2011/02/28

子ども手当 混乱回避へ与野党協議始めよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 28, 2011)
Child allowance system unsustainable
子ども手当 混乱回避へ与野党協議始めよ(2月27日付・読売社説)

Deliberations on a bill to expand child-rearing allowances paid to families in fiscal 2011 have started in the House of Representatives.
 子ども手当法案の審議が衆院で始まった。

Not only the Liberal Democratic Party but also New Komeito have made clear their stances against the bill. In the current divided Diet, even if the bill passed the lower house, it would almost surely be voted down in the House of Councillors, where opposition parties hold the majority. Therefore, there is only a marginal possibility that the bill will become law within the current fiscal year.
 自民党だけでなく公明党も反対姿勢を明確にしている。たとえ衆院で可決されても、ねじれ国会の下、参院で否決されるのは確実で、最終的に成立は困難だ。

The current child-rearing benefit system, for families with children of middle school age or younger, is based on a temporary statute valid for one year. If the bill on a new law does not pass the Diet, the current system will revert to the former system of dependent child allowances from April.
 現行の子ども手当制度は1年ごとの時限立法に基づいており、新たな法案が成立しなければ、4月からは以前の児童手当に戻らざるを得なくなる。

City, town and village governments actually in charge of handing out the child-rearing allowances changed their computer programs to fit the current system.
Therefore, it would be difficult for them to switch back to the old system so soon, as the old dependent child allowance system is quite different from the current system.
 事務を受け持つ市町村は、対象世帯を把握して支給するシステムを子ども手当用に変更しているため、仕組みの異なる児童手当に急に戻せと言われても、実際には対応は難しい。

===

Major confusion expected

However, the local governments cannot prepare for the next fiscal year on the premise that the bill will not become law. If the situation goes on as it is, clerical work on issuing the benefits at municipal government offices will fall into major confusion. The ruling and opposition parties should immediately begin discussions to avoid such an outcome.
 不成立を前提にして準備するわけにはいかない。このままでは市町村の支給事務に大きな混乱が生じる。与野党は、それを回避するための議論をただちに始めなければならない。

To do so, the government and the Democratic Party of Japan have to drop the child-rearing allowance system, at least for now. The government should declare a stance of returning to the old dependent child allowance system, created when the LDP and New Komeito were in power, and ask both parties for cooperation.
 それには政府・民主党が子ども手当をいったん撤回することだ。自公政権が作った児童手当に立ち返る方向を示し、自公両党に協力を求めるしかあるまい。

The new bill for the second year of the child-rearing allowance system is designed to raise the current monthly handout of 13,000 yen per child to 20,000 yen for children younger than 3.
 2年目の子ども手当法案は、現行の月額1万3000円を、3歳未満については2万円に引き上げる内容だ。

The LDP and New Komeito have been arguing that improvements to child-related services, such as solving the problem of children waiting to be enrolled at certified nursery schools, should be given priority rather than maintaining a system to dole out cash.
 自公両党は、現金支給というバラマキよりも、待機児童の解消など現物サービスを優先すべきだと主張している。

The child-rearing allowance system has been impossible from the beginning. It would require a hefty 5.5 trillion yen annually to fund the full monthly amount of 26,000 yen per child that the DPJ has pledged to eventually provide, but there was no prospect for securing stable revenue sources.
 そもそも、安定的な財源の見通しを欠いたまま、満額支給すれば年5・5兆円もの巨費を投じることになる子ども手当は、土台から無理があった。

===

Kan: Surprised at 26,000 yen

Prime Minister Naoto Kan himself has admitted as much.
 首相自らそれを認めている。

During recent deliberations on the bill at the Diet, he said, "I was little bit surprised to hear the monthly amount of 26,000 yen when Mr. [Ichiro] Ozawa was party president," recalling the time when the DPJ was deciding the amount.
 国会審議で菅首相は、子ども手当の額決定の際、「小沢代表当時に2万6000円と聞いて、ちょっとびっくりした」と述べた。

As Kaoru Yosano, state minister in charge of economic and fiscal policy, described it, this remark is "quite honest."
 与謝野経済財政相が言う通り、「非常に正直」な発言だ。

If Kan still thinks so, his administration should not adhere to the child-rearing allowance bill any more and, instead, both the ruling and opposition parties should cooperate to design a new system as soon as possible, with improvement of the old dependent child benefit system as the basic starting point.
 そうであるなら、子ども手当法案にこれ以上固執せず、与野党で早急に、児童手当の拡充を基本とした新たな仕組みを設計しなければならない。

If they follow the right steps, it may be possible to return to the framework of the former system of dependent child benefits backed by revenue sources, while avoiding confusion at the same time.
 手順を踏めば、混乱を避けながら、財源に裏付けられた児童手当の枠組みに戻ることも可能ではないか。

To finance the current child-rearing allowance system, the tax exemption system for families with children up to 15 years old was abolished, for instance. If that system is not revived, families will face significant tax increases. The government and the DPJ should analyze the situation carefully once again.
子ども手当の財源に充てるために廃止した年少扶養控除なども、復活させなければ実質増税となる。再考が必要だ。

There will be resistance within the DPJ to withdrawing such a high-profile plank of the party's 2009 general election manifesto, which helped propel the party to power.
 政権公約の目玉政策を撤回することには、民主党内で異論が出るだろう。

However, the government and the DPJ should not just wait for major confusion to arise without taking measures to avoid it.
だが、何の手も打たず、混乱を招くべきではない。

We hope Kan will show his leadership in remedying the situation.
菅首相には、事態打開のため指導力を発揮してもらいたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 27, 2011)
(2011年2月27日01時23分 読売新聞)

2011/02/27

Social security reform

消費税増分はVAT(付加価値税value added tax)としたほうが良いかも。
欧米はVATだし、タイでさえVATです。ちなみにタイの現時点のVATは7%です。
しかしながら消費税を増額する前に、霞ヶ関の特別会計に是非メスを入れてもらいたい。
朝日新聞でもこの問題はタブーになっているのでしょう。
あるいは暗闇の中に閉ざされていてよくその実体が見えないとか。
そうであるならば、新聞社には記者魂を発揮してこのエリアに切り込むことが強く望まれる。
記者の命の保証ができないというのも多分理由でしょう。
特別会計予算には各分野とも相当な余剰金が含まれているようです。
米国国債を無理やり引き受けさせられていますが、毎月3兆円弱のお金が使われています。
一年では30兆円、一億の国民が赤ちゃんからお年よりまでひっくるめて一人当り30万円負担している計算になります。
米国国債の買い入れは一例で氷山の一角。
消費税を増税しなくともやっていけるだけの体力はまだ残っている!
(スラチャイ記)

2011/02/26
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 25
EDITORIAL: Social security reform
社会保障と税の改革―財源なくして安心なし

A government council is now intensively debating the integrated tax and social security reform proposed by the administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan. The Kan administration intends to announce a plan for revamping the social security system in April and then draft a blueprint for the integrated reform incorporating tax increases to finance the social security overhaul.
 政府の「集中検討会議」が、社会保障と税の一体改革を議論している。4月中に社会保障改革案を示し、6月にはその財源を賄うための増税策との一体改革案をまとめる。

Reform of the nation's tax and fiscal regime and the social safety net was the underlying theme of the series of editorials we published from October 2007 to April 2008 on proposals to make Japan a more hopeful society.
 朝日新聞が2007年10月から08年4月にかけて連載したシリーズ社説「希望社会への提言」でも、税・財政と社会保障の改革は根幹だった。

Immediately after the series of editorials, U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers collapsed, pushing the world into synchronized recession. The global economic crisis revived deflation--continuous declines in prices and wages--in Japan.
 この連載の直後、リーマン・ショックと同時不況が世界を襲った。日本では物価や賃金が下がり続けるデフレがぶり返した。

A vision for rehabilitation
■財政再建へ展望ひらけ

A power transfer took place in the United States and then in Japan.
 米国に続き日本でも政権交代が起きた。

With the nation heading into a future of unprecedented demographic situation due to the aging of the population and low fertility rate, repairing the frayed social security system and mapping out a feasible plan for restoring fiscal sanity is the principal challenge facing policymakers.
だが、未曽有の少子高齢社会に向かういま、社会保障のほころびを繕い、財政再建の道筋をつけることが政治の歴史的使命であることに変わりはない。

The further deterioration of the nation's fiscal health due to stimulus measures taken in response to the economic crisis has increased the urgency for a radical reform of the tax code centering on a consumption tax hike. Such a tax overhaul is an indispensable prerequisite for social security stability.
危機対策などで一段と悪化した財政をみれば、消費増税を柱とする税制の抜本改革は待ったなしだ。それなしに社会保障の安定は望めない。

We would like to add some fresh proposals to the arguments we made in the series of editorials for a hopeful society.
 私たちもいま、「希望社会への提言」を踏まえて追加的な検討を加えつつ、提案をしていきたい。

As for reform of the state pension program, it should be based on the current social insurance formula. That would be more realistic than the fully tax-financed system for basic portions, which is proposed by business organizations and Rengo (Japanese Trade Union Confederation), the nation's largest labor organization.
 まず、年金については、いまの社会保険方式を土台に改革を進める。そのほうが、経済団体や連合などが提言している基礎年金をすべて税で賄う「税方式」より現実的だろう。

The precious new revenue from tax hikes in the coming years will have to be used mainly to finance programs in such areas as health and nursing-care and child-care support.
 今後の増税による貴重な税収は、医療と介護、子育てなどの分野に優先して振り向ける必要があるからだ。

Between fiscal 2006 and fiscal 2025, the total amount of health-care and nursing-care benefits will grow by 70 percent and 160 percent, respectively, compared with a 40-percent increase in pension payouts, according to estimates by the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare.
 厚生労働省による社会保障給付の見通しでは06年度から25年度にかけ、年金の伸びは1.4倍だが、医療は1.7倍、介護は2.6倍に伸びる。

In addition to tackling the problems of the shortages of doctors and special elderly nursing homes, the government needs to expand its policy support for families rearing children and people struggling to become financially independent.
医師不足や特別養護老人ホームの入居待ちの緩和だけでなく、子育て支援、自立支援などの強化も必要である。

Securing a balance between generations
■世代間のバランス保て

But it is important to ensure financial stability of the pension program. The government has raised the ratio of state financing of the program's basic portions to half, but the step is partly paid for with surpluses and reserves in special budget accounts known as "maizokin" (buried gold) under a stopgap-funding program. The priority should be on securing a stable tax revenue source for the partial state funding of the pension program.
 ただし、年金の安定を図ることは大切だ。基礎年金の国庫負担を2分の1に引き上げたが、埋蔵金でとりあえず穴埋めしている部分がある。税でしっかりと手当てするのが最優先だ。

To reduce the number of people who fail to pay into the "kokumin nenkin" national pension program, the "kosei nenkin" plan for corporate employees should be expanded to cover nonregular workers like part-timers and temporary workers. Efforts to collect premiums for the national pension from the remaining nonpayers should be redoubled.
 国民年金の未納者は、厚生年金の傘を広げ、パートや派遣で働く人を加えることで数を減らす。

But at the same time, steps should be taken to make certain that all low-income earners will be exempted from premium payments or benefit from premium cuts.
残る人たちには徴収を徹底するが、低所得者は保険料の免除や軽減をもれなく受けられるようにする。

The national identification number system the government is considering is essential for providing welfare services better tailored to the needs of the people. The proposed integration of the kokumin and kosei nenkin programs should be promoted as the effectiveness of the ID number system for efforts to track the income of self-employed workers is ascertained.
 政府が導入を検討している共通番号は、きめ細かな福祉に不可欠だ。国民年金と厚生年金の一元化は、共通番号が自営業者の所得把握に効果を発揮することを見極めつつ進めたい。

Companies should be required in principle to have all employees enrolled in the kosei nenkin program and contribute to the system. It is part of a company's social responsibility to pay its fair share of the cost of social welfare for its employees.
 企業は人を雇ったら原則として厚生年金に加入させ、保険料を負担する。被雇用者のために応分の負担をするのは社会的な責任である。それを果たせる企業を育てたい。

Economic growth is also crucial for the health of social security. Ensuring the long-term financial stability of the social security system requires effective efforts to develop people and industries to create huge additional value for economic growth. The reality, however, is that pension benefits remain at high levels despite stagnant wage growth and a deflationary trend. This situation is causing pension inequality between generations. Fixing the inequity is imperative.
 経済成長も不可欠だ。高い付加価値を生み出せる人材と産業を育成し、経済を成長させなければ、社会保障の安定は望めない。ところが、現実には賃金が増えず物価も上がらないのに年金は高止まりして、世代間のバランスが崩れている。修正は急務である。

The pension reform in 2004 introduced a system to gradually but automatically lower the levels of pension benefits in response to the aging of the population and the low birth rate. But a provision stipulating that nominal amounts of benefits should be kept unchanged as much as possible has caused the real levels of benefits to rise amid deflation.
 04年の年金改革では、少子高齢化に対応して年金の水準を少しずつ自動的に削ることにした。だが、「年金の名目額をできる限り下げない」との特例を設けたため、デフレ下で年金の水準は実質的に上がってしまった。

As a result, the financial future of the public pension system is in jeopardy. The levels of pension benefits should be lowered in line with falling prices.
 この結果、年金制度の将来が危うくなっている。デフレに対応して、水準を引き下げる必要がある。

Taking a hard look at the dire state of the nation's public finances and recognizing the need to increase the burden on taxpayers is a prerequisite for meaningful social security reform.
 社会保障を改革する前提は、国の財政悪化の現状を直視し、必要な負担増から目をそむけないことだ。

