2013/04/01

「0増5減」案 民主の一転反対は解せない

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Mar. 31, 2013)
DPJ's reversal of stance on electoral reform unreasonable
「0増5減」案 民主の一転反対は解せない(3月30日付・読売社説)

The largest opposition Democratic Party of Japan seems far too indifferent to a series of court rulings rebuking existing vote-value disparities.
 度重なる司法の厳しい警告に対して、鈍感すぎるのではないか。

Secretaries general of the major three political parties--the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, its junior coalition partner New Komeito and the DPJ--held a meeting Friday to discuss electoral reform. During the meeting, the ruling parties called for prompt passage of a bill to rezone electoral districts in the House of Representatives by slashing five seats without increasing any others in other single-seat constituencies. However, as the DPJ opposed the coalition's proposal, the three parties failed to agree.
 自民、公明、民主3党幹事長会談が開かれた。自公両党は、衆院小選挙区定数の「0増5減」を実現する区割り法案を早期に成立させるよう求めたが、民主党は反対し、会談は平行線に終わった。

In 14 of 16 lawsuits filed against the government over the issue of lower house vote-value disparities, high courts have ruled the disparities unconstitutional.
 衆院選の「1票の格差」を巡る16件の行政訴訟で、各高裁は14件の「違憲」判決を出している。

Some of the rulings went too far in deeming the results of the Dec. 16 lower house election invalid. Still, both the ruling and opposition parties must take the courts' decisions declaring the disparities "unconstitutional" seriously. They should first pass the rezoning bill based on a proposal from the Council on the House of Representatives Electoral Districts before undertaking other electoral reform measures.
 中には「選挙無効」という行き過ぎた判断もあったが、与野党は「違憲」を重く受け止めねばならない。衆院選挙区画定審議会の勧告に基づいて格差を是正する区割り法案を先行処理すべきだ。

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DPJ's proposal unrealistic

Arguing that the proposed elimination of five single-seat constituencies is not good enough, the DPJ has compiled its own drastic reform plan that calls for reducing the number of single-seat constituencies by 30 to 270 and lowering proportional representation seats by 50 to 130. The DPJ apparently wants to show the public that lawmakers will put themselves on the line for electoral reform by reducing the number of seats in the lower house. However, we think this stance misses the point.
 民主党は、「0増5減では不十分」として、小選挙区定数を30減の270、比例定数を50減の130とする抜本改革案をまとめた。定数削減で「国会議員の身を切る」姿勢をアピールしたいようだが、ピントがずれていないか。

Furthermore, the leading parties have been widely split over drastic measures for electoral reform, so they are unlikely to reach an agreement in the near future.
 しかも、抜本改革案に関する各党の主張の隔たりは大きく、早期の合意は困難な状況にある。

It is true the LDP-Komeito plan is complicated and has been criticized for possibly violating the Constitution, drawing objections from opposition parties. The ruling camp's plan seeks a decrease in proportional representation seats by 30 to 150, of which 60 seats will be preferentially allocated to smaller parties.
 比例定数を30減の150とし、うち60を中小政党の優遇枠とする自公両党案は、分かりづらいうえ、憲法違反の疑いもあり、野党が反対している。

But still, the DPJ's plan calling for a drastic reduction in the number of single-seat constituencies is unrealistic as it would require major rezoning of electoral districts.
 小選挙区定数も減らす民主党案も、区割り作業をやり直す必要があり、現実的とは言えない。

The DPJ is chiefly to blame for having failed to correct the vote-value disparities before last year's lower house election when it held the reins of government. The party's failure can be attributed to its adherence to the idea of fixing the disparities and conducting drastic electoral reform simultaneously, with the apparent aim of postponing dissolution of the lower house for its own interests.
 そもそも昨年の衆院選前に1票の格差を是正できなかった主たる責任は、当時の与党・民主党にある。衆院解散を先送りする「党略」の思惑から、格差是正と抜本改革の同時決着に固執したためだ。

Last autumn, the DPJ finally agreed to a measure proposing the elimination of five single-seat constituencies before the enactment of drastic electoral reform, but it now opposes the plan. It is unreasonable that the party has returned to its previous stance of insisting both issues be handled at the same time. Such a stance could stall a solution to the pressing matter of correcting the vote disparities, potentially leaving it unaddressed even as the next lower house election comes around.
 民主党は昨年秋、ようやく「0増5減」の先行処理に同意したのに、今になって反対に転じ、抜本改革との同時決着に回帰するのは筋が通らない。緊急性を要する格差是正が次期衆院選に間に合わない恐れさえ生じよう。

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Long-term measures essential

The DPJ seems to have carved out a strategy of pursuing unrealistic ideals, which has failed to produce any achievements. This sophomoric style was evinced in its lofty election pledges for the 2009 lower house election. The DPJ has apparently learned nothing from its time in power.
 非現実的な「理想」を掲げ、結局、何も実現できない――。2009年衆院選政権公約(マニフェスト)に象徴される民主党の未熟な政治文化の特徴だ。その失敗の反省がうかがえない。

Of course, eliminating five single-seat constituencies is merely a stopgap reform measure. If it is implemented, the vote-value disparity ratio will be reduced to 1.998-to-1 or less. But the ratio is likely to exceed 2-1, an acceptable maximum according to the Supreme Court, at some stage.
 無論、「0増5減」は暫定的な改革にすぎない。1票の格差は最大1・998倍で、いずれ2倍を超すのは避けられまい。

Various problems have been highlighted with the current lower house electoral system, which combines single-seat constituencies with the proportional representation formula. For one, the system enables candidates who lose in single-seat constituencies to still be elected through proportional representation. Drastic electoral reform is essential, including a measure to clarify the roles of both chambers of the Diet.
 現行の小選挙区比例代表並立制は、小選挙区で敗れた候補の復活当選制度など、様々な問題が指摘されている。衆参両院の役割分担も含めた抜本改革は不可欠だ。

If major parties are not able to make significant progress in their electoral reform discussions, they should give serious thought to consulting expert panels on the issue.
 政党間の協議が進展しないようなら、有識者会議の活用を真剣に考える必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, March 30, 2013)
(2013年3月30日01時44分  読売新聞)

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