security that needs to be addressed, and a much-needed breakthrough in the issue of relocating U.S. Marine Corps' Air Station Futenma in Okinawa Prefecture.
仕切り直しとなった日米安保共同宣言の後始末や、宙に浮く米軍普天間飛行場移設問題の打開。
There's also a visit to China by Japan's new prime minister, and a visit to Japan by South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, which must take place before the end of the year.
年内の宿題である新首相の訪中と、李明博（イミョンバク）韓国大統領の訪日。
Whoever takes the helm of government will be scrutinized for his ability -- or lack thereof -- to command a presence before other leaders at the East Asia Summit and APEC Summit, both set to take place this fall.
秋の東アジアサミット（ＥＡＳ）やアジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）首脳会議で顔を合わせる各国首脳たちの前で、いかに発言力と存在感を示すかも厳しく問われよう。
Have the DPJ leadership election candidates-to-be taken these responsibilities into consideration?
それらを考え抜いたうえで、首相になる決意を固めているのかどうか。
They are obligated to show how prepared they are for such duties.
候補者は自らの覚悟を語るべきである。
In the two years since the DPJ government came to power, it has downplayed the importance of continuity and botched diplomatic dealings by putting precarious ideals ahead of everything else.
継続性を軽視し、地に足のつかない理念先行の外交で失敗したのが、民主党政権の２年間だった。
The administration's strategy-building capabilities failed to improve, and diplomats' information and networks were not put to effective use.
官邸の戦略機能強化は実現せず、外交当局の情報とネットワークも活用できなかった。
Japanese foreign policy has veered far off course because the DPJ put a lid on intra-party conflict in order to take over government, and failed to reach a consensus on basic policies such as the Japan-U.S. alliance and a vision for an East Asian community, the "third opening" of Japan, and its stance toward China.
政権をとるため党内対立を封印し、「日米同盟と東アジア共同体」「第３の開国」「対中戦略」といった根幹の政策でコンセンサスづくりを怠ったことが、外交迷走の原因だ。
We hope that those running in the DPJ presidential race will take the mistakes that have been made to heart, realize the crossroads at which Japan is now standing, and carry out a heated debate on diplomatic policy.
その反省を踏まえ、日本が瀬戸際にあるとの自覚を持って、真剣な外交論戦を聞かせてほしい。
毎日新聞 2011年8月26日 2時31分
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