Our serial editorials proposed that the state budget be divided into two parts.
 シリーズ社説では、国の財政を大きく二つにわけるよう提言した。

One part would finance expenditures crucial for the people's sense of security, such as spending on the health and nursing care, pension and child-care support programs. The additional revenue from future tax hikes would be used mainly to fund these outlays.
 一つは医療・介護・年金や子育てなどの費用を賄う「安心勘定」で、増税分はこちらに集中投入する。

The other part of the budget would finance the rest of government expenditures, including spending on debt servicing. This part should be subject to exhaustive efforts for spending cuts through the elimination of waste. We also predicted that Japanese taxpayers would have to brace themselves for a future consumption tax rate above 10 percent.
もう一つは、借金返済を含む「我慢勘定」で、無駄の削減など徹底した歳出カットを行うとした。そして、いずれ消費税10%台を覚悟するしかないと見通した。

Virtual cycle of reform and growth
■成長との好循環を

Since the Lehman Shock, Japan's fiscal conditions have deteriorated further. The nation's horrendous fiscal morass is underscored by the fact that on the basis of the original budget, the government's borrowing will surpass its tax receipts for two straight years.
 リーマン・ショック後、財政はさらに悪化し、当初予算で2年連続、借金が税収を上回るという異常事態だ。

The fiscal management strategy announced by the Kan administration in June last year and the fiscal rehabilitation bill drafted by the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party both call for ensuring that all government outlays, excluding debt service expenses, will be fully covered by tax receipts in fiscal 2020.
 菅政権が昨年6月に決めた「財政運営戦略」と自民党の「財政健全化責任法案」は、「20年度には、借金の返済・利払いを除いた経費を税収で賄えるようにする」という目標で一致する。

But there will be a gargantuan revenue shortfall of nearly 26 trillion yen (about $317 billion) in fiscal 2020 unless nothing is done. That would be equivalent of the revenue from a 9-percent consumption tax.
 だが、今のままだと国の税収は20年度に26兆円近くも不足する。消費税率換算で9%分だ。

Filling the budget hole with a tax hike, however, would only amount to this. The cost of the government's services provided in that year would be covered by its tax take in the same year without any fresh borrowing that would increase the burden on future generations.
 それを増税で埋めても、やっと「その年に使ったサービスの費用を同じ年の税収で賄い、将来にツケを回さない」ことになるだけだ。

Welfare states in Europe have been using their revenues from value-added taxes to finance their social security payouts. This approach has won the trust of European taxpayers by convincing them that they will receive benefits in return for the increased burden. In contrast, Japan has been expanding social security benefits without securing sufficient revenue sources to finance them. It is time to fundamentally change this approach.
 欧州の福祉国家は、付加価値税(消費税)の税収を社会保障に回し、「負担が増えても受益がある」という信頼を得た。日本は財源の手当てが不十分なまま、サービスの充実を先行させてきた。それを根本から改めるときだ。

Much of the fresh money to be raised through a tax increase will have to be used to reduce the government debt. This is necessary for paying for the debt-financed services provided in the past.
 過去に借金で賄ったサービス分を埋める意味でも、増税の相当部分を赤字削減に回さざるをえないだろう。

The government also needs to make cool-headed efforts to eliminate overlapping services and review the level of benefits.
 サービスの重複を解消し、給付水準を見直す。その作業も冷静に進めていかねばならない。

The new money to spend on social security will come from economic growth. On the other hand, health, nursing and child-care services are a crucial part of the social infrastructure for economic growth. It is important to create a virtuous cycle of social security reform and economic growth.
 社会保障に使う財源は、経済成長から生まれる。医療・介護・保育のようなサービスは成長のための社会基盤でもある。社会保障と成長の好循環をつくりだしたい。

Laying down a grand vision for the future of social security and taking the first step toward securing revenue sources to finance the system is absolutely vital for rescuing Japan from the trap of stifling stagnation.
 大きな将来図を描き、財源確保へ第一歩を踏み出す。そうしなければ、日本の閉塞(へいそく)状況は打開できない。

2011/02/26

原油価格急騰 脱「石油・中東依存」を進めよ

>この現状を改善するにはどうすべきか。地域的にはロシアからの輸入拡大が考えられよう。(読売)
反対です!
北方領土からのロシア人たちの立ち退き要求が先です。
自国の領土に他国からどんどん移住者を増殖させられて読売はくやしくないのでしょうか。
ロシアとは外交を絶つべきでしょう。
無関心な米国の協力をとりつけることが急務です。
尖閣では協力できて北方領土では協力できないでは筋が通らない。
(スラチャイ記)

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 26, 2011)
Reduce dependence on oil, Middle East
原油価格急騰 脱「石油・中東依存」を進めよ(2月25日付・読売社説)

Crude oil prices are rising quickly amid growing political tension in oil-producing countries in North Africa, including Libya, and the Middle East.
 リビアなど北アフリカや中東の産油国の政情緊迫化を受け、原油価格が急騰している。

Every kind of crude oil whose price is used as a barometer for international trading has topped the benchmark of 100 dollars a barrel.
 国際指標となる油種はすべて、1バレル=100ドルの大台を突破した。

Should oil prices continue rising, they will slow the world economy, now moving toward recovery, and weigh down the Japanese economy as well. We must remain on guard.
 原油高が続けば、回復傾向をたどる世界経済の足を引っ張り、日本経済にとっても重荷となる。警戒が怠れない。

The government and industrial sectors may need to promote anew energy measures to help Japan become less dependent on oil and the Middle East.
 政府や産業界は、脱石油、脱中東依存のエネルギー対策を、改めて推進する必要があろう。

Among internationally traded crude oil, North Sea Brent Crude--the most quoted oil product in the London market--exceeded 110 dollars a barrel, while Texas Light Sweet Crude Oil hit the 100 dollars mark in New York.
 国際的な原油価格は、ロンドン市場の代表的油種である北海ブレントが1バレル=110ドルを超え、ニューヨーク市場でもテキサス産軽質油が100ドルに達した。

As we ushered in the 2000s, crude oil prices were on the rise, due chiefly to growing demand in such emerging economies as China and to an inflow of speculative money. They hit a record high of 147 dollars a barrel in New York during the summer of 2008.
 2000年代に入り、原油価格は中国などの需要拡大と投機資金の流入によって値上がりを続け、08年夏にニューヨーク市場で1バレル=147ドルの史上最高値を付けた。

However, prices later dropped markedly, due to a rebound from their excessive highs and the repercussions of the collapse of Lehman Brothers.
だが、行き過ぎの反動とリーマン・ショックで急落した。

===

Turmoil drives up prices

Crude oil prices have been moving up ever since, as if in step with the recovery in the world economy. With energy demand remaining brisk in emerging economies, the oil market probably expects a shortage of crude oil in the future.
 その後は、世界経済の復調に合わせ、再び上昇に転じている。新興国のエネルギー需要は依然として旺盛であり、将来の供給不足を市場が見込んでのことだろう。

The situation in Egypt boosted the upward trend in oil prices earlier this year; concerns grew over the safe passage of tankers through the Suez Canal. Uprisings also took place in Bahrain and Libya, sending crude oil prices even higher.
 値上がり傾向に弾みを付けたのが、今年に入ってからのエジプト情勢の急転だ。スエズ運河でのタンカー航行が不安視された。さらにバーレーンやリビアにも危機が飛び火し、一段高となった。

If political turmoil also erupts in such major oil producers as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, crude oil prices will inevitably climb further. Some observers have said prices could rise to the levels seen in summer 2008.
 政治的混乱が、仮にサウジアラビアやアラブ首長国連邦(UAE)などの大産油国に及べば、原油価格のさらなる上昇は避けられまい。08年夏並みの水準に達する可能性も指摘されている。

Japan's first step should probably be to diversify the source of its oil imports.
 こうした動きに対し、日本が取るべき道はまず、原油輸入先の多角化であろう。

===

History repeats itself

Learning from the oil crises of the 1970s, Japan reduced its dependency on Middle East crude oil from 90 percent of its oil imports at that time to a 60 percent level in the 1980s.
 日本は1970年代の石油危機を教訓に、当時、9割を超えていた原油の中東依存度を低減する努力を続け、80年代には6割台にまで落とすことに成功した。

Due to such factors as a decline in oil production in Indonesia, however, oil imports from the Middle East began rising again. Today, nearly 90 percent of Japan's oil imports come from the Middle East.
 だが、インドネシアの産出量減少などにより、再び中東からの輸入が増え、現在は9割近くを中東に依存する状況に戻っている。

What must Japan do to improve this situation? From a geographical point of view, increasing oil imports from Russia is a viable measure. Japan might also be able to rely on unconventional oil recovery methods, such as extracting oil from rock and sand formations.
 この現状を改善するにはどうすべきか。地域的にはロシアからの輸入拡大が考えられよう。北米で進む、岩石や砂から取り出す非在来型原油の開発にも期待できるのではないか。

On the other hand, it is also important to make use of energy sources other than petroleum. Japan should promote the shift from oil to natural gas, which has stable prices.
 一方で、石油以外のエネルギー源の活用も重要だ。価格の安定している天然ガスへの切り替えを進めるべきだ。

Needless to say, it is also crucial to promote the generation of nuclear and solar power and to popularize the use of electric vehicles.
 もちろん、原子力発電や太陽光発電の推進、電気自動車の普及なども大切である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 25, 2011)
(2011年2月25日01時19分 読売新聞)

2011/02/25

Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged

I'm moved to tear several times while editing this column in the morning.
This is also one of the finest columns I've ever read in my life, being edited by an editor with Mainichi Shimbun.
I'm deeply moved.
(srachai)
編集していて何度も涙をこぼしました。
毎日新聞が記者の足を駆使して作成した力作です。
感動しました。
(スラチャイ記)

(Mainichi Japan) February 24, 2011
Suu Kyi's determination to peacefully defy dictatorship remains unchanged
記者の目:スーチーさんの「手紙」13年ぶり再会=朴鐘珠

The Mainichi Shimbun resumed Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's column, "Letter from Burma," this year after a 13-year break. I flew to Myanmar where press restrains were in force late last year and visited Suu Kyi's residence prior to the publication of the first part of the column on New Year's Day.
 ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者、アウンサンスーチーさん(65)による本紙連載「ビルマからの手紙」を13年ぶりに再開した。元日からの掲載に先立ち私は昨年末、取材規制のかけられたミャンマーに入国し、スーチーさんの自宅を訪ねた。

Suu Kyi had been under house arrest there on and off over a 15-year period from 1989 to November last year. I stood by one of the windows of her residence, and thought about how firm her determination must be to spend her life resisting Myanmar's military dictatorship.
そこは彼女が89年から昨年11月まで断続的に15年軟禁されていた場所だ。私は窓辺に立ち、人生を賭したスーチーさんの覚悟の深さに思いを巡らせた。

 ◇昨秋に軟禁解除、弾圧構造は不変
The military dictatorship has been in power in Myanmar for nearly half a century since the 1962 coup. Suu Kyi founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) in 1988 in a bid to democratize the country, and the party secured 82 percent of the seats in Parliament in a 1990 general election. Nevertheless, the military regime refused to hand over power to the NLD and suppressed pro-democracy movements.
The military regime has continued a reign of terror, detaining and torturing NLD members and supporters. Last autumn, the regime called a general election and released Suu Kyi from house arrest. However, the shift to civilian rule was a mirage and the military is still ruling the country.
 ミャンマーでは1962年のクーデターから半世紀近く、軍事独裁政権が続いている。民主主義国家の実現を目指すスーチーさんは88年に国民民主連盟(NLD)を結党、90年の総選挙で全議席の82%を獲得した。しかし軍政は政権移譲に応じず民主化運動を弾圧、NLD党員や支持者を拘禁・拷問する恐怖政治を敷いてきた。昨秋以降の総選挙とスーチーさんの軟禁解除、形だけの民政移管後も、軍政の支配構造は変わらない。

Suu Kyi's residence is situated in Yangon, the largest city in Myanmar. Since its gate is higher than an adult's average height, it is impossible to look into her home from the street. There is no other house nearby, and since security forces are surrounding her home round the clock, ordinary citizens are reluctant to approach her house out of fear that security authorities might suspect they have ties to Suu Kyi.
 スーチーさんの自宅は、国内最大都市のヤンゴンにある。門扉が大人の背丈よりも高いため、表通りから中をうかがうことはできない。近隣に民家がなく、何より治安当局が周囲を取り巻き24時間監視しているので、一般市民は関係を疑われるのを恐れて近づきたがらない。

Her house is a western-style two-story building with white walls, and security authorities set up a fence with barbed wire behind her home facing a lake. When I saw a scene at the lakeside while waiting for her to return home, I could hardly believe my eyes. There, dozens of couples were dating while people with children were taking a walk. A promenade leads to an amusement park and a Ferris wheel towers over trees.
 自宅は2階建ての白壁の洋館で、湖に面した裏手には当局によって有刺鉄線が張られていた。彼女の帰宅を待ちながら窓辺に立ち、格子の間から見えた景色に目を疑った。くるりと弧を描いた湖畔の芝生で、何十組ものカップルが肩を寄せ合い、その間を親子連れが散歩している。遊歩道の先には遊園地があり、緑の木々の上に観覧車のてっぺんが頭を出していた。

A place isolated from the outside world and a place where citizens lead their daily lives coexist there -- a ruthless reality.
 同じ湖のほとりに、外界から孤立した空間と、市民の日常とが隣り合わせる非情な現実があった。

Suu Kyi, who was separated from her family because of her house arrest, has never lost courage even though she regularly sees citizens nearby who appear happy, and instead tolerates her solitary life. She has reasons for having to do so.
軟禁によって家族と引き裂かれたスーチーさんはしかし、手の届きそうなところにあふれる平凡な幸せにも心を折られることなく、孤独な時間を耐え抜いた。彼女には、そうしなければならない理由があった。

Suu Kyi lost her husband, who had been battling cancer in Britain, in 1999 while she was under house arrest. Feeling that he was close to the end of his life, he applied for a visa to visit Myanmar to meet his wife, only to be rejected. The military regime hoped that Suu Kyi would leave for Britain to meet with her ailing husband. However, she chose to stay home because there was no guarantee that she would be allowed to come back to Myanmar once she left the country. She chose to prioritize her pro-democracy movement rather than stay with her dying husband. Her determination is undoubtedly attributable to the existence of fellow freedom fighters imprisoned as political prisoners.
 スーチーさんは軟禁解除中の99年、英国で闘病していた夫をがんで亡くしている。死期が迫り、夫はミャンマーへの入国ビザを申請したが却下された。軍政側はこれを機にスーチーさんが英国へ出国してくれることを期待したが、一度祖国を離れれば再入国できる保証はない。彼女は国内にとどまった。最愛の人の死に立ち会うより民主化運動を優先した決意。彼女にそこまで腹をくくらせたものは、政治犯として獄中につながれた仲間の存在に違いない。

In December 1995, shortly after she started the column in the Mainichi Shimbun, Suu Kyi told the world political prisoners were barred from meeting their children for over two years and that their family members were being interrogated and harassed.
 最初にスーチーさんの「手紙」の連載を初めて間もない95年12月、彼女は「籠の外の若い鳥」と題し、政治犯の子が親との面会を2年以上も許可されず、また家族が当局から尋問や嫌がらせを受けている窮状を訴えた。

Her message that she was not the only Myanmar woman detained for her political thoughts appears to reflect a kind of guilty feeling she harbors toward other people who were being suppressed by the military regime.
「私は、政治のために拘置されたビルマ唯一の女性ではない」という一文に、弾圧される人々への、ある種の後ろめたさがにじむ。

There is a special reason why Suu Kyi evaded being tortured or imprisoned even though she is the leader of Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. Her father played a leading role in winning Myanmar's independence and she is well-known to the world as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate. The military regime cannot simply take her away from society.
民主化運動の“首謀者”である彼女が拷問や投獄を免れたのには、特別な事情がある。父がビルマ独立運動に献身した将軍という血筋と、ノーベル平和賞を受賞した国際的知名度。軍政とて彼女を他の名もなき政治犯のように、いきなり表社会から消し去るようなまねはできない。

 ◇無名の政治犯に思いを寄せ続け
In other words, Suu Kyi is a pro-democracy activist whose safety is guaranteed. Therefore, she is obviously determined to share the pain imposed on her fellow pro-democracy activists. In the second letter of the current series that ran on Feb. 6, she confessed that she made a habit of having breakfast quite late during her house arrest "so that in my hunger I would not forget our comrades who were incarcerated not in their own homes but in prisons, often in places far distant from where their families live."
 誤解を恐れずに言えば、彼女はミャンマーで最も身の安全を保障された民主化運動家である。だからこそ、仲間が強いられた痛みを率先して共有することを自らに課しているのだろう。連載再開2通目の手紙(2月6日朝刊)で彼女は、軟禁中に朝食の時間を遅らせていたことを明かした。「自らを空腹にすることで、刑務所に投獄され、家族から引き離されている同志を忘れないため」と記している。

I have met various people as a journalist, but I clearly remember I felt tense when I first met Suu Kyi. The feeling derived from my sense of reverence -- similar to a feeling I harbored toward citizens who repeatedly staged a sit-in protest in the Henoko district of Nago, Okinawa Prefecture, to express opposition to the relocation of a U.S. base to the area and those who were involved in a signature-collecting campaign against a so-called plutonium-thermal power generation project. They are determined to confront political power without resorting to violence.
 私はこれまで記者としてさまざまな人と接してきたが、スーチーさんと向き合った時に感じた緊張には覚えがある。沖縄で米軍基地の移設を許さず辺野古の浜で座り込みを続ける人々や、佐賀で原発のプルサーマル発電に異を唱え署名を集めていた人々にも抱いた、非暴力不服従で権力に対峙(たいじ)する覚悟への、畏敬(いけい)の念だ。

I asked Suu Kyi, a Japanophile who studied at Kyoto University in the 1980s, what she expects Japan to do for the democratization of Myanmar. Instead of answering my question, she asked me whether I, as a Japanese national, have urged the Japanese government to pressure Myanmar's military regime to release all political prisoners. I couldn't nod with confidence to Suu Kyi, who shot a questioning glance at me. (By Pak Chong-chu, Foreign News Department)
 80年代に京都大へ留学した親日家でもあるスーチーさんに、ミャンマー民主化のため日本に期待することを尋ねたところ、「日本人なら当然、軍政に政治犯を釈放させるよう、自国の政府に働きかけているでしょう?」と逆に質問された。日本の覚悟を推し量ろうとするような彼女の瞳に自信を持ってうなずくことができなかった。(外信部)

毎日新聞 2011年2月24日 0時12分

2011/02/24

NZ大地震 「直下型」の怖さ見せつけた

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 24, 2011)
N.Z. shows horror of near-field quakes
NZ大地震 「直下型」の怖さ見せつけた(2月23日付・読売社説)

It was a bleak scene that prevailed after Tuesday's earthquake in New Zealand--buildings and other structures were reduced to piles of rubble, including an old British-style brick church.
 英国風の古いレンガ造りの教会、ビルなどが無残に崩れ落ちている。

The disaster that struck Christchurch, the largest city on the country's South Island, has palpably demonstrated the ferocity of quakes that have their focus just below urban areas, known as near-field temblors.
 ニュージーランド南島最大の都市クライストチャーチの被災状況は、都市直下型地震の脅威をまざまざと見せつけた。

The powerful earthquake has caused many casualties, including people crushed under the rubble of houses and other buildings that crumbled to the ground. According to media reports, an office building occupied by about 200 workers collapsed in the quake.
 倒壊したビルの下敷きになるなどして多数の死傷者が出ている。200人が勤務するオフィスビルも崩れ落ちたという。

More than 3,000 Japanese are believed to have been in the city at the time of the earthquake, including local residents, tourists and students.
 日本人も、在住者に加え、観光客や留学生など計3000人以上が市内にいたとみられる。

Among them were 23 teachers and students from Toyama College of Foreign Languages, who were visiting Christchurch to attend classes at a local school.
 富山市の富山外国語専門学校からは、教員と学生計23人が語学研修のため現地を訪れていた。

Reports say the teachers and students from Toyama were in the school cafeteria having lunch when the quake hit and that several members of the group were injured, some when they were trapped under the debris of the collapsed building. There has been no contact with some students.
 地震が起きた時、昼食のためカフェテリアにいたという。崩壊した建物の下に閉じこめられるなどして、負傷者が出た。連絡がつかなくなっている学生らもいる。

We hope the Foreign Ministry, the travel agency responsible for arranging the group's trip to the city and all others connected to the latest disaster will try to confirm the situation of all Japanese victims as soon as possible.
 外務省や旅行会社などは、被災者たちの一刻も早い安否確認に努めてもらいたい。

===

City overwhelmed

The earthquake has disturbed road traffic and communication networks in the city. Many local residents have evacuated from the devastated city center. Local medical institutions have found their staff and equipment insufficient to treat a large number of wounded people, and a state of emergency has been declared in the city.
 現地では道路や通信網が混乱している。多くの住民が、被害の大きかった街の中心部から避難している。負傷者が多く、医療機関での治療が追いつかない。市内には非常事態が宣言された。

The Japanese government has sent an advance team to New Zealand to prepare for rescue operations in devastated areas there. Our country must extend swift and sufficient aid to the stricken area.
 日本政府は、救出・救援活動に備えて先遣隊を送った。早急かつ十分な支援が求められる。

New Zealand is an earthquake-prone country, located in the southern Pacific Ocean at the convergence of two gigantic continental plates. Numerous active faults that can cause near-field earthquakes run under the country's inland areas.
 ニュージーランドは、日本と同じ「地震国」だ。地球の表面を覆う巨大なプレート(岩板)同士がぶつかり合う場所にあり、内陸部には、直下型地震を引き起こす活断層がいくつもある。

This latest disaster came months after another major earthquake struck Christchurch in September, injuring more than 100 people. Tuesday's quake--which had a smaller magnitude than last year's temblor--turned out to be more devastating, as its focus was located only five kilometers underground.
 クライストチャーチでは昨年9月にも大きな地震があり、100人以上が負傷している。今回は前回ほどの規模ではなかったが、震源が5キロ・メートルと浅かったため、被害が大きくなった。

New Zealand sees only one-tenth as many noticeable and major quakes of Japan. Only a few massive earthquakes have ever been recorded in New Zealand, a nation that experienced its first major influx of immigrants from Europe about two centuries ago. Also, little progress has been made in investigating the state of active faults and other seismic elements in the nation.
 ただ、ニュージーランドは、有感地震や大きな地震の発生頻度では日本の10分の1程度だ。欧州からの移民が本格化して200年余りのため、過去に起きた大地震の記録は少なく、活断層などの調査も進んでいるとは言えない。

===

Quake resistance insufficient

The latest quake has destroyed not only historical structures but many new office and other buildings, including some that were constructed with advanced quake-resistant technology. The degree of damage suffered by these buildings shows their resistance to seismic shocks was less than satisfactory.
 一部の建造物には先進的な耐震技術が使われているが、被害状況を見ると、歴史的建物ばかりでなく新しいビルも崩壊している。耐震性が十分でなかったようだ。

The Great Hanshin Earthquake of 1995 was no less illuminating in this respect. The damage caused by that disaster shed light on the lack of sufficient earthquake resistance in many buildings in this country.
 日本も、1995年の阪神大震災で、建造物の耐震性の弱さが露呈した。

Efforts have been made to improve the ability of such structures to withstand earthquakes, but there have been delays in anti-seismic reinforcement work on such structures as primary and middle school buildings nationwide.
その後、耐震補強が進められてはきたが、小中学校の校舎などの補強は遅れている。

It is essential to reexamine our preparedness for massive earthquakes, which could occur anywhere in the nation. This is particularly true with a near-field earthquake predicted to strike Tokyo soon, as well as quakes that seismologists say may happen in the Tokai region and some parts of the Kinki district.
 いつ起きてもおかしくない首都直下地震や、東海、東南海、南海地震など巨大地震への備えを改めて点検することが大切だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 23, 2011)
(2011年2月23日01時12分 読売新聞)

2011/02/23

小沢氏流を超えて―「政局」政治から卒業を

2011/02/22
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 21
EDITORIAL: Politics in shambles
小沢氏流を超えて―「政局」政治から卒業を

Japan's political disease appears to be getting worse by the day.
 日本政治の病、いよいよ篤(あつ)しの感が深い。

The malady that has stricken so many members of the political community is characterized by an obsession with power struggles in Nagatacho and causes lawmakers to neglect their primary task: the development and execution of policies.
 政策の立案決定や遂行よりも、権力の争奪をめぐる永田町のなかの抗争、いわゆる政局にかまける病である。

A group of 16 lawmakers of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan who are close to former party chief Ichiro Ozawa have announced their intention to leave the party's Diet bloc. Within the party, open calls are being heard for Prime Minister Naoto Kan to step down.
 民主党の小沢一郎元代表に近い議員16人が同党の会派からの離脱を表明し、党内では菅直人首相の退陣論が公然と語られ始めた。

Kan has responded to the moves within his own party by indicating he might dissolve the Lower House for a snap election.
これに対し首相は衆院解散に含みを持たせ、対抗する。

All this is happening in the midst of the Diet deliberations on the government's draft budget for new fiscal year, which starts in April.
 新年度予算案審議の真っ最中である。

The outlook of crucial budget-related bills is unclear. It is a matter of great urgency to craft a plan for the proposed integrated tax and social security reform.
予算関連法案の成否はきわどい。社会保障と税の一体改革に目鼻をつける作業は待ったなしだ。

In other words, Japan cannot afford to allow its lawmakers in both the ruling and opposition camps to be engrossed in the political power game.
 そんな時期に、与野党あげて「政局」政治に没頭している余裕は、いまの日本にはない。

At the root of the current political situation is the struggle between Ozawa supporters and the anti-Ozawa camp that has defined the framework of Japanese politics for two decades.
 「小沢」か、「脱小沢」か。20年来の日本政治を枠づけてきた対立構図が、今回の局面の底流にも横たわる。

It is hard to believe that the nation's political maladies can be cured without solving this problem.
これを清算することなしに、政治の病が癒えるとは考えにくい。

It is therefore important to take a fresh look at what Ozawa's brand of politics is really about.
 小沢氏流の政治とは何かを、改めて見つめ直さなければならない。

The concentration of power
■めざすは「権力集中」

The key word to understanding Ozawa's politics is, after all, power.
 小沢政治を解剖する道具とすべき言葉は、やはり「権力」だろう。

Ozawa once led the movement for political reform. But for what?
 小沢氏は「政治改革」を主導した。何のためか。

In his book "Nihon Kaizo Keikaku" ("Blueprint for a New Japan,") published in 1993, Ozawa wrote about a "troubling lack of leadership."
1993年に出した「日本改造計画」冒頭に、「迷惑な『指導力の欠如』」という項目がある。

According to Ozawa, Japan is "a dinosaur with a small brain." The creature's every move is controlled not by the brain of the leader's decisions, but through coordination among its limbs and tail. That's how Japanese politics works, he argues.
 それによれば、日本は「小さな脳しか持たない恐竜」である。脳、つまり指導者の指示ではなく、手足やしっぽが互いに調整し、一挙手一投足を決める。それが日本政治だというのだ。

During the Persian Gulf crisis, the overseas deployment of Self-Defense Forces troops to support international peace-keeping efforts was blocked by opposition within the government and resistance by opposition parties.
 湾岸危機の際、自衛隊海外派遣を、政府内の異論や野党の抵抗に阻まれていた。

Referring to this experience, Ozawa calls for changing the decision-making system and "democratic concentration" of power in the top leader.
意思決定の仕組みを変え、権力を最高責任者に「民主主義的に集中」しなければならないと説く。

Ozawa's political reform was aimed, first and foremost, at enabling quick decision-making.
何より迅速な「決断」を可能にすることが、小沢氏の政治改革だった。

From time to time, Ozawa has played brass-knuckle politics to secure the power needed for such decision-making.
 決断を支える権力を手にするためなら、小沢氏は時になりふり構わず行動してきた。

In 2007, when he was the DPJ's president, Ozawa led the party to a victory in the Upper House election that made it the largest voting bloc in the chamber.
 民主党代表だった2007年、参院選で第1党に躍進した。

Ozawa parlayed his party's strength in the Upper House to stage fierce political attacks on the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito, forcing one prime minister to resign after another.
その後は自民・公明政権を徹底的に揺さぶり、次々に首相を退陣に追い込んだ。

Still fresh in our memories are his successful bids to block the government's nominees for the post of Bank of Japan governor, which caused the top post at the central bank to remain vacant for a while. And then he won the political battle to ensure the expiration of gasoline tax surcharges.
 日本銀行総裁を空席に、ガソリン税の暫定税率を期限切れにしたのは記憶に新しい。

The DPJ's manifesto for the 2009 Lower House election was developed in line with the agenda set by Ozawa before his resignation as party president over political donations by Nishimatsu Construction Co.
 09年の衆院選マニフェスト(政権公約)は、西松建設事件で代表を辞任する前に、小沢氏が敷いた路線に沿ってつくられた。

Ozawa enlarged the scale of the DPJ-proposed child-care allowance program, claiming the money needed to finance the program would be raised, no matter how much.
「財源はなんぼでもできる」と言い切り、子ども手当の規模を拡大させたのも小沢氏である。

While it's true that Ozawa's political tactics made some contribution to his party's ascent to power, the government is now paying an enormous price for his tactics.
 こうした戦術が政権交代になにがしかの「貢献」をしたのは事実だろう。しかし、その「貢献」のおかげで政権が払わされている代償は甚大である。

The Kan administration is facing opposition criticism that the DPJ made many empty policy promises not backed by a solid financing plan. There is currently little hope for constructive bipartisan talks on Kan's key policy proposals.
公約は財源のない空証文だと批判を浴びて、与野党協議もままならない。

Ozawa's past behavior indicates that his political priorities may not be realizing policies and visions, and he has insisted that the DPJ should stick to its manifesto.
 小沢氏流の政治はまた、政策なり理念なりを二の次にしていると疑わざるをえない。
 小沢氏は衆院選公約の固守を説く。

Old-fashioned numbers game
■古い原理に乗る矛盾

During the process of formulating the budget for the current fiscal year, however, he decided that the gasoline tax surcharges should stay in place despite his previous fight to have them scrapped.
 しかし、あれほど廃止にこだわっていた暫定税率の維持を、10年度予算編成で決めたのは小沢氏自身である。

Ozawa also decided that outlays for land improvement projects should be halved, a move seen as political punishment for an industry organization that supported the LDP. His move forced the organization to declare its "political neutrality."
 土地改良予算半減の判断も、小沢氏によるものだ。それは自民党支持の業界団体への制裁と受け止められ、団体は「政治的中立」を宣言するに至る。

If his true goal is the realization of his policy visions, he had many opportunities to pursue the goal while the DPJ was an opposition party controlling the Upper House. But he didn't take advantage of these opportunities.
 政策の実現が真の目的なら、参院の多数を握っていた野党時代にも、それは十分可能だったはずだが、小沢氏はそうはしなかった。

In addition, there is little transparency in the way he exercises his political power. In a dual power structure, Ozawa made policy decisions as a party kingpin while pulling the strings of the prime minister, who is supposed to be the top decision-maker.
 しかも、その権力行使は透明性を欠く。「最高責任者」たる首相の背後で党側の小沢氏が決める「二重権力」。

Unlike the prime minister, who cannot escape from his accountability to the Diet, Ozawa can easily avoid being held accountable for his decisions.
国会から逃れられない首相と異なり、説明責任からも自由になりやすい。

He acts on the conviction that the source of political power lies in the number of allies. This is the logic of faction politics, which involves increasing the number of followers by offering election support and money.
 力の源泉は数。選挙や資金の面倒をみて手勢を養う派閥の論理である。

That's why the public casts a suspicious eye on his fund-raising machine, which secures the huge amounts of money needed for this politics of patronage.
だから、多額の資金をどう賄っているのか疑問の目を向けられることになる。

Ozawa's advocacy of reform is fundamentally incompatible with his old-fashioned approach to politics, which is a legacy of the so-called 1955 system, marked by the de facto monopoly of power by the LDP amid ideological confrontation with the Socialists.
 55年体制的な古い原理に乗って「改革」を主導する。そこに小沢氏の抱える自己矛盾を見てとることができる。

Ozawa's commitment to creating a political situation where power transfers to and fro between two major parties is the original goal of his political reform has also become shaky, if his actions in recent years are any indication.
 「2大政党による政権交代のある政治」の実現という政治改革の原点も、その後の小沢氏の行動からすれば揺らいで見える。

During the administration of Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda, Ozawa surprised the public by plotting to engineer a "grand coalition" between the LDP and the DPJ.
 福田内閣時代、自民、民主の「大連立」を工作し、世を驚かせた。

After the DPJ came to power, however, Ozawa adopted a political strategy focused on weakening the LDP's power base.
 逆に政権奪取後は、自民党を徹底的に追い詰める方向にかじを切る。

His political track record inevitably leaves us wondering what he has been pursing other than power.
 その政治的遍歴を見るにつけ、小沢氏が追い求めてきたものは結局、権力のほかの何だったのかという疑問が浮かんでくる。

No time to unseat the Cabinet
■「倒閣」の時なのか

Politics, of course, is a practice that can never be separated from power.
 もとより政治という営みは権力と無縁では成り立たない。

Japan's voting public will never see an end to power struggles among their lawmakers. But something has to give.
今後も時に「政局」と呼ばれる抗争局面が訪れるだろう。しかし、物事には限度がある。

The nation has been plagued by constant political bickering. Since the departure of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the revolving door at the prime minister's office over the past several years has presented an unseemly spectacle. Ozawa's political influence was apparently behind many of these leadership changes.
 ポスト小泉の日本政治は、政争がひときわ絶え間ない。首相の「たらい回し」は目に余る。その多くに小沢氏の影が見える。

It is about time for Japan to outgrow this acceptance of constant political power struggles and depart from winning power by making smooth talk to voters.
 そろそろ、権力闘争にうつつを抜かす政治から卒業する時である。

Maybe then lawmakers will be able to take a hard look at the bitter realities facing the nation and tackle them head-on.
 甘い言葉で権力を奪う政治から、苦い現実を見据える政治へ。

Japan needs a leader who offers careful explanations about his policies and makes serious efforts to persuade the public to support them, instead of a leader who acts as if he had a carte blanche.
白紙委任を得たかのように振る舞う指導者から、丁寧に説明し、説得する指導者へ。

Japan also needs a Diet that seeks agreements through serious debate focused on policy issues, instead of a Diet preoccupied with partisan invectives.
与野党が非難の応酬に終始する国会から、政策本位で合意を探る国会へ。

The public is taking a dim view of the Kan administration, which is struggling to improve its performance.
 菅政権は低迷を脱せず、民意の評価は一層厳しい。

Even so, with every Japanese keenly aware that the nation is facing a litany of woes, this is no time for political battles between ruling party rebels trying to overthrow the Cabinet and a prime minister threatening to dissolve the Lower House.
それでもなお、誰もが日本の難局を痛感している今このとき、「倒閣」だ、「解散」だとぶつかり合っている場合だろうか。

2011/02/22

余録:思いがけないこと

景気をよくするため、印刷機を回して大量の紙幣を印刷する国(欧米、日本など)と、しない国(タイなど)とでお金の価値が変っているのは、例えば砂糖水に例えられる。砂糖が取引される実態(商品やサービスなど)、水は紙幣。
アメリカや日本などは実体経済を超えるほどの紙幣を印刷するので、その結果商品やサービスなどは割高となり、タイでは大量の紙幣を印刷しないのでそれらは低価格に押さえられている。アメリカと日本の物価は同程度、タイの物価は日本の三分の一ほど、フィリピンの物価は日本の五分の一ほど。
(スラチャイ初歩の経済学^^)

タイでは食用油の価格がここ数カ月で2倍に跳ね上がり庶民を苦しめています。
先日スーパーで食用油の棚を見てびっくり仰天しました。
こんな急激な物価の上昇は困りますね。
アメリカはこの件に関して最も大きな責任を有するものです。
英文は和文の翻訳版ですが翻訳者の技量で大量の情報が付加されていています。
これぞ翻訳者冥利につきる^^。
この種の翻訳は逐語訳が基本ですが毎日は異彩を放っております。
(スラチャイ記)

Is 'butterfly flapping wings' in Federal Reserve linked to revolution in Cairo?
余録:思いがけないこと

The unexpected has struck, and for unexpected reasons.
世の中は思いがけないことが原因で思いがけないことが起きる。

In Japan, the roots of the revolutions now taking hold in many nations in the Middle East could be described with the expression, "If the wind blows, the bucket-makers prosper," meaning that events can bring about effects in unforeseen ways.
「風が吹けばおけ屋がもうかる」ということわざのいう通り。

One might also turn to the "butterfly effect," a term from chaos theory used to describe how small changes in a complex environment can result in major consequences elsewhere.
The term "butterfly effect" is taken from perhaps the most famous illustration of chaos theory in action: the butterfly that flaps its wings in the Amazon, triggering a series of small but crucial atmospheric events that result in a tornado in Texas.
世界を「複雑系」ととらえる学問では「アマゾンでチョウが羽ばたくとテキサスで竜巻が起きる」という言い方をするそうだ

In the case of the Middle Eastern revolutionary movements, the "butterfly" could be the easing of monetary policy in the United States.
その伝に従えば「米国で金融緩和するとイスラム諸国で民主化が進む」ということになろう。

The revolutionary winds -- which have blown down dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, and are now gusting in Libya, Bahrain and Iran -- have shown no sign of slowing down.
チュニジアに端を発した民主化を求める民衆の決起は、エジプトに飛び火してムバラク政権を倒し、さらにリビアやバーレーン、イランに広がっている。とどまるところを知らない

The U.S. aim of loosening domestic monetary policy was certainly not to inspire democratic uprisings in the Middle East.
米国はそんなことをもくろんで金融緩和をしたわけではない。

The only goal the Federal Reserve had was to juice up the U.S. economy by boosting the money supply.
景気をよくするため、印刷機を回して大量のドル札を刷っただけだ。

Central banks in Japan and Europe are also doing similar things.
実は日本や欧州の中央銀行も似たようなことをしている。

However, the currencies of the rich, industrialized countries flow all over the world, and have spurred price spikes in basic commodities like food and oil felt particularly keenly by the people of less wealthy nations.
先進国のおカネが世界中に流れ出て食料や石油価格を急騰させた

World Bank President Robert B. Zoellick recently stated that average global food prices have reached dangerously high levels, and one of the issues that have brought people onto Middle Eastern streets by their hundreds of thousands is undoubtedly the impact these high prices are having on the daily lives of ordinary citizens in the region.
世界銀行のゼーリック総裁は「世界の食料価格は危険な水準に到達した」と言っている。民衆の決起の要因のひとつが食料の値上がりなのは確かである。

The power of money on the global stage is increasing, and as it bounces from one corner of the world to another in the blink of an eye -- or, more accurately, trader's keystroke -- it leaves trouble in its wake.
マネーの力の強力なこと。世界中をおカネが駆けめぐって波乱を起こす

This is what "globalism" is, apparently.
グローバリズムとはこういうことだったらしい。

However, just how far-reaching its effects will be is impossible to see.
しかし因果の連鎖の行き着く先はさっぱり見えない。

The meeting of G20 finance ministers which recently wrapped up in Paris tried to put together ideas on exactly what monetary globalism is and how to manage it -- and failed, it would seem.
パリに主要20カ国・地域(G20)の財務責任者が集まって鳩首(きゅうしゅ)協議したが、何をしたらいいのかよい知恵も出なかったようだ

According to expert opinion, the anxiety felt by G20 finance ministers relates not only to what is happening in the Islamic world but also to inflation in China.
専門家に聞くと、イスラム諸国もさることながら中国のインフレが心配のタネらしい。

As the engine of world growth, if the Chinese economy goes off the rails, it will take the global economy with it -- and U.S. consumers are a major source of fuel for the Chinese engine.
中国経済がヘンなことになると世界経済は成長のエンジンを失ってしまう。

And so the eyes of the world turn to the thunder of the U.S. money presses; a butterfly flaps its wings in the Federal Reserve, and a revolutionary tornado strikes Tunis, Cairo, Tripoli and beyond. ("Yoroku," a front-page column in the Mainichi Shimbun)
「米国の紙幣輪転機が回ると世界が目を回す」昨今だ。

(Mainichi Japan) February 21, 2011
毎日新聞 2011年2月21日 0時21分

2011/02/21

香山リカのココロの万華鏡:カゼの功名 /東京

(Mainichi Japan) February 20, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: The unexpected upside of a cold
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:カゼの功名 /東京

Although my health is one of the few things I pride myself on, I recently came down with a cold. My fever went down after a single night, but after that I completely lost my voice.
 からだが丈夫なことだけが自慢の私なのに、不覚にもカゼを引いてしまった。熱は一晩で下がったが、そのあと声がまったく出なくなった。

A psychiatrist cannot just laugh off losing her voice. However, I discovered that my lost voice wasn't as much of a hindrance as I expected it to be. When I told my patients, my voice just a whisper, "Sorry, I have a cold ..." they would lean forward to hear me, and I felt the emotional distance between us greatly vanish.
 声の出ない精神科医、なんてしゃれにもならないが、実はそれほど不便はないことがわかった。ささやき声で「ちょっとカゼで……」と伝えようとすると、患者さんは身を乗り出してそれを聞こうとしてくれる。それだけで、距離がぐっと縮まったような感じになるのだ。

During our meetings, there were patients who would tell me, "I understand, doctor," and grasp what I was trying to say to them. There were even patients who kindly helped me out with their prescriptions. I was completely reliant on my patients, practically doing nothing but sitting and nodding.
 それからは、「先生、わかりました」と自分の話したいことの要点をかいつまんで語ってくれる人もいれば、「クスリですが、あれとあれは余ってまして……」と処方のことまで指示してくれる人もいる。こちらはおんぶにだっこ、すべてを患者さんにゆだね、うなずいているしかない。

Of course, there were times when my lost voice kept me from conveying things I wanted to, but for those things that absolutely had to be said, I could still whisper them out.
 もちろん、言いたいことが言えなくてやや困ることもあったが、どうしても必要なことははじめのようにささやき声で伝える。

Perhaps it was because the patients had to listen very closely to hear me, but for some reason I felt like my whispering got across better than when I speak normally. Even patients who normally are picky about what medicines they take simply agreed to what I said.
不思議なことに、そのほうが聞く側も真剣になるためか、よく伝わる気がする。いつもは「いや、そのクスリは好きじゃないんで」と拒みがちな人も、「はい、わかりました」と同意してくれる。

Looking back at this, it's enough to make me feel that almost all of the things I normally go on about during a consultation are in the end, perhaps needless. Maybe a few words are all that's really needed for accurate communication.
 こうしてみると、ふだんの診療であれこれしゃべっていたことのほとんどは不要だったのではないか、と思えてくる。的確なコミュニケーションのために必要な言葉なんて、本当はほんのわずかなのかもしれない。

 これぞ、ケガの功名ならぬ、カゼの功名。

The more we feel awkward or like we have something to be ashamed of, the more likely we are to increase the number of words we use in an effort to hide our uneasiness, but this only makes us seem more suspicious to others. I have told myself that in future patient consultations, I want to try to take a relaxed approach, using short sentences and only saying what is necessary.
 私たちは気まずいとき、自分に負い目があるときほど、不安な気持ちを相手に悟られないために、言葉数を多くしてペラペラしゃべってしまう傾向があるが、それでは信用をなくすばかり。私も今後の診療では、なるべく落ち着いた態度で、必要な言葉だけを短く発する“デキる精神科医”を目指そう……。

While I learned that having one's voice taken by a cold is not a necessarily negative experience for a psychiatrist seeing patients, it made me a big burden on my colleagues at the university I work at. I was supposed to proctor entrance examinations, but since I could not project my voice, another teacher had to take my place.
 「カゼで声が出ない」という事態は、診察には必ずしもマイナスにはならなかったのだが、大学では大きな迷惑をかけてしまった。入試監督にあたっていたのに、声が出せないのでは使いものにならず、会場に着いてからほかの先生にかわってもらうことになったのだ。

Even though I was present at a morning assembly of the proctors, the speaker had to announce that another professor would stand in for me. How embarrassing it was. Ah, sure enough, I had better take care of my health. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
 朝、監督集合の場に座っているのに、説明係の人が「カヤマ先生にかわりまして○○先生」と発表。ああ、恥ずかしかった。やっぱり健康には気をつけよう。

毎日新聞 2011年2月15日 地方版

2011/02/20

調査捕鯨中止 悪質な妨害行為は許されない

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 20, 2011)
Violent antiwhaling actions must be stopped
調査捕鯨中止 悪質な妨害行為は許されない(2月19日付・読売社説)

The Japanese government has decided to call off this season's research whaling in the Antarctic Ocean one month before its scheduled end, due to persistent attacks by the antiwhaling organization Sea Shepherd Conservation Society.
 南極海で調査捕鯨を続けていた日本の船団が、反捕鯨団体「シー・シェパード」の執拗(しつよう)な攻撃を受けて、今季の捕鯨を予定より1か月早く打ち切り、帰国することになった。

Sea Shepherd's obstruction of legitimate research whaling has been in full gear since 2005, but this is the first time Japan has been forced to cancel it.
 妨害行為は2005年から本格化しているが、捕鯨中止に追い込まれたのは初めてのことだ。

As the organization's harassment threatened the lives of the Japanese crew, it was inevitable for the Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry to decide to give up on continuing the whale hunt, out of concern for the crew's safety.
 日本人乗組員の生命が脅かされる状況に至った以上、農林水産省が安全を優先し、捕鯨続行を断念したのは、やむを得まい。

===

IWC condemns harassment

However, we must remember that Japan's research whaling, which started in 1987, is a legitimate, justifiable action based on the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling.
 だが、1987年に始まった日本の調査捕鯨は、国際捕鯨取締条約に基づく正当な活動である。

Sea Shepherd's violent actions to disrupt the research whaling should never be allowed under any circumstances.
 それを暴力的手段で封じようとするシー・シェパードの行為は、決して許されるものではない。

The International Whaling Commission has unanimously adopted a statement strongly condemning Sea Shepherd's dangerous obstruction activities.
 シー・シェパードの妨害行為に対しては、国際捕鯨委員会(IWC)が、全会一致で強く非難する決議を採択している。

In July, a former captain of a small high-speed boat belonging to Sea Shepherd was found guilty by the Tokyo District Court of crimes including trespassing on a whaling ship and injuring a crew member.
 昨年7月には、捕鯨船への不法侵入や乗組員への傷害などの罪に問われたシー・シェパードの小型高速船の元船長が、東京地裁で有罪判決を受けた。

However, Sea Shepherd's harassment has become increasingly violent year after year, as if it is sneering at global criticism of the group.
 しかし、こうした世界的な批判をあざ笑うかのように、妨害活動は年々、激しくなっている。

For example, the organization ascertains the location of the research whaling fleet via satellite, and a high-speed boat approaches perilously close, almost colliding with one of the fleet's vessels. Then Sea Shepherd members throw smoke bombs and incendiary devices. They also tangle ropes in whaling vessels' screws to hinder their steering.
 人工衛星で捕鯨船団の位置を把握し、異常接近したうえで、発煙筒を投げつけ、発火弾を発射する。捕鯨船のスクリューにロープを絡ませ、航行を阻むなどエスカレートする一方だ。

We are worried that Japan's early end to this season's research whaling may give antiwhaling organizations and others the impression that Japan has yielded to obstruction.
 懸念されるのは、捕鯨の中止で、「日本は妨害に屈した」との印象を反捕鯨団体などに与えないかということだ。

To prevent this, Japan must once again present the legitimacy of the research whaling to the international community.
そうならぬよう調査捕鯨の正当性を国際社会に改めて訴えることが必要である。

Australia, which is an anchorage site for Sea Shepherd boats, is an antiwhaling nation and has been dragging its feet in monitoring the organization's activities. However, one of the boats used for obstruction recently was reportedly Australian-registered.
 妨害船の寄港地である豪州は、反捕鯨国で、シー・シェパードの監視には及び腰だったが、今回は豪州船籍の妨害船が含まれているという。

If that turns out to be so, Japan should demand the Australian government strictly control the boat's activities.
豪政府に厳重な取り締まりを求めるべきだ。

===

Continue patient dialogue

Sea Shepherd's harassment has been left almost unchecked. This is mainly because the confrontation between whaling and antiwhaling nations shows no signs of resolution. All Japan can do is patiently continue dialogue with antiwhaling countries.
 妨害活動が半ば放置されているのは、捕鯨国と反捕鯨国の対立が一向に解消しないためでもある。日本は反捕鯨国との対話を粘り強く積み重ねるしかあるまい。

In that sense, last year's IWC convention was a noteworthy turning point for the whaling issue.
その意味で、昨年のIWC総会は一つの転換点として注目されよう。

The chairman submitted a compromise proposal to greatly reduce the catch quota for Japan's research whaling over 10 years and approve the resumption Japan seeks of coastal commercial whaling, albeit with a cap on it.
 議長から、日本の調査捕鯨の捕獲枠を10年間で大幅に削減するかわりに、日本が求める沿岸の商業捕鯨を上限付きで認める案が出されたからだ。

Although the plan was not agreed upon, the mood for possible compromise between the two sides strengthened.
合意には至らなかったが、妥協の機運は高まった。

Under the current research whaling plan in the Antarctic Ocean, Japan is scheduled to catch about 900 minke whales annually.
 南極海の調査捕鯨は現在、年間約900頭を捕獲する計画となっている。

Taking into consideration the low consumption of whale meat in the country, Japan's whaling policy hereafter must be reviewed based on the IWC compromise plan.
鯨肉消費の低迷などを考えれば、今後の捕鯨政策は、IWC案を軸に見直すべきだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 19, 2011)
(2011年2月19日01時16分 読売新聞)

2011/02/19

民主党内紛 会派離脱は筋が通らぬ

(Mainichi Japan) February 18, 2011
Pro-Ozawa lawmakers' attempt to split from parliamentary alliance lacks sense
社説:民主党内紛 会派離脱は筋が通らぬ

Only recently former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama stirred up a political storm by labeling his reference to the deterrent role of the U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa as an "expedient" to rationalize relocation of Air Station Futenma within Okinawa Prefecture.
Now, another commotion has erupted within the ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) over an attempt by 16 party members close to scandal-tainted party heavyweight Ichiro Ozawa to break away from the DPJ-led parliamentary alliance in the House of Representatives.
 普天間問題に関する鳩山由紀夫前首相の「抑止力は方便」発言に続いて、またもや民主党内であぜんとさせられる騒ぎが起きた。同党の小沢一郎元代表に近い比例代表選出衆院議員16人が、衆院会派の離脱届を提出した内紛である。

Indeed, the latest move deals a blow to Prime Minister Naoto Kan and underscores the deadlock that his administration has reached. But as long as internal strife continues within the party, public distrust of the DPJ will only increase.
 確かに今回の分派行動は菅直人首相にとって大きな打撃となり、政権の行き詰まり状況を表すものだろう。しかし、こうした内部抗争が続けば続くほど、民主党そのものへの国民の不信は増幅していくだけだ。まず、それを指摘しておく。

The actions of the 16 party members -- who are attempting to leave the parliamentary alliance in the lower house while remaining in the party -- cannot simply be described as a surprise move; it is a tactic that cannot be permitted.
 そもそも、「院内会派は離脱して新会派を作るが、離党しない」という今回の16人の行動は奇策どころか禁じ手といっていい。

Parliamentary groups are constituents of the Diet that play a part in deciding the number of seats on committees and the allocation of questioning time. It is not unusual for a particular party to form an alliance with independent Diet members or for several parties to form a single alliance, but the party remains a key factor in forming the alliance.
 会派は委員会の議席数や質問時間配分などを決める国会内の構成単位であり、ある党が無所属議員とともに会派を作ったり、複数の党が統一会派を作るのは通常あることだ。だが、基となるのは、あくまで政党である。

If one political party were to split up into several parliamentary alliances and their decisions were divided on important decisions such as the naming of the prime minister and the passing of important bills, then the very foundations of party politics or parliamentary business would be shaken.
同じ政党が複数の会派に分かれ、首相指名や重要法案の賛否で判断が分かれるというのでは、政党政治、あるいは議院内閣制の根幹を揺るがす事態にさえなる。

In order for politicians to leave a parliamentary alliance, the representative of the alliance must submit notification to the chairman. In other words, they must submit to procedures determined by the party.
 会派を離脱するためには、会派の代表者が議長に離脱届を出す、つまり党側が判断する手続きが必要となっているのはそのためだ。

It is only natural for DPJ Secretary-General Katsuya Okada to announce that he does not plan to allow the members to leave the alliance.
岡田克也幹事長が今回、離脱を認めない考えを表明したのは当然である。

In a declaration, the 16 lawmakers heavily criticized the Kan administration, saying it had discarded its election manifesto along with its promises to the public. However, the members told a news conference that it would be meaningless for them to leave the party.
 16人は発表した「宣言」で、「菅政権は国民との約束、マニフェストを捨てた」などと激しく批判する一方、記者会見では「離党したら何の意味もない」とも語った。

The 16 are probably of the position that their party should return to the roots of its manifesto.
民主党はマニフェストの原点に返るべきだというのだろう。

But if that's the case, the members should be working to achieve their goals. They will not win understanding from the public by leaving their parliamentary alliance because their arguments are not getting through, or shaking the political situation by taking a different line in the Diet -- they would be better to leave the party altogether.
 ならば、その実現に努力すればいいのであって、自分たちの主張が通らないから会派を離脱し、国会で別行動を取って揺さぶるというのでは国民の理解は得られまい。離党した方がよほど筋が通るというものだ。

Of course, this would not be of any benefit when the party is trying to pass next fiscal year's budget and related bills quickly.
 もちろん、新年度予算案や予算関連法案の早期成立を図るための行動でもないのだろう。

The Liberal Democratic Party and other opposition parties have demanded major revisions or the withdrawal of the DPJ's manifesto, and it is clear that returning to the line of the manifesto at this stage would not lead to smooth operations in the Diet.
自民党など野党はマニフェストの大幅修正や撤回を求めており、マニフェスト回帰路線は国会運営をスムーズに進めることにつながらないのは明らかだからだ。

But at the same time, one could not be blamed for thinking that the 16 lawmakers are actually upset about moves by the DPJ leadership to suspend Ozawa's qualifications as a party member, and are trying to topple Kan to secure new leadership and a review of any punishment of Ozawa.
 結局、小沢元代表に対し党員資格停止処分の手続きを執行部が進めている点が大きな不満であり、処分の見直しをはじめ、党の主導権を確保するため、菅首相の退陣を狙っていると見られても仕方がない。

Kan and Okada cannot get away with leaving the situation as it is.
 首相や岡田氏も放置しているだけでは済まない。

They have to take firm action against the move to split from the party alliance.
分派行動には厳しい処分で臨まざるを得ないだろう。

The party is dreaming if it thinks it can take part in discussions with the opposition parties when the prime minister can't bring his own party under control.
党内をまとめられない首相に野党との協議など夢のまた夢だ。

There is now no option but for Kan to be prepared for a split within the DPJ.
もはや党分裂も覚悟して臨むほかあるまい。

毎日新聞 2011年2月18日 2時32分

2011/02/18

抑止力は「方便」 国益損なう無責任な鳩山発言

核の傘による抑止力はとうの昔にほころびてしまっている。
しかしながら中国や北朝鮮の暴挙を見るにつけ、アメリカに頼らざるを得ない日本の防衛力は情けない。
自国の防衛のためにアメリカ人の血を流させてはいけない。
毎月2兆円を超す日本のお金が米国債の買い支えのために使われているのはほとんど報道されていない。
おそらくこの件に関しては報道はタブーとなっているのだろう。
霞ヶ関の特別会計は一般会計90兆円をはるかにこえる規模でも新聞紙上で話題になることはない。
新聞社は社会保障費等の安定財源確保の手段を消費税の値上げに決め付けてしまっている。
これはおかしなことだ。
日本は米国の国債を買い支える前にやることがあるのではないでしょうか。
年間30兆円に迫る米国国債の買い支えは1億の国民が赤ちゃんからお年寄りまですべて一人当り30万円ものお金を負担している計算になります。
戦争に負けてしまっている日本は何も言えないのでしょうか。
悔しいですね。
(スラチャイ記)

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 18, 2011)
Hatoyama's loose tongue damaging natl interest
抑止力は「方便」 国益損なう無責任な鳩山発言(2月17日付・読売社説)

Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said recently that when he cited the deterrent provided by U.S. marines stationed in Okinawa Prefecture as a reason for axing a plan to move the marines' Futenma Air Station outside the prefecture, it was "an expedient excuse."
 鳩山前首相が、沖縄・米軍普天間飛行場の県外移設を断念した際、理由に掲げた米海兵隊の抑止力の維持について、「方便だった」と語った。

This irresponsible and inappropriate remark could basically deny the importance of U.S. forces stationed in Japan--a foundation of the Japan-U.S. alliance. His comments will arouse distrust among the people of Japan and the United States, let alone residents of Okinawa.
 日米同盟の根幹である在日米軍の存在さえ否定しかねない、無責任かつ不穏当な発言である。沖縄県民は無論、日米両国民に一層の不信感を与えよう。

Last May, when Hatoyama was prime minister, he announced a plan to relocate the Futenma base outside Okinawa Prefecture had been dropped, and the administration would focus on a new site within the prefecture. "I've come to learn that the deterrent provided by the U.S. Marine Corps [in Okinawa Prefecture] can be maintained only as part of the entire U.S. forces stationed in the prefecture," he said in justifying his decision.
 鳩山氏は首相在任中の昨年5月、普天間飛行場の移設先を「県外」から「県内」に転換する折に、「学ぶにつけ、沖縄に存在する米軍全体の中で海兵隊の抑止力が維持できる」と述べた。

Yet in a recent interview with an Okinawa newspaper and other media, Hatoyama admitted he used the word "deterrent" to rationalize his broken promise to move the base outside the prefecture. He added, "If you call it an expedient excuse, it was."
 ところが、沖縄県の地元紙などのインタビューで、この発言に関し、後付けの理屈として「抑止力」を用いたのであり、「方便と言われれば方便だ」と説明した。

===

Ignorant on alliance

Hatoyama then tried to rationalize this statement by saying he had just agreed when a reporter asked him if "deterrent" had been an "expedient excuse." Regardless, he was extremely careless with his choice of words.
 鳩山氏は記者から「方便か」と問われて追認したと釈明しているが、軽率のそしりを免れない。

The fact that Hatoyama only became aware of the importance of the deterrent after he became prime minister was astonishing in itself. But we were dumbfounded that he was so quick to admit that the deterrent was "an expedient" excuse.
 首相になって抑止力を学んだと述べたこと自体驚きなのに、それを「方便」と簡単に翻すに至っては、唖然(あぜん)とするばかりである。

An even more fundamental issue lies in Hatoyama's views on the bilateral alliance.
 より本質的な問題は、鳩山氏の日米同盟観そのものにある。

Under the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, U.S. marines in Okinawa are operated in conjunction with the U.S. army, navy and air force, with all the forces functioning as the deterrent. That is why the Japan-U.S. alliance, a cornerstone of which is the U.S. forces stationed in Japan, is considered "public property" that maintains peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
 日米安全保障条約のもと、沖縄の米海兵隊は、米陸海空軍と一体的に運用され、その全体が抑止力として機能している。在日米軍を基盤とする日米同盟が、アジア太平洋の平和と安定を確保するための「公共財」とされる所以(ゆえん)だ。

Despite this, after Hatoyama became prime minister, he said, "Japan has had a tendency to excessively rely on the United States," and started advocating the creation of an "East Asian community." His words and actions while he was in office all seemed to indicate Japan's foreign policy was shifting away from the United States and toward Asia.
 それなのに鳩山氏は、首相就任後、「ややもすると米国に依存しすぎていた」として東アジア共同体構想を唱え、“脱米入亜”ととられる言動を繰り返した。

We feel compelled to say Hatoyama lacked a basic understanding of the importance of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
日米安保の重要性に対する基本的な認識が欠けていたと言うほかない。

His ignorance was all too obvious when he admitted during the interview that even during discussions on relocating the base outside the prefecture, his administration had no specific prospective site in mind.
 これは、県外移設を検討した時に政権内で何の具体的な見通しもなかった、とインタビューで認めていることにも表れている。

===

Kan right to be angry

Hatoyama blamed fierce opposition from the foreign and defense ministries as one reason for his failure to move the base outside the prefecture. This argument is ridiculous.
 鳩山氏は、県外移設の方針が頓挫した理由の一つに、外務、防衛両省の強い抵抗を挙げたが、それは筋違いだ。

Even after the change of power, it was unreasonable for the new administration to so readily reject bilateral agreements and erode the relationship of trust carefully built up by previous Japanese and U.S. administrations over many years.
政権交代したからといって、歴代政権が積み重ねてきた日米間の合意と信頼関係を安易に覆すことに無理があった。

At the House of Representatives Budget Committee on Wednesday, Prime Minister Naoto Kan expressed frustration at the "very problematic" remarks made by his predecessor. "His understanding on the matter is different from mine," Kan said. He was quite justified in saying so.
 菅首相が衆院予算委員会で「方便」発言について、「表現は本当に問題だ。私の認識とは違う」と不快感を示したのは当然だ。

Kan needs to swiftly settle the Futenma relocation issue and strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance.
首相は普天間問題の解決を急ぎ、日米同盟強化に努めねばならない。

After he stepped down from the premiership, Hatoyama made clear he intended to quit politics. However, he made a U-turn and said he would continue his political activities "for the benefit of national interests."
 鳩山氏は首相辞任後、いったん引退を表明しながら「国益に資する政治を行うため」として撤回した。

Hatoyama should reflect seriously on just how badly his loose remarks have damaged Japan's interests.
だが、自らの度重なる軽い言葉がどれほど国益を損なっているか、猛省すべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 17, 2011)
(2011年2月17日01時40分 読売新聞)

2011/02/17

景気の行方―攻めの機運をそぐなかれ

2011/02/16
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Japanese economy
景気の行方―攻めの機運をそぐなかれ

Concerns about a double-dip recession--sliding back into recession after a short-lived recovery--have mostly dissipated.
 景気回復が失速する「二番底」の懸念は、杞憂(きゆう)だったようである。

As widely expected, Japan's gross domestic product contracted in the October-December quarter from the previous three months, according to preliminary government data released Monday. The decline was blamed mainly on the wearing-off of the effects of the government's economic stimulus measures, such as the eco-point program to promote sales of energy-efficient home electric appliances.
 きのう発表された昨年10~12月期の国内総生産(GDP)統計の1次速報は、家電のエコポイントなど政策効果が縮小したため、大方の予想通り前期比マイナスだった。

But key economic indicators, like industrial output, clearly suggested that the economy remains on a recovery path.
だが鉱工業生産など指標の動きをよく見れば、回復軌道にあることは明らかだ。

Japan's rebound has been supported primarily by economic growth in emerging countries.
 復調を支えているのは、まず何より新興国の成長だ。

Aggressive efforts by Japanese companies to capitalize on swelling demand in these countries, such as developing new products tailored to the fast-growing markets and ramping up investment for expansion, are beginning to pay off.
発展する市場向けの新製品開発や投資拡大など民間企業の攻めの姿勢が、外需を着実に取り込み、結果を出し始めている。

Another piece of good news for the Japanese economy is receding fears about a U.S. economic downturn. The Federal Reserve Board's second round of quantitative easing, called "QE2," and President Barack Obama's decision to extend Bush-era tax cuts in a bold compromise with the Republicans have combined to stoke consumer spending.
 米国の景気後退懸念が和らいだことも大きい。「QE2」と呼ばれている連邦準備制度理事会(FRB)による金融の量的緩和と、オバマ政権が共和党との大胆な妥協でブッシュ減税の継続に踏み切ったことが、消費意欲を刺激した。

The New York Stock Exchange is now on an upward trajectory.
ニューヨーク市場では株価が上昇気流に乗っている。

As a result, the yen has stopped climbing against the dollar, and the currency market has regained stability.
 その結果、円高ドル安の流れが止まり、為替相場が安定した。

Stock prices in Tokyo have bounced back to life as investors around the world have started returning to the stock market in droves.
世界的な株式市場の再評価の動きのなかで、東京市場も株価が息を吹き返した。

Immediately after the collapse of U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers triggered a global financial crisis in autumn 2008, Japanese companies were stupefied as their global business strategies based on traditional dependence on Western markets had suddenly become obsolete.
 2008年秋のリーマン・ショックの直後、日本企業はそれまでの欧米先進国依存を前提にした世界戦略が崩壊して茫然(ぼうぜん)自失の体だった。

From 2009 through 2010, Japanese companies focused on pulling themselves together for the development of new broad-based strategies for the entire world, including emerging economies, and redistribution of management resources.
一昨年から昨年にかけては、新興国を含めた全世界に視野を広げた新しい戦略作りと、経営資源の再配分に向けた立て直しの時期だったといえるだろう。

This year, they are regaining self-confidence and making bold strategic moves to expand globally with renewed determination.
そして今年は、日本企業が腹をくくって全世界に打って出る。そんな自信回復と行動の年になりつつある。

The trend has been epitomized by a flurry of major strategic alliances, including an agreement between Nippon Steel Corp. and Sumitomo Metal Industries Ltd. to enter merger talks and NEC Corp's decision to set up a joint personal computer venture with China's Lenovo Group Ltd.
 新日鉄と住友金属工業との合併交渉入り、NECによる中国レノボとのパソコン事業合弁など、大がかりな再編の動きがその象徴だ。

Japanese firms are also stepping up their efforts to globalize their management, as evidenced by Olympus Corp.'s decision to promote a British executive to the post of president.
オリンパスが社長に英国人を登用するなど、経営のグローバル化も本格化している。

A growing number of Japanese companies will start making such aggressive moves to expand their global presence in the coming months.
攻めの動きはさらに広がるだろう。

But there are still many causes for worry both at home and abroad.
 とはいえ、内外の不安材料は尽きない。

Excess liquidity sloshing around the world is driving up the prices of food and raw materials, raising concerns about inflation, especially in emerging countries.
世界にだぶつくマネーが食料や資源の相場を押し上げ、新興国を中心にインフレ懸念が募る。

In Europe, the sovereign debt crisis keeps shaking confidence in the euro.
欧州では財政危機がユーロを揺さぶり続けている。

Heightened jitters about the world economy could trigger a new round of the yen's appreciation.
世界経済に緊張感が高まれば、円高がさらに進む恐れもある。

At home, political momentum for fiscal rehabilitation remains alarmingly weak despite the recent downgrade of Japan's sovereign debt by a major credit rating agency.
 国内をみれば、国債格下げという世界市場からの「警告」とは裏腹に、財政再建に向けた政治の動きがおぼつかない。

In addition to the murky outlook of the budget for the new fiscal year, a Diet preoccupied with partisan bickering is arousing anxiety among the public.
新年度予算の行方だけでなく、政争本位の国会自体が国民の間に不安をかきたてている。

There is, fortunately, a positive mood in Japan's business community.
 日本の経済界の空気は前向きだ。

Signs of forward-looking politics would do a lot to help accelerate the expansionary trend among Japanese businesses.
攻めの動きを加速させるには、政治にも前向きな機運が生まれることが何よりだ。

Political leaders should at least make sensible efforts to avoid becoming a drag on the private sector.
民間の足を引っ張らないという見識と努力を示してほしい。

It has also been confirmed that China's GDP surpassed Japan's last year. The news should be taken by Japan as a signal to finally forget its past success and move ahead.
 昨年のGDPで中国が日本を抜いたことも確認された。これも日本が過去にとらわれず、前に進むべきだという警鐘として受け止めたい。

2011/02/16

GDPマイナス 足踏みからの着実な回復図れ

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 16, 2011)
Aim for steady economic recovery
GDPマイナス 足踏みからの着実な回復図れ(2月15日付・読売社説)

Although the margin of Japan's negative economic growth in the fourth quarter last year was smaller than anticipated, we remain concerned about this nation's economic prospects.
 予想よりマイナス成長の幅は小さかったとはいえ、景気の先行きに対する不安はぬぐえない。

In a preliminary report released Monday by the Cabinet Office, the nation's gross domestic product for the October-December period in real terms fell by a seasonally adjusted, annualized 1.1 percent from the previous quarter. This figure backed up previous observations that the economic recovery paused in the second half of last year.
 昨年10~12月期の実質国内総生産(GDP)が発表され、前期比年率で1・1%減となった。昨年後半に景気回復が足踏みしたことを、数字が裏付けた。

On a more positive note, consumer spending and production appear to have gradually improved since the beginning of this year. Many private research institutes have projected a moderate recovery for the January-March quarter.
 今年に入って、消費や生産は持ち直しつつあるようだ。このため、民間調査機関の多くは、1~3月期は緩やかなプラス成長を回復すると見ている。

However, there are still many reasons to feel uneasy. To put the economy firmly on the recovery track, it will be vital for the government and the Bank of Japan to continue implementing policies that prioritize economic growth, such as maintaining an easy-money policy.
 だが、懸念材料は少なくない。政府・日銀は、金融緩和を維持するなど成長優先の政策運営を続け、景気をしっかりと回復軌道に乗せることが肝要だ。

===

A mix of good and bad

In the fourth quarter last year, domestic demand shrank for the first time in five quarters due to a temporary lull in consumer spending resulting partly from a fall in vehicle sales after the government subsidy program for eco-friendly car purchases ended in September.
 10~12月期は、内需が5四半期ぶりにマイナスを記録した。エコカー補助金の打ち切りで自動車販売が急減するなど、消費が一時的に落ち込んだためだ。

A consumer buying spree for flat-screen TVs and other home electronic appliances before the government's eco-point program for energy-efficient appliances was scaled back in December helped make up for the sluggish car sales.
 ただ、12月の家電エコポイントの縮小を前に、薄型テレビなどに対する駆け込み需要が起き、自動車販売の不振を補った。

Although overseas demand declined due to the prolonged rise in the yen's value and the global economic slowdown, Japan's exports to other Asian nations and the United States remained steady.
 外需も、円高や海外経済の減速でマイナスになったが、米国やアジア向けの輸出は底堅かった。

Consequently, Japan's GDP recorded a yearly increase for the first time in three years, in both real and nominal terms.
 この結果、2010年の1年間のGDPは、実質、名目ともに3年ぶりにプラスに転じた。

The data in the report reconfirmed that Japan's economy has finally managed to emerge from the serious recession that started after the collapse of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. in autumn 2008.
 2008年秋のリーマン・ショック以降の深刻な不況からの脱出が改めて確認された形である。

That being said, there is still little room for optimism on the country's economic prospects. Sharp rises in global prices of natural resources and grains, such as oil and wheat, are pushing up prices of raw materials, which is beginning to bite into corporate profits. Japan's employment situation remains severe; the unemployment rate has stayed stubbornly high.
 今後の景気動向については、予断を許さない。原油や小麦など、世界的な資源や穀物の高騰で、原材料の価格は上昇を続け、企業の収益を圧迫し始めている。失業率も高止まりしたままで、雇用は依然として厳しい。

===

Overtaken by China

Despite these worrying circumstances, Diet deliberations on the fiscal 2011 budget and related bills--which are essential to support and boost the economy--have made little progress. The government must make more efforts to pass these bills through the Diet as soon as possible by reviewing the controversial child-rearing allowance program and other wasteful hand-out policies.
 こうした情勢の中、景気下支えに必要な2011年度予算案と関連法案は、国会審議が難航している。子ども手当などのバラマキ政策を見直したうえで、早期成立を図るべきだ。

The Cabinet Office also confirmed that China's GDP surpassed that of Japan in nominal terms on a U.S. dollar basis in 2010.
 今回の発表で、10年の名目GDPは、中国が日本を追い抜いたことが確定した。

Japan was crowned the world's second-largest economy, behind the United States, when it eclipsed West Germany in 1968. After 42 years, Japan has relinquished this position to China.
 日本は1968年に、当時の西ドイツを抜いて米国に次ぐ経済大国となった。その地位を42年間守り続けたが、ついに世界2位の座を明け渡した。

China's rapid economic growth has created a massive market that should provide plenty of lucrative opportunities for the Japanese economy.
 中国経済の急成長は、巨大な市場が生まれることを意味し、日本経済にとってもプラス材料だ。

Unfortunately, the scale of Japan's economy remains at about the same level as it was two decades ago. Although the government should not blindly aim to expand the scale of Japan's economy, it needs to steadily promote strategies that ensure society maintains a certain level of wealth.
 それにしても、日本の経済規模が約20年前と同水準というのは情けない。やみくもに規模拡大を目指す必要はないが、一定の豊かさを維持するため、成長戦略を着実に進める必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 15, 2011)
(2011年2月15日00時04分 読売新聞)

2011/02/15

北方四島国後、択捉、色丹、歯舞は日本固有の領土です

Northern islands-Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan and Habomai Islands are historically an integral part of Japan.
北方四島国後、択捉、色丹、歯舞は日本固有の領土です。
無法なロシアの実効支配がメドベージェフ大統領の指導のもとで拡大しています。
経済協力、極東の開発協力なんてするべきではないでしょう。
完全になめられてしまっております^^。
(スラチャイ記)

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 15, 2011)
Don't let territorial dispute just drift along
日露外相会談 「領土」前進へ粘り強く交渉を(2月13日付・読売社説)

During their meeting in Moscow last week, Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara and his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, discussed the bilateral territorial dispute over four islands off Hokkaido but failed to reach agreement as they reiterated their countries' conventional stances.
 モスクワで開かれた前原外相とラブロフ露外相との会談は、北方領土問題で双方が従来の主張を繰り返し、平行線をたどったまま終わった。

Japan-Russia relations have become seriously strained since Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visited one of the four islands in November. There seems to be little chance of a breakthrough in negotiations over the territorial issue.
 メドベージェフ大統領の北方領土訪問以来、日露関係は険悪さを増し、領土問題での進展は、期待しにくい状態に陥っている。

But letting bilateral relations continue in this chilled state will not benefit either side. We urge both governments to take every opportunity to continue negotiations in a bid to untangle this long-standing issue.
 しかし、このまま放置しては、お互いの利益にはなるまい。あらゆる機会を見つけて協議を続け、解決の糸口を探るべきである。

The Maehara-Lavrov meeting was reportedly tense after beginning without a handshake. Maehara proposed seeking a solution acceptable to both sides based on past accords--including the Tokyo Declaration of 1993--as well as law and justice.
 外相会談は冒頭の握手もなく、厳しい雰囲気だったという。前原氏は、1993年の東京宣言など「これまでの合意文書と法と正義」に基づき、双方が受け入れ可能な解決策を探ろうと提案した。

Lavrov, on the other hand, insisted the two countries "should promote discussions without any premise and historical connections." He appeared to be calling on Japan, which insists all four islands be returned, to take a more flexible stance.
 これに対し、ラブロフ氏は「前提なし、歴史的な結びつきなしに議論を進める必要がある」と述べた。4島返還を主張する日本側に柔軟な対応を求めたのだろう。

===

Outcome wasn't surprise

The meeting lasted about two hours, double the length that had been scheduled. However, both sides ended up arguing at cross-purposes over the four islands known as the northern territories in Japan. The only outcome was an agreement to continue negotiations.
 会談は、予定の倍の約2時間続いたが、結局、議論はかみ合わなかった。協議継続が唯一の成果という寂しさだった。

That the meeting would end with such paltry results had been widely anticipated.
 ただ、この結果は、事前に予想された通りでもあった。

In recent years, Russia has been striving to develop oil and natural gas fields in its Far East region. As part of this endeavor, Russia has invested a considerable amount of money and resources in the four disputed islands. Opinion seems to have been growing in Russia that there is no longer any need to make concessions to Japan on the territorial issue.
 ロシアは近年、極東の石油・天然ガス資源開発に力を入れ、その一環として北方領土にも予算を投入している。もはや日本に領土問題で譲歩する必要はない、との考え方が強まっているようだ。

This view has gained traction following a string of visits to the islands by Russian government leaders following Medvedev's visit to Kunashiri Island.
 大統領に続いて政府要人が相次いで北方領土を訪問したのも、そうした姿勢の表れだろう。

The government should not sit back and allow the "Russianization" of the northern territories. Tokyo must devise a concrete strategy to tackle this issue, rather than merely lobbing inflammatory insults at Russia as Prime Minister Naoto Kan did when he recently called Medvedev's trip "an unforgivable outrage."
 日本としては、北方領土の「ロシア化」をただ傍観するわけには行くまい。菅首相のように大統領の訪問を「許し難い暴挙」と声高に非難するだけでなく、具体的な戦略を立てて臨むべきだ。

===

Flow-on effects

In a meeting of the Japan-Russia Intergovernmental Committee on Trade and Economic Issues held after the foreign ministerial talks, the two countries agreed to set up a roundtable panel consisting of government officials and executives of major businesses to promote bilateral economic cooperation. The panel is expected to discuss modernizing Russian production facilities and development in the Russian Far East.
 一方、外相会談後の貿易経済政府間委員会では、日露の経済協力について、官民による新たな「円卓会議」の設置を合意した。ロシアの生産設備の近代化や極東開発などを協議するという。

Japan's direct investment in Russia has been rising steadily in recent years. Russia, for its part, is hungry for Japan's cooperation in high technology and other fields.
 日本からロシアへの直接投資額はこのところ、右肩上がりで増えている。ロシア側も、日本からのハイテク分野などでの協力に期待を強めている。

We hope this bilateral economic cooperation will eventually lead to improved diplomatic and security ties. This would also help keep China in check.
 日露が経済を突破口に、外交・安全保障でも関係を強化することは望ましいことだ。中国に対抗するうえでも必要だろう。

However, economic cooperation should not be allowed to charge ahead while the territorial dispute is swept under the rug.
 だが、領土問題を置き去りにしての協力であってはならない。

The government must persistently remind Moscow that economic development can be taken to the next level only through the conclusion of a peace treaty that establishes a genuine relationship of trust.
 平和条約を結び、日露間に真の信頼関係が生まれることが、両国の一層の経済発展につながることを、粘り強くロシア側に訴えて行く必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 13, 2011)
(2011年2月13日01時24分 読売新聞)

2011/02/14

Happy Valentine's Day!

今日は新聞の休刊日です^^。
Happy Valentine's Day!

(Mainichi Japan) February 13, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: To those worried about their elderly parents living far away
香山リカのココロの万華鏡:遠距離介護に悩む人へ /東京

I am occasionally interviewed about "long-distance care," perhaps because my parents live in Hokkaido while I work and live in far off Tokyo.
 私自身、実家が北海道、勤務先が関東、と離れているためもあってか、「遠距離介護」についての取材を受けることがたまにある。

One thing I can say about my own experiences is that, as my parents have entered old age, all kinds of problems I couldn't have even imagined when I was young have popped up, from how to go about treating illnesses to how to deal with daily events like shopping and cleaning.
 たしかに、離れた実家に暮らす親が高齢になってくると、若いころには予想もできなかったような問題があれこれ出てくる。病気の治療をどうするかということから、買い物や掃除などの日々の生活のことまで。

If I lived nearby, I could stop by my parents' house on my way back from work. However, since I don't live nearby, I can't very well hop on an airplane and fly across the country every time a light bulb needs changing.
近くにいれば「じゃ、今日、帰りに寄るね」と言えるが、電球ひとつ取り換えるために飛行機に乗って駆けつけるわけにはいかない。

I admit, while saying to my parents, "I'm sorry I can't do anything to help," part of me is secretly relieved that I can get out of the situation without having to do anything. I take advantage of my physical distance as a means to avoid caring for or helping out my parents.
 私など、「何もできなくてゴメンね」と言いながら、心のどこかには「やらずにすんでよかった」という思いもある。遠くにいるのを、介護や手伝いを避ける方便にしているのだ。

However, patients who come to see me at my office are more dutiful. Some even complain of mental and physical stress caused by worrying about their parents. "If my mother calls me and says she's not feeling so well, my heart starts to race," they may tell me. Some of these people fall more and more into negative thinking, and even come out with things like, "I knew it was a mistake to come to Tokyo for work. I should have stayed in my hometown."
 ところが、診察室に来る人たちは、もっとまじめだ。「ちょっと具合が悪いのよ、なんて郷里の母親から電話が来ると、ドキドキしちゃって……」と心身の不調を訴えてやって来る人もいる。中には、どんどんマイナス思考に陥って、「やっぱり都会で仕事をしよう、と思ったのは間違いでした。ずっと実家にいればよかった」などと言い出す人さえいる。

Although I admire these patients' kindness and love for their parents, I don't think it is right for them to blame themselves.
 その親への愛情ややさしさはすばらしいと思うが、そこまで自分を責めるのは、やっぱり間違いなのではないだろうか。

I say to these patients, "Maybe your parents act needier now, but in the past, didn't they say how happy they were that you had made your own way in Tokyo?"
 そういう人には、「どうでしょう、今はご両親も弱気になっているかもしれませんが、かつては都会で自立しているあなたに喜んでいたのでは?」と昔のことを思い出してもらう。

When I tell them this, even patients who initially respond, "No, all my parents ever say is that they had wanted me to live nearby," start to gradually remember. "Now that you mention it, I seem to recall my mother bragging to the neighbors about how hard I was working in Tokyo. I made her stop it because I was embarrassed."
すると、最初は「いえ、近くにいてほしかった、と嘆くばかりです」と言っている人でも、次第に記憶がよみがえってくる。
 「そういえば、近所の人に“ウチの子、東京でがんばってるのよ”と自慢した、と言っていたこともあったような。“お母さん、やめてよ、恥ずかしい”と止めたのですが」

For any parent, the goal of raising a child is not to bring up someone who will take care of them in their old age, rather it is to bring up someone who will stand on their own two feet in the world. People living far from their hometowns have fulfilled their parents' dreams by making their own, independent lives. Those parents surely feel proud of their far-away children and feel satisfied for having raised them in that manner.
 そうそう、どの親にとっても子育ての目標は、「子どもに介護してもらうこと」ではなくて、「子どもを自立した人間に育てること」。遠距離介護に悩む人たちは、「親の願いをかなえて自立した子ども」でもあるのだ。きっと親は、地元を離れてがんばるわが子を誇りに思い、そんな子育てができた自分にも満足しているに違いない。

Those people caring for parents from afar, don't attack yourself or feel ashamed. Do not feel you have failed as a child. Have confidence. It's sufficient to do what you realistically can to help your parents. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
 遠距離介護をしている自分を、責めたり恥じたりしていないで。自分は「子どもとして不合格」だなんて思わずに、自信を持って。その中で、できる範囲でケアしてあげれば、それで十分。
 悩む人たちに、そう声をかけたい。

毎日新聞 2011年2月8日 地方版

2011/02/13

平成の鎖国

選挙がすべての小沢氏、あるいは自民党等の一部議員たちが平成の開国のさまたげになっているのは明らかです。
菅首相は腹をくくって、これらの議員たちと対決して欲しい。
菅首相は米国のオバマ大統領のように、もっと国民に直接アピールすべきです。
選挙がすべての議員たちにその考えを変えさせるためには国民の力が必要なのです。
議員たちは農業に従事している人々の票がそれほど欲しいということでしょう。
これぞ平成の鎖国!
(スラチャイ記)

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 13, 2011)
Japan-Australia EPA essential for TPP talks
日豪EPA 早期合意がTPPの試金石だ(2月12日付・読売社説)

Japan and Australia ended their first round of negotiations on an economic partnership agreement in 10 months Thursday without any breakthrough.
 10か月ぶりに再開した日本と豪州の経済連携協定(EPA)の交渉は、大きな進展がないまま終了した。

Prime Minister Naoto Kan has advocated what he calls the "opening of Japan in the Heisei era," an initiative to promote trade liberalization, and pledged that his government would decide around June whether to join talks on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement with Asia-Pacific countries.
 菅首相は貿易自由化を推進する「平成の開国」を掲げ、米国などが進める環太平洋経済連携協定(TPP)に参加するかどうか、6月ごろに結論を出すと公約している。

Australia is one of the key members in regional negotiations involving the TPP. It would therefore be difficult for this country to join the TPP talks if it fails to reach an agreement in bilateral free trade negotiations with Australia.
 豪州はTPPの主要メンバーだ。日豪EPAで妥結できなければ、TPP参加の道も難しい。

The bilateral free trade pact with Australia is a touchstone for Japan's determination to open its domestic market. Agreeing to it might not be easy, as some members of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan strongly oppose it, but the government should decide to conclude a pact with Sydney as soon as possible.
 日本にとっては、開国の決意が問われる試金石である。民主党内に反対派を抱えるなど環境は厳しいが、政治決断による早期合意が待たれよう。

The EPA negotiations between Japan and Australia started in 2007, but they were suspended for 10 months because Tokyo refused Sydney's demand to reduce its tariffs on imports of agricultural products.
 2007年に始まった日豪EPA交渉は、豪州が求める農産品の関税引き下げに日本が抵抗したため、中断されていた。

===

4 products block progress

The latest round of talks was held in Tokyo to make a fresh start. Attention focused on to what extent Japan would make concessions, but the country did not offer any breakthroughs and the talks ended in disappointment.
 今回、東京で開かれた仕切り直しの交渉は、日本の姿勢がどう変わるのかが注目された。しかし、交渉を打開するような動きはなく、期待外れの結果だった。

The negotiations were hobbled by tariffs Japan has imposed on four foodstuffs--beef, wheat, sugar and dairy products. Their tariff rates are quite high, including 38.5 percent on beef and 360 percent on butter.
 足かせになったのが、牛肉、小麦、砂糖、乳製品の4品目である。関税率は牛肉が38・5%、バター360%などと相当に高い。

The government has protected these items as exceptions to market liberalization in the EPA pacts Japan has agreed to so far with 12 countries and one region.
 これまで日本が13か国・地域と合意したEPAでは、この4品目を市場開放の「例外扱い」として保護してきた。

However, the TPP negotiations are pursuing a higher level of trade liberalization and would require members to reduce all tariffs to zero in 10 years, in principle. Treating some items as exceptions from the very beginning will not be tolerated.
 だが、TPPは、より徹底した貿易自由化を目指し、原則として10年間で関税を撤廃する内容だ。最初から一部を「例外扱い」とする交渉は認められない。

An EPA policy outline that the government released in November stipulates all products will be subject to negotiations regarding trade liberalization. The government needs to change its current stance to conform with this principle.
 政府が昨年11月に決めた経済連携の基本方針には「すべての品目を自由化交渉の対象とする」と明記された。その方針に沿い、従来の姿勢を改める必要がある。

The government is to compile a policy outline in June on agricultural reform aimed at enhancing the international competitiveness of the nation's agricultural sector.
 農業の国際競争力を強化するため、政府は6月に農業改革の基本方針をまとめる。

It is expected to draft strategies such as assistance measures for farmers, who would suffer from an influx of cheap agricultural imports as a result of lowered tariffs, and acceleration of free trade talks with Australia to pave the way for participation in the TPP negotiations.
 関税引き下げなどで打撃を受ける農家の支援策などを検討しながら、豪州との交渉も加速し、TPP参加の道筋をつける――。そうした戦略が求められよう。

===

Mining, industrial goods key

Mining and industrial products are also important in the free trade talks with Australia. Tokyo is demanding Sydney eliminate its tariffs on imports of automobiles and other industrial products. If it does, Japan's exports to Australia would increase.
 豪州との交渉は鉱工業品分野も重要だ。日本は豪州が輸入関税をかける自動車などの関税撤廃を要求している。実現すれば、豪州向けの輸出が拡大するはずだ。

With the envisaged agreement, Japan could also expect a more stable supply of iron ore and coal from Australia, which provides 60 percent of Japan's demand, and of rare earths, which are plentiful in the country.
 日本が需要の6割以上を依存する鉄鉱石と石炭や、豪州に豊富なレアアース(希土類)のさらなる安定供給も期待できよう。

South Korea has already signed free trade agreements with the United States and the European Union, and is engaged in FTA talks with Australia as well. Tokyo must become serious about its own free trade talks with Sydney, so it will not be beaten to the punch by Seoul.
 米国や欧州連合(EU)と自由貿易協定(FTA)を結んだ韓国が、豪州とも交渉中だ。日本は韓国に先を越されないよう、本腰を入れて取り組まねばならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2011)
(2011年2月12日01時12分 読売新聞)

2011/02/12

元素戦略―資源の制約に知恵で挑む

2011/02/11
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 10
EDITORIAL: Substituting rare earths
元素戦略―資源の制約に知恵で挑む

The "magical" elements of rare earths, which can make magnets stronger or produce light, are indispensable in high-tech products, such as motors for hybrid cars and electronic parts, for which Japan is famous.
 少し加えるだけで磁石の力を強めたり、光を出したり、レアアース(希土類)はまるで魔法のような元素だ。
 その魔法は、ハイブリッドカーのモーターやさまざまな電子部品など、日本が得意とするハイテク製品に欠かせない。

Unfortunately, the amount is limited. And major producer China has started to restrict exports, leading to a sharp rise in prices. This is a serious problem for Japan, which is poor in natural resources.
だが困ったことに量が限られ、また主要な産出国である中国が輸出を制限し始め、価格が急騰している。天然資源が乏しい日本にとって、深刻な問題だ。

What if such "magic" can be realized with iron, the most common element on Earth? This may not be a far-fetched dream.
 もし、地球上で最もありふれた元素である鉄で、その魔法を実現できたらどうだろう。
 それこそ夢のような話だが、決して夢ではないかもしれない。

Under an "element strategy," Japanese scientists are thoroughly studying chemical elements to draw new functions and replace rare elements with more common ones. With the support of government offices, including the ministry of science and technology and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, researchers will host a symposium on their strategy in March.
 科学者たちが「元素戦略」と銘打って、元素をとことん研究することで、新たな機能を引き出したり、希少な元素の代替をしたりする研究を進めようとしている。文部科学省、経済産業省なども後押しし、3月にはシンポジウムが開かれる。

We want them to advance their research. Of course, it will not be easy, but there must be other researchers eager to take on this difficult challenge.
 大いに進めてほしい。決してやさしくはないが、困難だからこそ挑戦したいという研究者もいるはずだ。

Restrictions on resources are not limited to rare elements.
 資源の制約は希少元素に限らない。

For example, resources are limited for phosphoric acid and calcium, two of the three elements essential to plants. The other essential element, nitrogen in the air, can be turned into fertilizer in factories.
The limits are particularly true for phosphoric acid because China is starting to impose restrictions on exports of phosphate rocks from which it is produced.
 たとえば、植物に必須の3元素である窒素、リン酸、カリウムのうち、空気中の窒素を使って工場で肥料にできる窒素を除けば、資源はやはり限られている。とりわけリン酸については、中国が原料となるリン鉱石の輸出を制限し始めている。

Resources are also limited for rare metals, such as indium, which is indispensable for liquid crystal displays, and it is also difficult to find substitutes of more common elements, such as copper. The situation has led to increasing thefts.
 液晶パネルに欠かせないインジウムなどのレアメタル(希少金属)も、むろん資源は限られている。銅などのもっとありふれた元素も代替が難しく、盗難が相次ぐ事態になっている。

Technology concerning such materials is a specialty of Japan and Japanese industries. For example, Masato Sagawa of what was then Sumitomo Special Metals Co. was the first to develop a powerful magnet using neodymium, a rare metal, during the 1980s.
 こうした材料をめぐる技術は、産業界も含めて日本のお家芸だ。たとえばハイブリッドカーにも欠かせない、レアアースであるネオジムを使った強力な磁石は1980年代、住友特殊金属(当時)の佐川真人さんが世界に先駆けて開発した。

Professor Hideo Hosono of the Tokyo Institute of Technology is attracting international attention for developing a superconductive substance using iron.
 細野秀雄・東工大教授は、鉄を使って超伝導物質を開発し、世界的に注目されている。

But Japan cannot afford to be complacent. Last year, China surpassed Japan in terms of the number of important research papers in the area of substances and materials.
 しかし、安閑とはしていられない。物質・材料分野の重要論文の数では昨年、中国に抜かれてしまった。

The element strategy project was proposed by Eiichi Nakamura, a University of Tokyo professor, in 2004 to take advantage of Japan's strengths.
 元素戦略は、日本の強みを生かしてさらに飛躍しようと、中村栄一・東大教授が2004年に提案した。

Technology to make fertilizer from nitrogen in the atmosphere was proposed at the end of the 19th century by a British chemist, who warned that people would starve if they ran out of nitrogen fertilizers.
 大気中の窒素を肥料にする技術は19世紀末、「窒素肥料が足りなくなったら餓死者が出る。化学者は空気中の窒素を利用できるようにすべきだ」と英国の化学者が呼びかけた。

"I want young researchers with motivation to take the challenge," Hosono said.
 東工大の細野さんは「意欲のある若い研究者にぜひ挑戦してほしい」という。

With global resources becoming increasingly limited, research into the elements will become all the more important for humankind.
地球の資源が有限であることを考えれば、元素をとことん生かす研究は人類にとって重要だ。

We want Japan, which is scarce in natural resources, to bring this flower into full bloom.
資源小国の日本から、この花を大きく咲かせたい。